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READINGS  IN 
EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


Volume  II 


READINGS   IN 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


A  collection  of  extracts  from  the  sources,  choseji  with 

the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  progress  of 

culture  in  Western  Europe  since 

the  German  Invasions 


BY 

JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON 

Professor  of  History  in  Columbia  University 


Volume  II 

From  the  opening  of  the  Protestant  Revolt 
to  the  present  day 


GINN  AND  COMPANY 

BOSTON     •    NEW   YORK     •    CHICAGO     •     LONDON 
ATLANTA     •     DALLAS     •    COLUMBUS     •    SAN    FRANCISCO 


Copyright,  1906,  by 
JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON 


ALL   RIGHTS   RESERVED 


718.I 


HO 


- 


Cfte   gLtfungum   -gregg 

GINN  AND  COMPANY-  PRO- 
PRIETORS •  BOSTON  •  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

In  its  spirit  and  arrangement  this  second  volume  is  like 
the  first.  Its  contents,  however,  are  drawn  from  resources 
far  more  abundant  than  those  which  were  available  for  the 
earlier  period.  With  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  century 
the  historical  material  expands  in  a  most  surprising  manner. 
Indeed,  one  is  sometimes  tempted  to  think  that  the  mass 
of  sources  of  all  kinds  for  the  times  of  Luther,  Charles  V, 
Francis  I,  and  Henry  VIII  equals  in  bulk  all  that  we  have 
for  the  history  of  the  western  world  before  their  day.  More- 
over, men  begin  to  write  of  their  own  age  with  a  clearness 
and  cogency  and  a  wealth  of  intimate  detail  which  we  miss 
in  what  comes  down  to  us  from  the  earlier  centuries.  The 
difficulty  is  no  longer  to  find  apt  and  varied  illustrations  of 
the  conditions  and  trend  of  events,  but  rather  to  avoid  being 
overwhelmed  by  those  which  press  in  from  all  sides.  I  have 
not  therefore  had  the  heart  to  keep  the  chapters  of  this 
volume  within  the  modest  bounds  prescribed  for  those  in 
the  first,  for  I  found  it  much  easier  to  bring  to  an  end  a 
quotation  from  the  Annals  of  Xanten  than  from  the  Memoirs 
of  Commines.  But  even  if  I  have  devoted  forty  pages  to 
11  Napoleon  and  Europe,"  that  is  not  excessive,  although 
there  may  be  but  ten  on  "Charles  Martel  and  Pippin." 

I  have  been  greatly  aided  in  the  search  for  appropriate 
extracts  by  Dr.   Charles  A.  Beard,  Lecturer  in  History  in 


vi  Preface 

Columbia  University,  who  has  generously  devoted  many 
hours  to  this  aleatory  task.  I  have  also  to  thank  him  for 
preparing  several  of  the  bibliographies.  I  have  received  sug- 
gestions from  the  various  collections  of  illustrative  material 
which  have  been  published  from  time  to  time,  especially  the 
Tra?islations  and  Reprints  issued  from  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania ;  the  "  source  books  "  of  Miss  Kendall,  Pro- 
fessor Colby,  and  Dr.  Lee ;  Correard's  Choix  de  Textes  ;  and, 
above  all,  Schilling's  Quellenbuch.  A  number  of  the  trans- 
lations from  the  French  and  German  I  owe  to  my  wife,  who 
has  also  given  me  her  constant  aid  in  the  revision  of  the 

manuscript  and  the  reading  of  the  proof. 

J.  H.  R. 

Columbia  University,  New  York, 
November  3,  1905. 


CONTENTS  AND  LIST  OF  CITATIONS 


VOLUME   II 

CHAPTER  XXIII  — EUROPE  AT  THE  OPENING 
OF  THE  SIXTEENTH   CENTURY 

PAGE 

I.  The  Expedition  of  Charles  VIII  into  Italy 

231.  Attitude  of  the  Italian  states  toward  France    ....       2 

Memoires  de  Philippe  de  Commynes,  livre  vii,  cc.  3  and  5 ; 
livre  viii,  c.  3 ;  ed.  Mandrot ;  trans,  with  some  inaccuracies, 
in  the  Bohn  Library 

231a.  Florence  and  the  Medici 6 

Ibid,  livre  vii,  c.  6 

231b.  Savonarola 7 

Ibid,  livre  viii,  c.  3 

II.  Machiavelli  on  the  Troubles  in  Italy 

232.  Machiavelli's  estimate  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic    •  .     .       9 

//  Principe,  c.  21 ;  ed.  Burd ;  trans,  by  Thomson  (Clarendon 
Press,  1897) 

232a.  Should  a  prince  keep  his  promises 10 

Ibid.  c.  18 

232b.  Alexander  VI  and  Caesar  Borgia 11 

Ibid.  c.  7 

232c.  Machiavelli  calls  upon  the  Medici  to  expel  the  "  bar- 
barians " 13 

Ibid.  c.  26 

III.  The  Chevalier  Bayard  and  the  Battle  of  Marignano 

233.  How  Bayard  chose  the  profession  of  arms 16 

Histoire  du  gentil  seigneur  de  Bayart  composee  par  le  loyal 
Serviteur,  c.  i ;  ed.  by  Roman,  pp.  3-6  (Soc.  de  l'hist.  de 
Fr.,  1878) 

233a.  How  Francis  I  succeeded  Louis  XII 17 

Ibid.  c.  58,  pp.  366  sqq. ;  c.  59,  p.  371 

vii 


viii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

233b.  The  battle  of  Marignano    ' 19 

Ibid.  c.  60,  pp.  380  sqq. 

IV.  Spain  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century 

234.  Guicciardini's  report  on  Spain  (15 13) 24 

Opere  inedite  di  Guicciardini  (Florence,  1863),  VI,  271  sqq. 

* 

CHAPTER  XXIV  — GERMANY  BEFORE  THE 
PROTESTANT  REVOLT 

I.  Germany  in  the  Time  of  Maximilian  I 

235.  A  Venetian  ambassador's  account  of  Germany  in  1507      31 

Relazioni  degli  ambasciatori  Veneti ;  ed.  by  Alberi,  Series  I, 
Vol.  VI,  pp.  5,  6  sq.,  9  sqq.,  12,  24  sqq. 

II.   The  Ship  of  Fools  and  The  Praise  of  Folly 

236.  Extracts  from  Brant's  Ship  of  Fools 37 

Sebastian  Brands  Narrenschiff,  cantos  99  and  jt,  ;  ed.  by 
Simrock 

237.  Extracts  from  Erasmus'  Praise  of  Folly 41 

MflPIAS  ETKHMION:  Stultitiae  Laudatio,  Desiderii 
Erasmi  declamatio  (London  and  Paris,  1777),  cc.  xl,  xli, 
liii,  lix 

III.  The  Letters  of  Obscure  Men 

238.  Examples  of  the  Letters  of  Obscure  Men 47 

Ulrichi  Hutteiii  operum  supplementum,  Epistolae  Obscuro- 
rum  Virorum  ,  recensuit  Booking,  Leipzig,  1864.  Pars 
II,  Nos.  26,  49;  Pars.  I,  No.  35.  Vol.  I,  pp.  226  sq.,  263, 
and  53.    The  letter  given  in  the  note  is  No.  9  of  Part  II 

CHAPTER  XXV  — MARTIN   LUTHER  AND  HIS 
REVOLT  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH 

I.  The  Preaching  of  Indulgences 

239.  An  official  account  of  indulgences 54 

Gerdes,  Introductio  in  historiam  evangelii  seculo  XVI 
retiovati,  Vol.  I,  Supplement,  pp.  90  sqq. 

II.  Luther's  Ninety-five  Theses 

240.  Examples  of  Luther's  ninety-five  theses 58 

Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Reformation, 
Vol.  VI  (Analecta),  pp.  S^  sqq. ;  trans,  in  Wace  and 
Buchheim,  Luther's  Primary  Works,  pp.  6  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  ix 


PAGE 


III.  Letter  of  Warning  to  Luther  from  one  of  Eras- 

mus' Friends 

241.  Letter  of  Capito  to  Luther 62 

Luther' 's  Briefwechsel ;  ed.  Enders,  Vol.  I,  pp.  228  sqq. 

IV.  The  Disputation  at  Leipzig  (15 19) 

242.  Eck's  report  on  the  Disputation 64 

Lutheri  opera  Latinavarii  argumenti  (Erlangen,  1866),  III, 
476  sq.  \  trans,  in  the  Crozer  Historical  Leaflets,  No.  4 

V.  Luther  on  "  Good  Works  " 

243.  "  Good  Works  "  and  Justification  by  Faith 66 

"  Von  den  guten  Werken,"  D.  Martin  Luther's  Werke, 
Weimar  ed.,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  204-207 

VI.  Hutten's  Appeal  to  German  Patriotism 

244.  Hutten's  dialogue,  Fever  the  Second 69 

Ulrich  von  Hutten's  Schriften  ;  ed.  Booking,  IV,  139  sqq. 

244a.  Vadiscus,  or  the  Roman  Trinity 70 

Ibid.  pp.  153  sqq. 

245.  Hutten's  appeal  to  the  elector  of  Saxony 72 

Ibid.  Vol.  I,  pp.  393  sqq. 

VII.  Luther's  Address  to  the  German  Nobility 

246.  Luther  asserts  the  right  of  the  secular  rulers  to  reform 

the  Church 74 

Luther's  Werke,  Weimar  ed.,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  405-415;  trans, 
by  Wace  and  Buchheim,  Luther's  Primary  Works, 
pp.  17  sqq. 

246a.  The  expense  to  Germany  of  the  cardinals 79 

Ibid.  pp.  416,  427 

246b.  Example  of  Luther's  vigorous  German 80 

Lemme,  Die  drei  grossen  Reformations  schriften  Luther's 
vomjahre  1320  (2  ed.  1884),  p.  82 

VIII.  Luther  rejects  most  of  the  Seven  Sacraments 

247.  Luther's  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the  Church     .     ...    81 

"  De  captivitate  Babylonica  ecclesiae  praeludium,"  Luther's 
Werke,  Weimar  ed.,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  508  and  512;  trans. 
Luther's  Primary   Works,  pp.  141  sqq. 

IX.  The  Edict  of  Worms  (15  21) 

248.  The  Edict  of  the  Diet  of  Worms 83 

German  edition  in  Luther's  Werke,  ed.  Walch,  Vol.  XV, 
cols.  2264  sqq. ;  Latin  version  in  Gerdes,  Historia 
Reformationis,  Vol.  II,  Appendix,  pp.  34  sqq.  See  note 
below,  p.  88 ;  trans,  in  the  Crozer  Historical  Leaflets, 
No.  3 


x  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

X.  Erasmus'  Distrust  of  Luther  PAGH 

249.  The  prudent  policy  of  Erasmus 89 

Desiderii  Erasmi  Roterodami  opera  omnia  (Ley den,  1703), 
Vol.  Ill,  Pars  I,  col.  651 

CHAPTER  XXVI  — THE  COURSE  OF  THE 
PROTESTANT  REVOLT  IN  GERMANY 

I.  The  Peasant  War 

250.  The  "  Twelve  Articles  "  of  the  peasants 94 

Oechsle,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  Bauernkriegs 
(Heilbronn,  1830),  pp.  246  sqq. 

251.  Luther  on  the  "  Twelve  Articles  " 99 

"  Verlegung  der  12  Artikel  nebst  dessen  Vermahnung  beydes 
an  die  Oberkeit  und  Bauerschaft,"  Luther's  Werke,  ed. 
Walch,  XVI,  cols.  84  sqq. 

252.  The  revolt  of  the  peasants  and  of  the  artisans      .     .     .  101 

Baumann,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  Bauernkriegs  aus 
Rotenburg  an  der  Tauber,  pp.  593  sqq.  In  Bibliothek  des 
Litterarischen  Vereins  in  Stuttgart,  Vol.  CXXXIX 

253.  Luther  "  Against  the  Murdering  and  Robbing  Bands  of 

the  Peasants  " 106 

Luther's  Werke,  ed.  Walch,  Vol.  XVI,  cols.  91  sqq. 

II.  The  Augsburg  Confession  (1530) 

254.  Extracts  from  the  Augsburg  Confession 108 

Tschackert,  Die  unverdnderte  Augsburgische  Kon- 
fession,  Leipzig,  1901.  (The  best  collection  of  the  several 
Latin  and  German  Versions) ;  trans,  by  Krauth  in  the 
Book  of  Concord  edited  by  Jacobs 

III.  The  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg  (1555) 

255.  Extracts  from  the  Peace  of  Augsburg 113 

Dumont,  Corps  universel  diplomatique,  Tome  IV,  pt.  iv, 
pp.  88  sqq. ;  trans,  from  the  Latin  version  in  the  Crozer 
Historical  Leaflets,  No.  5 


CHAPTER  XXVII  — THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLT 
IN  SWITZERLAND  AND  ENGLAND 

I.  Zwingli  and  the  Reformation  at  Zurich 

256.  The  first  disputation  at  Zurich  (1523) 118 

Huldrici  Zwingli  opera  ;  ed.  by  Schuler  und  Schulthess,  I, 
114  sqq.,  passim;  trans,  by  L.  A.  McLouth  in  Select 
Works  of  Zwingli  ed.  by  S.  M.  Jackson,  1901 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xi 

II.  Calvin  and  his  Work  PAGB 

257.  Extracts  from  Calvin's  address  to  Francis  I     .     .     .     .123 

"  Epistola  nuncupatoria,"  prefaced  to  the  Institution  in  Cal- 
vini  opera,  I,  10  sqq.,  passim  ;  trans,  by  Thomas  Norton, 
1634 

258.  Calvin  on  predestination 126 

Christianae  religionis  Institution  Lib.  ii,  c.  i,  5,  7,  and  8; 
Lib.  iii,  c.  xxi,  5,  and  c.  xxiii,  2.  Calvini  opera,  II ;  trans, 
by  Thomas  Norton 

259.  Protestant  intolerance  in  Geneva  before  Calvin's  arrival  129 

Calvini  opera,  XXI,  203 

260.  Calvin's    project    for    church    government    (January, 

I537) 130 

Ibid.  X,  Pars  I,  cols.  9  sq. 

261.  The  duties  of  elders,  or  presbyters 133 

"  Projet  d'ordonnances  ecclesiastiques "  (1541),  ibid.  X, 
Pars  I,  cols.  15  sqq. 

262.  Regulations  for  the  villages  about  Geneva 134 

"  Ordonnances  sur  la  police  des  eglises  de  la  campagne," 
ibid.  X,  Pars  I,  cols.  51  sqq. 

III.  The  English  Humanists  :  Colet  and  More 

263.  Erasmus  meets  More  and  young  Henry  VIII  ....  135 

Erasmus,  Opera ;  ed.  Le  Clerc  I,  praef. ;  trans,  in  Nichols, 
The  Epistles  of  Erasmus,  I,  201 

264.  Erasmus  describes  himself 135 

Ibid.  Ep.  41,  Nichols,  op.  cit.  206 

265.  More's  own  account  of  his  busy  life 136 

Letter  to  Giles  accompanying  the  Utopia.  Utopia;  ed. 
J.  H.  Lupton  (Oxford,  1895),  pp.  3  sq. 

IV.  Henry  VIII,  Wolsey,  and  Queen  Catherine 

266.  A    Venetian    ambassador's    account    of    Henry   VIII, 

Queen  Catherine,  and  Wolsey 137 

Sebastian  Giustiniani,  Report  of  England  made  to  the 
Senate.  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  ijoq-isiq, 
pp.  559  sqq. 

267.  Catherine's  protest  against  Henry's  conduct    .     .     .     .139 

Somers,  Tracts,  Third  Collection  (1751),  I,  5 

268.  Wolsey's  appeal  to  Henry  VIII  (1529)         140 

State  Papers  published  under  the  Authority  of  his  Majesty's 
Commission  (1830),  I,  347  sq. 


xii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

V.  Henry  VIII  repudiates  the  Headship  of  the  Pope 

269.  Extract  from  the  first  Act  of  Succession  (1534)    •     ■     •   141 

Statutes  of  the  Realm,  III,  471 ;  also  in  Gee  and  Hardy, 
Documents  Illustrative  of  the  English  Church  (1896), 
pp.  238  sq. 

270.  The  Act  of  Supremacy 141 

Statutes  of  the  Realm,  III,  492;  Gee  and  Hardy,  243  sq. 

271.  Execution  of  Fisher  and  More 142 

Hall,  Chronicle  (London,  1809),  p.  817 

VI.  Church  Reforms  of  Henry  VIII 

272.  An  account  of  the  destruction  of  the  monasteries     .     .144 

Ellis,  Original  Letters  Illustrative  of  English  History, 
Third  Series,  III,  33  sq. 

VII.  Protestantism     established     in     England     under 
Edward  VI 

273.  Act  against  "  such  as  shall  unreverently  speak  against 

the  sacrament" 146 

Statutes  of  the  Realm,  IV,  2 ;  Gee  and  Hardy,  323  sq. 

274.  Act  for  "  putting  away  diverse  books  and  images  "  .     .   147 

Ibid.  IV,  no  sq. 

VIII.  The  Catholic  Reaction  under  Queen  Mary 

275.  A  Venetian  ambassador's  impressions  of  Mary    .     .     .  149 

"  Report  of  Giovanni  Michele  on  his  return  from  Eng- 
land, 1557,"  Ellis  (as  above,  No.  272),  Second  Series,  II, 
236  sqq. 

276.  Mary's   directions   for   the    execution  of   an   heretical 

bishop 151 

Goldsmid,  Collection  of  Documents  Illustrative  of  the 
Reigns  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  Sovereigns  (1886)  [an 
ostentatious  title,  it  may  be  observed,  for  so  tiny  a  col- 
lection], Pt.  II,  p.  16 


CHAPTER  XXVIII  — THE  CATHOLIC  REFORMA- 
TION:   PHILIP   II 

I.  The  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent 

277.  Extracts  from  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of  Trent  .     .     .156 

Canon es  et  decreta  sacrosancti  concilii  Tridentini,  Session 
xiv,  C.  v;  Session  xv  (near  the  beginning) 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xiii 

PAGE 

277a.  The  hierarchy  and  the  seven  sacraments 159 

Ibid.  Session  xxiii,  "  de  sacramento  ordinis,"  canones  i,  4, 
and  6  ;   Session  vii,  "  de  sacramento  in  genere,"  canon  1 

277b.  Bishops  and  priests  should  explain  the  sacraments  .     .  159 
Ibid.  Session  xxiv,  C.  vii 

277c.  Prelates  should  live  frugally 160 

Ibid.  Session  xxv,  "  de  reformatione,"  C.  i 

II.  The  Society  of  Jesus 

278.  The  first  papal  bull  approving  the  Jesuits  (1540)       .     .  161 

Literae  apostolicae  quibus  institutio  .  .  .  et  varia  privilegia 
continentur  societatis  Jesu  (Rome,  1578),  pp.  1  sqq. 

III.  The  Abdication  of  Charles  V 

279.  Charles  V's  address  at  Brussels  (1555) 165 

Pontus  Heuterus,  Rerum  Austriacarum  Libri  XV.  In 
his  Opera  historica  (1643),  PP*  33%  s9- 

IV.  Philip  II  of  Spain 

280.  A  Venetian  ambassador's  estimate  of  Philip  II    .     .     .   168 

Gachard,  Relations  des  ambassadeurs  Venetiens  sur 
Charles-Quint  et  Philippe  II  (Bruxelles,  1855),  pp. 
122  sqq. 

281.  A  letter  of  Philip  II  to  his  young  daughters    .     .     .     .170 

Gachard,  Lettres  de  Philippe  II  a  ses  filles  (1884),  No. 
xiii,  pp.  133  sqq.  (Spanish  original  with  French  transla- 
tion) 

V.  The  Revolt  of  the  Netherlands 

282.  A  Venetian  ambassador's  account  of  the  Netherlands 

^S57) 171 

Gachard  (as  above,  No.  280),  pp.  76  sqq. 

283.  Extracts  from  the  "placard"  of  April,  1550     ....  173 

Apologie  de  Guillaume  de  Nassau,  Prince  d'Orange,  etc. ; 
ed.  Lacroix  (Bruxelles,  1858),  pp.  275  sqq. 

284.  Proclamation  of  1 580  outlawing  William  of  Orange .     .  174 

Ibid.  pp.  5  sqq. 

285.  The  "Apology  "of  William  the  Silent  (1581)  ....  177 

Ibid.  pp.  51  sqq.,  108  sq.,  154  sq. 

VI.  The  Wars  of  Religion  in  France 

286.  The  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew 180 

De.Thou,  Histoire  des  choses  arrivees  de  son  temps  (Paris, 
^59) ,  PP-  658  sqq. 


xiv  Conte7its  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

287.  Extracts  from  the  Edict  of  Nantes 183 

Dumont,  Corps  diplomatique,  V,  544  sqq. 

VII.  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  Elizabeth 

288.  Melville's  impressions  of  Elizabeth  in  1564 186 

Sir  James  Melvil  of  Halhill,  Memoirs  (Glasgow, 
1 751),  pp.  10 1  sqq.  There  is  a  better  edition  published  by 
the  Bannatyne  Club,  1827 

289.  The  bishop  of  London  on  the  dangers  from  Catholic 

conspiracy  (1572) 187 

Ellis,  Original  Letters  (as  above,  No.  272),  Second  Series, 
III,  23  sq. 

VIII.  The  Latter  Part  of  Elizabeth's  Reign 

290.  John  Hawkins  on  the  fight  with  the  Armada  .     .     .     .189 

State  Papers  relating  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada  ; 
ed.  Laughton  (2d  ed.,  1895),  I,  358  sqq. 

291.  Elizabeth's  character  and  tastes 191 

"  Certain  observations  concerning  the  Life  and  Raigne  of 
Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,"  Ellis,  Letters  (as  above, 
No.  272),  Second  Series,  III,  190  sqq. 


CHAPTER  XXIX  — THE  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR 

I.  The  Opening  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War 

292.  The  activity  of  the  Jesuits  in  Germany 200 

Brief e  und  Akten  zur  Geschichte  dcs  30  j '.  Krieges  ;  bearbeitet 
v.  M.  Ritter  (Munich,  1870-1877),  I,  635.  Given  by 
M.  Schilling,  Quellenbuch  zur  Geschichte  der  Neuzeit 
(2d  ed.,  Berlin,  1890),  pp.  103  sq. 

293.  The    English    historian    Rushworth's   account   of   the 

opening  of  the  war 201 

\  John  Rushworth,  Historical  Collections  .  .  .  beginning 

the  sixteenth  year  of  King  James,  anno  ibi8  (London, 
1659),  J>  5  sqq. 

294.  Letter  from  Elizabeth,  queen  of  Bohemia,  to  James  I  .  203 

Ellis,  Original  Letters  (as  above,  No.  272),  First  Series, 
III,  112 

295.  A  Catholic  song  about  the  "  Winter  King"     ....  204 

"  Lamentatio  iiber  den  Konig  in  Bohmen,  von  den  Papisten 
gemahlt " ;  given  by  Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as  above, 
No.  292),  p.  107 

II.  The  Intervention  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 

296.  The  electors  demand  the  dismissal  of  Wallenstein   .     .  205 

Theatrum  Europaeum  (1646),  II,  182  sq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xv 

PAGE 

297.  Gustavus  Adolphus' farewell  to  Sweden  (May,  1630)  .     .  207 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as  above,  No.  292),  123  sq. 

298.  Gustavus  Adolphus'  reply  to  the  elector  of  Branden- 

burg (July,  1630) 210 

Helbig,  Gustav  Adolf  u.  die  Kurfilrsten  von  Brandenburg 
(1854),  p.  12.  Given  by  Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as 
above,  No.  292),  pp.  125  sq. 

299.  The  destruction  of  Magdeburg 211 

Otto  von  Guericke  [Burgomaster  of  Magdeburg],  Ge- 
schichte  der  Belagerung  .  .  .  Magdebnrgs  (herausg.  v. 
Hoffmann,  i860),  pp.  82  sqq.  Given  by  Schilling,  Quel- 
lenbuch (as  above,  No.  292),  pp.  126  sqq. 

III.  The  Treaty  of  Westphalia  (1648) 

300.  Opening  of  the  treaty  of  Osnabruck 213 

Dumont,  Corps  diplomatique,  VI,  469  sq. 

301.  Condemnation  of  the  treaties  of  Westphalia  by  Inno- 

cent X 214 

Ibid.  VI,  463  sq. 


CHAPTER  XXX  — STRUGGLE  IN  ENGLAND 
FOR  CONSTITUTIONAL  GOVERNMENT 

I.   Differences  between  James  I  and  the  Commons 

302.  James  I's  dislike  for  Presbyterians 218 

"  The  summe  and  substance  of  the  conference  ...  at 
Hampton  Court  "  ;  reported  by  William  Barlow,  bishop 
of  Rochester ;  given  by  Miss  Kendall,  Source  Book  of 
English  History,  pp.  209  sqq. 

303.  James  I's  speech  on  the  divine  right  of  kings  .     .     .     .219 

Works  of  James  I,  pp.  529  and  537 

II.  The  Petition  of  Right  (1628) 

304.  The  Petition  of  Right 221 

Statutes  of  the  Realm,  V,  24  sq. ;  Stubbs,  Select  Charters, 
Appendix 

305.  Charles  I  justifies  his  policy  (1629) 224 

Gardiner,  The  Constitutional  Documents  of  tJie  Puritan 
Revolution,  1625-1660  (2d  ed.),  pp.  97  sq. 

306.  Conditions  in  England  in  1629  encouraging  emigration 

to  America 225 

Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop  (1864),  I,  309  sqq . 


xvi  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

III.  Personal    Government   of   Charles  I  ;    Religious 

Parties  PAGE 

307.  Position  of  the  Puritans  (1602) 227 

Josias  Nichols,  "  The  Plea  for  the  Innocent,"  Hanbury, 
Historical  Memorials,  I,  3 

308.  Judgment  of  God  on  those  who  break  the  Sabbath  .     .  228 

Nehemiah  Wallington,  Historical  Notices  (1820),  I, 
49  sq.,  II,  212 

309.  Charles  I  permits  dancing,  etc.,  on  Sunday      ....  228 

"Declaration  of  Sports,"  Gardiner,  Constitutional  Docu- 
ments (as  above,  No.  305),  pp.  99  sqq. 

310.  Puritan  pamphlet  attacking  the  king's  courts  (1641)      .  230 

"Letter  from  Hell.  Rome,  and  the  Inns  of  Court,"  Har- 
leian  Miscellany,  IV,  393  sq. 

311.  Aminadab  Blower  rejects  the  Prayer  Book 232 

Ibid.  IV,  177  sq. 

IV.  The  Early  Acts  of  the  Long  Parliament 

312.  Opposition  of  the  Scotch  to  the  church  service  intro- 

duced by  Charles  I 234 

The  Earl  of  Straff  orders  Letters  and  Despatches  (1739),  II, 
117.  Given  by  Miss  Kendall,  Source  Book  of  English 
History,  p.  230 

313.  Summary  of  the  work  of  the  Long  Parliament,  1641     .  234 

Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Colonel  Hutchinson ;  ed.  Firth,  I, 
129  sq. 

314.  Extracts  from  the  Grand  Remonstrance 235 

Gardiner,  Constitutional  Documents  (as  above,  No.  305), 
205  sqq.,  passim 

V.  The  Civil  War  (1642-1645) 

315.  A  Puritan's  account  of  the  battle  of  Edgehill  ....  240 

Wallington  (as  above,  No.  308),  II,  152 

316.  The  general  desolation  caused  by  the  war 241 

May,  "  A  Breviary  of  the  History  of  the  Parliament  of 
England,"  in  Select  Tracts  relating  to  the  Civil  Wars  in 
England. ;  ed.  Maseres,  Pt.  I,  p.  59 

VI.  The  Execution  of  Charles  I  (1649) 

317.  Death  warrant  of  Charles  I 242 

Gardiner,  Constitutional  Documents  (as  above,  No.  305), 
p.  380 

318.  Charles  I's  parting  words  to  his  daughter 242 

Works  of  Charles  I,  I,  449  sqq. 

319.  An  account  of  the  execution  of  Charles  I 243 

Ibid.  I,  454  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xvii 

VII.  The  Commonwealth  and  Cromwell  PAGe 

320.  Act  abolishing  the  office  of  king  in  England  (1649)       .  245 

Gardiner,  Constitutional  Documents,  pp.  387  sqq. 

321.  How  Cromwell  broke   up  the  remnant  of   the  Long 

Parliament 247 

Sydney  Papers;  ed.  Blencowe  (1825),  p.  139 

322.  Clarendon's  estimate  of  Cromwell 248 

Clarendon,  History  of  the  Rebellion  (Oxford  ed.),  VI, 
91  sqq. 

323.  Parties  in  England  in  1659 25* 

"  The  Interest  of  England  stated"  (1659),  in  Select  Tracts 
(as  above,  No.  316),  Pt.  II,  pp.  676  sqq. 

VIII.  The  Restoration  of  the  Stuarts:  Charles  II 

324.  A  picture  of  Charles  II 253 

Burnet,  History  of  my  Own   Time;  ed.  Airy  (Clarendon 
Press,  1897),  I,  166  sqq. 

324a.  England  goes  mad  on  the  return  of  Charles  II  .     .     .  254 

Ibid.  I,  165  sq. 

325.  Savage  vengeance  taken  upon  the  leaders  of  the  late 

rebellion 255 

The  Diary  of  Samuel  Pepys  ;  ed.  Wheatley  (9  vols.,  1893), 
I,  241  sqq. 

326.  The  execution  of  the  regicides 255 

Memoirs  of  John  Evelyn,  Esq.;  ed.  Bray  (5  vols.,  1827), 
1,156 

IX.  Religious  Questions  under  Charles  II 

327.  The  Act  of  Uniformity 25& 

Statutes  of  the  Realm,  V,  364  sqq.;   Gee  and   Hardy, 
Documents,  600  sqq. 

328.  Harsh  act  against  the  dissenters  (1670) 258 

Burnet  (as  above,  No.  324),  I,  489  sqq. 

X.  James  II  and  the  Revolution  of  1688 

329.  James  II  seems  about  to  restore  Catholicism  ....  259 

The  Memoirs  of  Sir  John  Reresby,  ibj4-i(>8g,  written   by 
himself;  ed.  Cartwright  (1875),  pp.  348  sq.  and  359 

330.  Roman  Catholic  services  at  Whitehall 260 

Evelyn  (as  above,  No.  326),  December  29,  1686 

331.  The  Declaration  of  Right 2&l 

Gee  and  Hardy,  Documents,  641  sqq. 


xviii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

^\ 
CHAPTER  XXXI  — THE  ASCENDENCY  OF  FRANCE 

UNDER  LOUIS  XIV 

I.  Richelieu    and   his    Policy  of   strengthening    the 
Kingship 

332.  Richelieu's  account  of  the  state  of  France  in  1624    .     .  268 

Testament  politique  (Amsterdam,  1689),  c.  1 

333.  Edict  of  1626  for  the  demolition  of  feudal  castles  in 

France 270 

Isambert,  Recueil  general  des  anciennes  lois  francaises, 
XVI,  192  sp. 

334.  Letters  patent  establishing  the  French  Academy .     .     .271 

Ibid.  418  sq. 

II.  Kings  "  by  the  Grace  of  God  " 

335.  Extracts  from  Bossuet's  work  on  kingship 273 

Bossuet,  Politique  tiree  des  propres  paroles  de  PEcriture 
sainte,  Liv.  iii,  art.  ii,  prop,  i,  ii,  iii  (passim),  and  iv; 
Liv.  iv,  art.  i,  prop,  i ;  Liv.  v,  art.  iv,  prop.  i.  (Euvres ; 
ed.  Lachat  (1864),  XXIII,  533  sqq.,  558  sq.,  and  642  sqq. 

III.  Colbert  and  his  Work 

336.  Colbert  on  the  financial  disorders  in  France    ....  277 

Colbert,  "  Memoires  sur  les  affaires  de  finances  de  France 
pour  servir  a  l'histoire,"  in  Clement,  Lettres,  instructions 
et  memoires  de  Colbert,  Vol.  II,  pt.  i,  17  sqq. 

337.  Commercial  policy  of  Colbert 279 

Clement  (as  above,  No.  336),  Vol.  II,  pt.  ii,  426  sqq. 

IV.  Ascendency  of  France  in  167 1 

338.  Sir  William  Temple's  account  of  France  in  167 1       .     .  281 

"  A  Survey  of  the  constitution  and  interests  of  the  Empire, 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Spain,  Holland,  France,  and  Flanders, 
with  their  relation  to  England  in  the  year  1671,"  Works 
of  Sir  William  Temple  (London,  1757),  II,  222  sqq. 

V.  Louis  XIV  and  his  Court 

339.  How  Louis  and  his  court  were  entertained  at  Chan- 

tilly 283 

Lettres  de  Madame  de  Sevigne  (April  26,  1671)  ;  ed.  de 
Sacy  (1861  sqq.),  Vol.  I,  414  sqq. 

340.  Saint-Simon's  portrait  of  Louis  XIV 285 

"  Parallele  des  trois  premiers  rois  Bourbons"  [written  in 
1746],  Ecrits  inedits  de  Saint-Simon  publies  par  FaugZre, 
I,  85  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xix 

PAGE 

340a.  Outrageous  vanity  of  the  king 286 

Ibid.  p.  84 

VI.  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685) 

341.  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 287 

Isambert  (as  above,  No.  333),  XIX,  530  sqq. 

342.  Saint-Simon's  account  of  the  revocation 291 

Memoires;  ed.  le  marquis  de  Saint-Simon  (1829),  XIII, 
115  (under  the  year  171 5);  trans,  by  Bayle  St.  John, 
III,  3  sq. 

VII.  Opening  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 

343.  How  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  came  about      .  293 

Marquis  de  Torcy  (Charles  Baptiste  Colbert),  Memoires, 
Michaud  et  Poujoulat,  Nouvelle  Collection  de  memoires, 
XXXII,  550.   Also  in  English  translation 

344.  How  Louis  XIV  proclaimed  the  duke  of  Anjou  king 

of  Spain 295 

Saint-Simon,  Memoires  (as  above,  No.  342),  III,  38  sq.; 
Vol.  I,  183,  of  English  translation 

345.  Attitude  of  England  at  the  opening  of  the  war    .     .     .  296 

Marquis  de  Torcy,  Memoires  (as  above,  No.  343), 
552  sqq. 

CHAPTER  XXXII  — RISE  OF  RUSSIA  AND  PRUSSIA 

I.  Ivan  the  Terrible 

346.  An   Englishman's   impressions  of  Ivan   the   Terrible 

(1567) 3d 

"  The  Discovery  of  Muscovy,"  reprinted  from  Hakluyt, 
Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  and  Discoveries  (Lon- 
don, 1893),  p.  143 

II.  Peter  the  Great 

347.  Bishop   Burnet's   impressions  of   Peter  the   Great  in 

1698 303 

Burnet,  History  of  his  Own  Time  (1734),  II,  221  sq. 

348.  An   Austrian's    account    of    Peter's  way   of    treating 

rebels 305 

Diary  of  an  Austrian  Secretary  of  Legation  at  the  Court 
of  Czar  Peter  the  Great,  trans,  from  the  original  Latin  by 
Count  MacDonnell  (2  vols.,  London,  1862),  II,  85  sqq., 
106  sq.,  and  in.  This  exceedingly  rare  Diarmm  itineris 
in  Muscoviam  was  written  by  Johann  Georg  von  Korb, 
probably  in  1700 

349.  How  the  tsar  promoted  Alexander  Gordon 306 

Alexander  Gordon,  The  History  of  Peter  the  Great 
(i755)>  !>  v  m- 


xx  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

350.  General  Gordon's  impressions  of  Peter  the  Great     .     .  308 

Ibid.  II,  266  sqq. 

351.  How  Peter  the  Great  founded  St.  Petersburg       .     .     .  309 

Ibid.  I,  1 70  sq. 

352.  How  Peter  forced  his  people  to  wear  Western  dress     .  310 

Memoires  du  regne  de  Pierre  le  grand,  par  le  B.  Iwan 
Nestesuranoi  [Jean  Rousset  de  Missy]  (Amsterdam, 
1728),  Vol.  II,  pp.  254  sqq. 

III.  How  the  Turks  were  defeated  before  Vienna  (1683) 

353.  How  Sobieski  defeated  the  Turks 312 

Theatrum  Europaeum,  XII,  511  sqq.  Given  in  Schilling, 
Quellenbuch  (as  above,  No.  292),  188  sqq. 

IV.  The  Rise  of  Prussia 

354.  Cromwell  presents  his  respects  to  the  Great  Elector     .  315 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as  above,  No=  292),  181 

355.  Edict  of  the  Great  Elector  welcoming  the  Huguenots  .  316 

Ibid.  193  sqq. 

356.  The  pope  protests  against  the  assumption  of  the  kingly 

title  by  the  elector  of  Brandenburg 318 

Ibid.  208  sq. 

357.  French  manners  in  Germany  in  the  early  eighteenth 

century 319 

"  Der  deutsch-franzosische  Modengeist,"  Schilling,  Quel- 
lenbuch, 207  sq. 

V.  Frederick  the  Great  and  his  Father 

358.  Instructions  of  Frederick  William  I  for  the  education 

of  his  son 319 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch,  230  sqq. 

359.  A  youthful  letter  of  Frederick  to  his  father     .     .     .     .321 

Forster,  Friedrich  Wilhelm  I.,  Vol.  I,  362 ;  Schilling, 
241  sq. 

359a.  Frederick  William's  reply 322 

Ibid. 

VI.  Frederick  the  Great  and  the  Seven  Years'  War 

360.  Frederick's  address  to  his  officers  before  Leuthen    .     .  323 

(Euvres  de  Frederic  le  Grand,  XXVII,  283;  Schil- 
ling, 274 

361.  Letter  of  Frederick  written  August,  1762 3^4 

(Euvres,  XIX,  340;  Schilling,  285  sq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxi 

PAGE 

362.  Frederick  declares  that  he  is  growing  old 325 

CEuvres,  XIX,  353;  Schilling,  286^. 

VII.  Frederick  the  Great's  Estimate  of  German  Liter- 
ature 

363.  Frederick  declares  that  Germany  has  no  great  writers  .  326 

"De  la  litterature  allemande"  (1780),  Schilling,  297  sqq. 

VIII.  The  First  Partition  of  Poland 

364.  Letter  of  Maria  Theresa  on  the  partition  of  Poland      .  328 

Arneth,  Brief e  der  Kaiser  in  Maria    Theresa   an  ihre 
Kinder  und  Freunde,  I,  151 


CHAPTER   XXXIII  — THE   EXPANSION   OF 

ENGLAND 

I.  The  English  go  Northeast  in  Search  of  Trade 

365.  The  English  set  out  toward  Russia 331 

"  The  New  Navigation  and  Discovery  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Moscovy  by  the  Northeast  in  the  year  1553,"  from  Hak- 
luyt's  Voyages  (as  above,  No.  346),  9  sqq. 

II.  How  the  English  got  a  Foothold  in  India 

366.  Letter  of  the  Great  Mogul  to  James  I  (1614)   ....  333 

The  Embassy  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe  to  India ;  ed.  Foster, 
P-  557 

367.  A  Frenchman's  account  of  the  troubles  between  the 

Dutch  and  English  traders 334 

East  India  Company's  Records,  VI,  206  sq. 

III.  Condition  of  India  before  the  English  Conquest 

368.  India  under  the  later  Moguls 336 

Pinkerton,  General  Collection  of  the  Best  and  most 
Interesting  Voyages  and  Travels,  Vol.  VIII,  60,  133, 
135  sqq. 

369.  Aurangzeb  forecasts   the  dissolution  of   the    Mogul's 

empire 338 

Elliot,  History  of  India,  VII,  562 

IV.  How  England  established  her  Control  in  India 

370.  The  "  Black  Hole  "  of  Calcutta 339 

Orme,  A  History  of  the  Transactions  of  the  British  Nation 
in  Indostan  (London,  1778),  Vol.  II,  sec.  i,  74  sqq. 

371.  Clive's  account  of  his  victory  at  Plassey 342 

Malcolm,  The  Life  of  Robert  Lord  Clive,  I,  264 


xxii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

372.  Review  of  English  progress  in  India  (1757— 1857)      .     .  343 

Innes,    Lucknow   and  Oude   in   the  Midiny   (1895), 
pp.  1  sqq. 

V.  The  Jesuits  in  North  America 

yj^-  How  Marquette  descended  the    Mississippi   River  in 

1673 345 

The  Jesuit  delations,  edited  by  Thwaites,  LIX,  89  sqq., 
passim 

VI.  The  Settlements  in  New  England  and  Pennsylvania 

374.  The  motives  of  the  New  England  colonists      .     .     .     .351 

William  Hubbard,  A  General  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  2d  series, 
Vol.  V,  41  sq. 

375.  How  Penn  received  his  grant  from  Charles  II      .     .     .  353 

Passages  from  the  Life  and  Writings  of  William  Penn; 
ed.  Cope,  p.  234 

VII.  English    Views   of   the    Revolt   of   the   American 
Colonies 

376.  Pitt  on  the  American  colonists'  opposition  to  the  taxa- 

tion  354 

Anecdotes  of  the  Life  of  the  Right  Honourable  William 
Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham  (Dublin,  1792),  II,  124^. 

377.  Letter   of   George    III    on    necessity   of    holding    the 

colonies 355 

The  Correspondence  of  George  III  with  Lord  North,  II, 
252 


CHAPTER  XXXIV  — THE  EVE  OF  THE  FRENCH 

REVOLUTION 

I.  The  Ancien  Regime 

378.  Uncertainty  and  confusion  of  the  Ancien  Regime     .     .  360 

Madame  la  baronne  de  Stael,  Considerations  sur 
les  principaux  evenemens  de  la  Revolution  francaise 
(1818),  I,  129  sqq. 

379.  Protest  of  a  French  court  against  the  lettres  de  cachet  .  362 

Memoires  sur  Lamoignon  de  Malesherbes,  par  Eugene  de 
Vignaux  (1876),  pp.  61,  69  sqq.,  81  sqq. 

380.  The  hunting  preserves  in  France 365 

Arthur  Young,  Travels  in  France  during  the  years 
1787,  1788,  i78q;  ed.  Betham-Edwards  (Bohn  Library), 
316  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxiii 


II.  Accession  of  Louis  XVI  and  Marie  Antoinette 


PAGE 


381.  Marie  Antoinette  reports  to  her  mother  that  she  is  now 

queen 366 

Maria   Theresa  und  Maria  Antoinette,  ihr  Briefwechsel ; 
ed.  Arneth  (1866),  105  sqq. 

382.  Maria  Theresa  warns  her  daughter  of  the  dangers  of 

dissipation 368 

Ibid.  174  sq. 

382a.  Maria  Theresa  urges  an  alliance  between  France  and 

Austria 369 

Ibid.  201  sqq. 

III.  The  French  intervene  in  the  American  Revolution 

383.  How  France  became  interested  in  the  American  Revo- 

lution     371 

Memoires  du  comte  de  Segur  ;  ed.  Barriere  (1859),  Vol.  I, 
68  sqq. 

TV.  The  People  of  France 

384.  Extracts  from  Arthur  Young's  Travels 373 

Arthur  Young  (as  above,  No.  380),  102  sqq.,  60  sq.,  123, 
125,  193,  197  sq. 

385.  Jefferson    finds   less   misery  in    France   than    he   had 

expected 379 

Works  of  Thomas  Jefferson  ;  ed.  Ford,  II,  135  sq. 

V.  Voltaire  and  Rousseau 

386.  Voltaire  on  the  relations  of  church  and  state  ....  380 

Dictionnaire  philosophique  portatif  (1765) — in  its  original 
brief  form  —  sub  verb.  "  Loix  civiles  et  ecclesiastiques  " 

387.  Voltaire  on  "  Grace  " 381 

Ibid,  sub  verb.  "  Grace  " 

388.  Rousseau's  summons  to  turn  back  to  nature   ....  383 

Emile,  ou  de  Peducation,  par  J.  J.  Rousseau,  Citoyen  de 
Geneve  (1780),  Liv.  i,  opening 

389.  Rousseau's  deistic  religion 384 

Contrat  social,  Liv.  iv,  c.  8;  trans,  by  Rose  Harrington 
(Putnams) 

VI.  Turgot  and  Necker 

390.  Turgot's  letter  to  Louis  XVI  on  assuming  office  .     .     .  386 

(Envres  de  Turgot ;  ed.  Daire,  1844,  II,  165  sqq. ;  trans,  by 
W.  W.  Stephens,  The  Life  and  Works  of  Turgot  (1895), 
85  sqq. 


xxiv  Co?ttents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

391.  Preamble  to  Turgot's  edict  abolishing  the  guilds.     .     .  389 

Ibid.  302  sqq. 

392.  Necker  reviews  his  own  administration 390 

Necker,  De  P  administration  des  fi7iances  de  la  France 
(Introduction) 

393.  Necker  on  the  sway  of  public  opinion  in  France  .     .     .  392 

Ibid. 


CHAPTER  XXXV  — THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 

I.  The  Cahiers  of  1789 

394.  Cahier  of  the  third  estate  of  Carcassonne 397 

Archives parlementaires,  II,  532  sqq. 

II.  The  Opening  of  the  Estates  General  in  1789 

395.  The  opening  of  the  Estates  General 400 

Madame  de  Campan,  Memoires  sur  la  vie  de  Marie- 
Antoinette ;  ed  Barriere  (1855),  227  sqq. 

396.  Arthur  Young  visits  the  National  Assembly    ....  402 

Arthur  Young  (as  above,  No.  380),  152  sq.,  155  sq., 
163  sqq. 

III.  The  Decree  abolishing  the  Feudal  System  (August, 

1789) 

397.  Decree  abolishing  the  feudal  system 405 

Buchez  et  Roux,  Histoire parlementaire,  II,  259  sqq. 

IV.  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man 

398.  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man 409 

Ibid.  XI,  404  sqq. 

V.  Mirabeau's  Fears  after  the  "  October  Days  " 

399.  Mirabeau's  advice  to  the  king  in  October,  1789   .     .     .412 

Correspondance  entre  Mirabeau  et  le  comte  de  la  Marck, 
I,  364  sqq. 

VI.  Address  of  the  National  Assembly  to  the  French 
People  (February,  1790) 

400.  The  Assembly  reviews  its  great  work 417 

Histoire  parlement aire  (as  above,  No.  397),  IV,  329  sqq. 

VII.  The  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy 

401.  The  civil  constitution  of  the  clergy  (July,  1790)    .     .     .  423 

Proces-verbal  de  VAssemblee  nationale  (in  75  vols.),  No.  346. 
Also  in  Sloane,  The  French  Revolution  and  Religious 
Reform,  Appendix,  295  sqq. 


Contetits  and  List  of  Citations  xxv 


CHAPTER  XXXVI  — THE  FIRST  FRENCH  REPUBLIC 

I.  The  Flight  of  the  King  and  the  Origin  of  a  Repub- 
lican Party 

402.  How  the  Parisians  viewed  the  flight  of  the  king  .     .     .  428 

Prudhomme,  "  Revolutions  de  Paris,"  No.  CII,  Histoire 
parlementaire,  X,  241  sqq. 

403.  Marat  attacks  Lafayette  and  the  royalists 431 

Chevremont,  Jean-Paul  Marat,  I,  490  sqq. 

404.  The  Declaration  of  Pillnitz 432 

Martens,  Recueil  des principaux  traites,  V,  260 

II.  A    Royalist's    View    of   the   Achievements    of   the 
National  Assembly 

405.  Opinion  of  a  royalist  on  the  work  of  the  Assembly    .     433 

Le  Mercure   de   France   (October,  1791),  quoted   in   Me-   . 
moires  et  Correspondance  de  Mallet  du  Pan  ;  ed.  Sayous, 
I,  240  sqq. 

III.  Origin  of  the  Jacobin  Club 

406.  How  the  Jacobin  Club  originated  in  1789 436 

Alexandre  de  Lameth,  DHistoire  de  VAssemblee  con- 
stituante,  I,  422 

IV.  The  Legislative  Assembly  and  the  Enemies  of  the 

Revolution 

407.  Letter  of  Louis  XVI  to  the  king  of  Prussia     ....  438 

Louis  XVI,  Marie- Antoinette  et  Madame  Elizabeth,  lettres 
et  documents  inedits,  publies  par  Feuillet  de  Conches, 
IV,  269  sqq. 

408.  Count  of  Provence  summoned  back  to  France      .     .     .  439 

Histoire  parlementaire,  XII,  231  sqq. 

409.  The  French  Assembly  declares  war  on  Austria    .     .     .  440 

Duvergier,  Collection  complete  des  lois,  decrets,  etc.  (ed. 
of  1824),  IV,  140  sq. 

410.  Decree  against  the  nonjuring  priests 441 

Ibid.  IV,  209  sq. 

V.  The  Abolition  of  Monarchy 

411.  The  proclamation  of  the  duke  of  Brunswick    ....  443 

Histoire  parlementaire,  XVI,  276  sqq. 

412.  The  debate  during  the  first  session  of  the  Convention     .  446 

Ibid.  XIX,  9  sqq. 

413.  Proclamation  of  the  Convention  to  the  nations  (Decem- 

ber, 1792) 449 

Duvergier  (as  above,  No.  409),  V,  105  sq. 


xxvi  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

414.  Announcement  of   the  death    of    Louis    XVI    to  the 

Emigres 450 

Le  Moniteur  (February  26,  1793) 

VI.  The  Ideals  of  the  Terrorists 

415.  Selections  from  the  Republican  Institutions  of  Saint- 

Just 452 

CEuvres  de  Saint-Just  (1834),  pp.  361  sqq.,  391  sq.,  395  sqq., 
406  sqq. 

VII.  Camille  Desmoulins  and  his  Newspaper 

416.  Desmoulins  seeks  to  extenuate  the  Reign  of  Terror      .  455 

"  Le  Vieux  Cordelier,"  No.  Ill  (opening),  CEuvres  de  Camille 
Desmoulins  (1872),  III,  3  sqq. 

417.  Desmoulins  pleads  for  clemency 458 

Ibid.  No.  IV  (opening),  III,  27  sqq. 

CHAPTER  XXXVII  — NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 

I.  The  Boyhood  of  Napoleon 

418.  How  Napoleon  and  Joseph  learned  French      ....  465 

Jung,  Bonaparte  et  son  Temps,  1769-1799,  I,  70  sq. 

419.  Napoleon's  early  insight  into  character 466 

Ibid.  pp.  97  sqq. 

II.  Bonaparte's  Italian  Campaign 

420.  Circumstances  under  which  Bonaparte  undertook  the 

campaign 468 

Count  de  las  Cases,  Memorial  de  Sainte-Helene,  Jour- 
nal of  the  Private  Life  and  Conversations  oj  Emperor 
Napoleon  (New  York,  1823),  I,  108  sqq. 

421.  Bonaparte's  proclamation  to  his  soldiers 471 

Correspondance  de  Napoleon  I,  I,  187  sq. 

422.  How  Bonaparte  signed  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio    .  473 

Bourrienne,  Memoirs  oj  Napoleon  Bonaparte  (Boston), 
I,  117  sqq. 

III.  The  Egyptian  Expedition :  the  18th  Brumaire 

423.  Bonaparte's  proclamation  to  his  Egyptian  army  (Sep- 

tember, 1798) 474 

Correspondance,  V,  1 

424.  Bonaparte  informs  the  Mohammedans  that  he  is  their 

friend ' 475 

Original  Journals  of  the  Eighteen  Campaigns  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  Bonaparte  (London),  II,  20  sq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxvii 

PAGE 

425.  Bonaparte's  attitude  toward  his  Egyptian  adventure    .  477 

Madame  de  Remusat,  Memoirs  (English  trans.),  99  sq. 

426.  Bonaparte's  own  account  of  Brumaire 478 

Correspondance,  VI,  5  sq. 

IV.   Marengo  and  Luneville 

427.  The  campaign  of  Marengo 480 

Bourrienne,  Memoirs,  II,  1  sqq.,  passim 

428.  Chief  articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Luneville 483 

Meyer,  Corpus  juris  confoederationis  Germanicae  (2ded.), 
I,  2  sqq. 

V.  Personal  Characteristics  of  General  Bonaparte 

429.  Bonaparte's  manners  wdien  First  Consul 486 

Madame  de  Remusat,  Memoires,  48  sq.,  note 
429a.  How  Bonaparte  made  others  uncomfortable  ....  487 

Ibid.  70  sq. 
429b.  How  Bonaparte  won  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers  .     .     .  488 

Ibid.  86  sq. 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII  — EUROPE  AND  NAPOLEON 

I.  General  Bonaparte   becomes    Emperor :    his   Early- 
Reforms 

430.  Why  the  French  people  submitted  to  Bonaparte's  rule  .  490 

Madame  de  Remusat,  Memoires,  160  sq. 

431.  Napoleon's  account  of  the  internal  condition  of  France 

in  1804 491 

"  Expose  de  la  situation  de  l'empire,  10  Nivose,  an  XIII," 
Archives  par lementaires,  2d  series,  VIII,  pt.  i,  398  sqq. 

II.  Boulogne  and  Austerlitz 

432.  Impatience  of  the  French  soldiers  to  invade  England   .  494 

Wairy  Louis  Constant,  Recollections  of  the  Private 
Life  of  Napoleon;  trans,  by  Walter  Clark  (1902),  I, 
250  sqq. 

433.  Napoleon's  proclamation  to  his  soldiers  after  Auster- 

litz     496 

Annual  Register  (1805),  665  sq. 

III.  Dissolution  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire 

434.  Napoleon  announces  the  formation  of  the  Confedera- 

tion of  the  Rhine 499 

Meyer,  Corpus  juris  confoederationis  Germanicae  (2d 
ed.),  I,  10 1  sq. 


xxviii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

435.  Abdication  of  the  last  Roman  emperor 501 

Ibid.  I,  107 

IV.  The  Continental  Blockade 

436.  The  Berlin  Decree 503 

Correspondance  de  Napoleon  I,  XIII,  551  sqq. 

437.  The  Milan  Decree 506 

Correspondance,  XVI,  192  sq. 

438.  A  contemporary  criticism  of  Napoleon's  policy    .     .     .  507 

Pasquier,  History  of  my  Own  Time,  I,  313  sqq. 

V.  Napoleon  at  the  Zenith 

439.  Extracts  from  the  imperial  catechism 509 

Larousse,  Dictionnaire  universelle,  sub  verb.  "  Catechisme 
de  l'empire  fran9ais  " 

440.  Napoleon's  proclamation  to  the  Spaniards 510 

Correspondance,  XVIII,  103  sq. 

441.  Decrees  abolishing  the  feudal  dues  in  Spain    .     .     .     .512 

Ibid.  No.  14,526,  Vol.  XVIII 

442.  Decree  abolishing  the  Inquisition 512 

Ibid.  No.  14,527 

442a.  Decree  abolishing  monastic  orders 512 

Ibid.  No.  14,528 

443.  Decree  abolishing  the  interior  customs  lines     .     .     .     .512 

Ibid.  No.  14,529 

444.  Decree  "reuniting"  the  papal  states  to  France    .     .     .  513 

Ibid.  No.  15,219,  Vol.  XIX 

445.  Napoleon's  view  of  his  destiny 514 

Declaration  to  representatives  of  Holland  (August  18, 1810), 
Archives  parlement aires,  Second  Series,  Vol.  XI 

VI.  The  Russian  Campaign 

446.  Napoleon's  proclamation  at  the  opening  of  the  Russian 

campaign 514 

Correspondance,  XXVIII,  528  sq. 

447.  The  crossing  of  the  Beresina 515 

Constant  (as  above,  No.  432),  III,  111  sqq.,  passim 

VII.  The  German  War  of  Liberation 

448.  Napoleon's  conduct  after  Jena 518 

Pasquier  (as  above,  No.  438),  I,  311  sq. 

449.  The  Prussian  reform  edict  of  October,  1807     ....  520 

Gesetz-Sanimlung  fiir  koniglichen  preussischen   Staaten, 
1806-18 10,  Anhang,  170  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxix 

PAGE 

450.  The  king  of  Prussia  "  An  mein  Volk" 522 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as  above,  No.  292),  pp.  2,77  sq. 

451.  Stein's  account  of  the  battle  of  Leipzig 524 

Pertz,  Das  Leben  des  Ministers  Freiherrn  vom  Stein,  III, 
433;  Schilling,  390  sq. 

VIII.  The  Downfall  of  Napoleon 

452.  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau 525 

Correspondance,  XXVII,  361 

453.  Declaration  of  the  allies  (March  13,  181 5) 526 

British  and  Foreign  State  Papers,  II,  665 

454.  Napoleon's  exile  on  St.  Helena 527 

Las  Cases  (as  above,  No.  420),  I,  52  sq.,  61  sq.,  170  sq. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX  — EUROPE  AFTER  THE  CON- 
GRESS  OF  VIENNA 

I.  The  Congress  of  Vienna 

455.  Talleyrand's  discouragement  on  starting  for  the  con- 

gress      533 

Pasquier,  History  of  my  Own  Time,  Memoirs,  III,  73  sq. 

456.  Talleyrand  describes  his  success 534 

Correspondence  of  Prince    Talleyrand  and  King  Louis 
XVIII  during  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  240  sqq. 

II.  France  after  the  Restoration 

457.  Difficult  position  of  Louis  XVIII 536 

Pasquier  (as  above,  No.  455),  III,  1  sqq. 

458.  Extracts  from  the  French  Charter  of  1814 538 

Tripier,  Constitutions  qui  ont  regi  la  France,  229  sqq. 

459.  Louis  Philippe  summoned  to  the  throne 542 

Duvergier  (as  above,  No.  409),  XXX,  166  sqq. 

III.  Germany  and  the  Reaction  after  18 14 

460.  The  German  Act  of  Confederation  (18 1 5) 543 

Meyer  (as  above,  No.  434),  II,  3  sqq. 

461.  Chief  provisions  of  the  Carlsbad  Resolutions  (1819)     .  547 

Ibid.  II,  138  sqq. 

462.  Verses  celebrating  the  Zollverein 55° 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch  (as  above,  No.  292),  420  sq. 


xxx  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

IV.   Metternich's  Fight  against  Liberalism  PAGE 

463.  Circular  note  of  Troppau  (1820) 552 

Martens,  Nouveau  Recueil  de  traites,  V,  592  sqq. 

464.  Proclamation  of  Greek  independence  (1822)    ....  555 

British  and  Foreign  State  Papers  (in  a  French  transla- 
tion), IX,  629  sqq. 

465.  Reasons  for  the  creation  of  Belgium 557 

Ibid.  XVII,  1238  sq. 


CHAPTER  XL  — UNIFICATION  OF  GERMANY 

AND   ITALY 

I.   Revolution  of  1848  in  France  :  Napoleon  III 

466.  The  overthrow  of  the  Orleanist  dynasty 559 

Duvergier  (as  above,  No.  409),  XLVIII,  49  sqq. 

467.  Decrees  relating  to  workingmen 560 

Ibid.  pp.  58  sqq. 

468.  Proclamation  of  the  second  French  republic    ....  561 

Ibid.  p.  60 

469.  Louis  Napoleon  explains  his  position  (November,  1848)  562 

Maupas,    The    Story    of  the    Coup   d'Etat ;    trans,    by 
Vandam,  I,  30  sqq. 

470.  Napoleon's  Bordeaux  address  (October,  1852)     .     .     .  563 

Le  Moniteur  universel  (October  12,  1852) 

II.  The  Revolution  of  1848  in  Germany  and  Italy 

471.  Metternich  informs  the  Tsar  of  the  Vienna  revolution    .   564 

Aus  Metternich's  nachgelassenen  Papieren,  VII,  605 

472.  Vienna  retaken  by  Windischgratz  (October,  1848)    .     .  566 

Annual  Register  (1848),  422  sqq. 

473.  Signs  of  revolt  in  Venetia  (January,  1848) 567 

British  and  Foreign  State  Papers,  XXXVII,  835  sq. 

474.  Marshal  Radetzky  encourages  his  soldiers  (January  i§, 

1848) 568 

Ibid.  834  sq. 

475.  Milan  appeals  to  the  king  of  Sardinia  (March,  1848)    .  569 

Ibid.  959 

476.  Abdication  of  Charles  Albert  (March,  1849)    •     •     •     •  5^9 

Annuaire  historique  utiiversel  (1849),  Appendix,  p.  208 

477.  Message  of  the  Diet  to  the  Frankfort  Assembly  (May, 

1848) 570 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch,  424 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxxi 

PAGE 

478.  The  king  of  Prussia  refuses  the  imperial  crown  (May, 

1849) 57i 

Ibid.  431 

III.   Establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy 

479.  Napoleon  III  justifies  his  intervention  in  Italy  (May, 

1859) 572 

Le  Moniteur  universel  (May  4,  1859) 

480.  Victor  Emmanuel  reviews  the  events  of  1859-1860  .     .  574 

Annuaire  historique  (i860),  Appendix,  pp.  148  sq. 

481.  Garibaldi's  description  of  the  Sicilian  expedition  .     .     .  575 

Autobiography  of  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  (authorized  transla- 
tion by  A.  Werner,  1889),  II,  144  sqq.,  225,  240  sq. 

482.  Victor   Emmanuel's    address   at   the   opening   of    the 

Italian  parliament  (February,  1861) 577 

Annual  Register  (1861),  Section,  "  History,"  pp.  186  sq. 

483.  Pius  IX's  attitude  toward  the  unification  of  Italy     .     .  579 

Ibid.  187  sq. 

484.  The   Italian   ministry's  hope  of  winning  both  Venice 

and  Rome 579 

Ibid.  190  sq. 

IV.  The  Austro-Prussian  War  and  the  Founding  of  the 
North  German  Confederation 

485.  King  William  addresses  his  people  (June,  1866)  .     .     .  580 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch,  458  sq. 

486.  Bismarck  describes  the  battle  of  Koniggratz    ....  582 

Ibid.  p.  459 

487.  How  Bismarck  held  victorious  Prussia  in  check  .     .     .  584 

Bismarck  the  Man  and  the  Statesman  (translated  under 
the  supervision  of  A.  J.  Butler),  II,  48  sqq. 

488.  The  three  forces  provided  for  in  the  German  consti- 

tution     586 

Speech  of  Sybel,  in   Bezold,  Materialien  der  deutschen 
Reichsverfassung  (1873),  I>  5^°  sa' 

V.  The  Franco-Prussian  War 

489.  How  Bismarck  cut  down  the  Ems  telegram      ....  589 

Bismarck  (as  above,  No.  487),  II,  100  sq. 

490.  Bismarck  describes  the  surrender  of  Napoleon  III  at 

Sedan 591 

Schilling,  Quellenbuch,  p.  480 

491.  Downfall  of  the  second  empire 592 

Ibid.  p.  483 

492.  Proclamation    of    the    German    empire    at    Versailles 

(January,  1871) 594 

Ibid.  pp.  484  sq. 


xxxii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


CHAPTER  XLI  — EUROPE  OF  T6-DAY 

I.  Development  of  Natural  Science  PAGE 

493.  Contrast  between  mediaeval  and  modern  science  .     .     .  599 

Whewell,   History  of  the   Inductive   Sciences  from   the 
Earliest  to  the  Present  Time,  Bk.  IV,  Introd.,  and  c.  1 

494.  Francis    Bacon    proclaims    the    principles  of  scientific 

advance 601 

Works  of  Francis  Bacon;   ed.  Spedding  (Boston,  1863), 
Vol.   VIII,   Organon,   Bk.  I,  cc.  xvi,  xviii,  xix,  lxxxix, 


xc,  xcvu 


495.  How  Darwin's  work  was  received 605 

Andrew  D.  White,  A  History  of  the  Warfare  of  Science 
and  Theology  in  Christendom,  I,  70  sqq. 

496.  The  scientific  advance  in  the  eighteenth  century  .     .     .  606 

Taine,  Ancient  Regime,  171  sqq. 

II.  Applied  Science 

497.  Efficiency  of  modern  industrial  methods 608 

Adapted  from  Charles  A.  Beard,  The  Industrial  Revo- 
littion  (London,  1902),  39  sqq.  See  also  First  Annual 
Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor  (Washington,  1886), 

498.  Improvements  in  methods  of  transportation    ....  610 

Wells,  Economic  Changes  (1899),  37  s9a- 

499.  Effects  of  improved  methods  of  transportation    .     .     .611 

The  United  States  of  America;  ed.  N.  S.  Shaler,  II,  65  sqq. 

500.  The  beneficent  bacteria 613 

Dr.  William  Osler,  in  The  Progress  of  the  Century 
(1901),  184  sq. 

501.  Modern  surgery 614 

Dr.  W.  W.  Keen,  Ibid.  230  sq. 

III.  Political  and  Social  Democracy 

502.  The  chief  political  issues   in  western  Europe  during 

the  nineteenth  century 615 

Adapted  from  Seignobos,  A  Political  History  of  Europe 
since  1814;  ed.  Mac  Vane,  836  sqq. 

503.  The  socialist  programme  issued  at  Gotha  (1875)  ■     ■     ■  617 

Schonberg,  Handbuch  der  politischen  Oekonomie  (3d  ed.), 
I,  131  sq. 

504.  Extract  from  the  Erfurt  programme  (1891)      ....  619 

R.  T.  Ely,  Socialism  (1894),  357  sq. 

IV.  Imperialism 

505.  Present  extent  of  European  colonies 620 

Adapted  from  J.  A.  Hobson,  Imperialism  (1902),  20  sq. 


READINGS    IN 
EUROPEAN    HISTORY 

CHAPTER   XXIII 
EUROPE  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THE   SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

I.  The  Expedition  of  Charles  VIII  into  Italy 

There  could  be  no  more  charming  introduction  to  TheMS- 
the  history  of  the  sixteenth  century  than  the  famous  JJJjj"^ 
memoirs  of  Philip  of  Commines.  The  French,  in  mod-  Commines 
ern  times,  have  been  distinguished  for  the  skill  with 
which  they  combine  their  personal  reminiscences  with 
a  more  or  less  complete  account  of  the  history  of  their 
own  times,  in  the  form  of  memoirs,  which  both  delight 
the  casual  reader  and  serve  the  purposes  of  the  serious 
historian.  Of  this  attractive  but  too  often  unreliable 
kind  of  history  Commines  affords  a  very  early  and 
admirable  example.  Born  in  Flanders  not  later  than 
1447,  tne  writer  first  attached  himself  to  the  court  of 
Charles  the  Bold  and  served  him  as  councilor  and  ambas- 
sador. In  1472,  however,  he  went  over  to  Charles* 
arch-enemy,  Louis  XI  of  France,  of  whom  he  has  much 
to  say.1  Six  or  seven  years  after  the  death  of  Louis, 
Commines  wrote  the  first   six  books   of  his  memoirs, 

1  For  Commines'  estimate  of  both  Charles  the  Bold  and  Louis  XI, 
see  above,  Vol.  I,  pp.  477  sq.  and  481  sqq. 

I 


2  Readings  in  European  History 

relating  to  that  king's  reign  (1464- 148 3).  Under 
Charles  VIII,  Commines  had  ample  opportunity,  as 
ambassador  to  Venice,  to  observe  the  manner  in  which 
France,  Spain,  and  Germany  were  beginning  to  meddle 
in  Italian  affairs.  Just  after  Charles'  death  he  added 
two  books  to  his  memoirs,  dealing  especially  with  the 
years  1494  to  1498  and  the  expedition  into  Italy. 

No  one  can  fail  to  see  in  Commines'  account,  given 
below,  of  the  attitude  of  the  various  Italian  states 
(Milan,  Venice,  and  Florence)  toward  the  intervention 
of  France,  that  keen  insight  and  sense  of  humor, 
combined  with  a  certain  youthful  freshness  and  sim- 
plicity, which  have  commended  his  memoirs  for  well- 
nigh  four  centuries  to  readers  of  all  European  nations.1 
HowLudo-  An  invitation  to  Charles  VIII  to  try  his  fortune  in 

Mu°htSdrof   Italy  came  from  Milan>  where  Ludovico,  of  the  house 
Charles  viii   0f  Sforza,  was  endeavoring  to  exclude  his  nephew,  Gian 

of  France 

Galeazzo,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  duchy  of  Milan,  from 
his  inheritance.  The  chief  difficulty  in  Ludovico's  way 
was  not  Gian  himself,  but  his  spirited  wife,  a  Neapolitan 
princess,  who  might  call  in  her  relatives  to  support  the 
rights  of  her  inefficient  husband. 

231.  Atti-  None  of  the  subjects  or  relations  of  Gian  Galeazzo,  duke 

tude  of  the      0f  Milan,  gave  the  lord  Ludovico  the  least  disturbance  in 
stated  ms  designs  upon  the  duchy  except  Duke  Gian's  wife,  who 

toward  was  a  young  lady,  and  a  wise  daughter  to  Alphonso,  duke 

France. 

1  The  Memoires  were  translated  into  English  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. A  modern  and  pretty  accurate  translation  based  upon  a  good  text 
is  published  in  the  Bohn  Library.  An  admirable  edition  of  the  original 
French,  reproduced  from  a  recently  discovered  manuscript  more  com- 
plete than  any  hitherto  known,  has  just  been  published  by  Mandrot  in 
the  Collection  de  textes  pour  servir  a  V etude  et  a  V enseignement  de  Vhis- 
toire,  2  vols.,  1901-1903;  with  an  excellent  introduction  on  Commines 
and  his  work  at  the  opening  of  Vol.  II. 


Europe  at  the  Ope?iing  of  the  Sixteenth  Century       3 

of  Calabria  (whom  I  mentioned  above),  eldest  son  to  Fer- 
rante,  king  of  Naples.  In  the  year  1493  the  lord  Ludovico 
began  to  solicit  King  Charles  VIII,  then  reigning  in  France, 
to  undertake  an  expedition  into  Italy,  to  conquer  the  kingdom 
of  Naples,  and  to  supplant  and  exterminate  those  who  pos- 
sessed it ;  for  whilst  they  were  in  force  and  authority  Ludo- 
vico durst  not  attempt  what  he  did  afterwards ;  for  at  that 
time  Ferrante,  king  of  Naples,  and  Alphonso,  his  son,  were 
both  very  rich,  of  great  experience  in  war,  and  had  the 
reputation  of  being  very  valiant  princes,  though  it  afterwards 
appeared  otherwise.1 

This  Ludovico  was  a  wise  man,  but  very  timorous  and 
humble  where  he  was  in  awe  of  any  one,  and  false  and 
deceitful  when  it  was  for  his  advantage ;  and  this  I  do  not 
speak  by  hearsay,  but  as  one  that  knew  him  well,  and  had 
many  transactions  with  him.  But  to  proceed :  In  the  year 
1493  he  began  to  tickle  King  Charles,  who  was  but  twenty- 
two  years  of  age,  with  the  vanities  and  glories  of  Italy, 
demonstrating  (as  is  reported)  the  right  which  he  had  to 
the  fine  kingdom  of  Naples,  which  he  knew  well  enough 
how  to  blazon  and  display.   .  .  . 

[Now  since  the  heart  of  our  king,  though  he  was  very    How  Charles 
young,  was  strangely  bent  upon  this  enterprise,]  he  requested    7 j11  entered 
the  Venetians  to  give  him  their  assistance  and  counsel  in  his    tiations  with 
expedition,  and  they  returned  this  answer :  That  he  should    the  wily 
be  very  welcome  in  Italy,  but  that  they  were  wholly  incapa- 
ble of  assisting  him,  upon  account  of  their  continual  appre- 
hensions of  the  Turk  —  though  at  that  time  they  were  at 
peace  with  him.    As  for  undertaking  to  advise  so  wise  a 
king,  who  had  so  grave  a  council,  that  would  savor  too  much 
of  presumption  on  their  part ;  nevertheless  they  would  rather 
assist  than  disturb  him  in  his  designs. 

1  Ferrante  was  king  of  Naples  only,  not  of  Sicily,  which  belonged  to 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  as  part  of  the  possessions  of  the  rulers  of  Aragon. 
See  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  360,  note  (Vol.  II,  p.  8,  note).  Ferrante 
died  just  before  Charles  started  on  his  Italian  expedition.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  brutal  son,  Alphonso,  duke  of  Calabria,  who  however 
abdicated  in  a  panic  of  fear  upon  the  approach  of  Charles  and  his  army. 


Readings  in  European  History 


Aragon  (i.e 
of  Naples). 


Now  this  they  believed  a  very  discreet  answer,  and  truly 
so  it  was ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that  their  affairs  are  man- 
aged with  more  prudence  and  discretion  at  this  day  than 
the  affairs  of  any  other  prince  or  state  in  the  world ;  —  but 
God  will  still  have  us  know  that  the  wisdom  and  policy  of 
man  is  of  no  avail  where  he  pleases  to  interpose,  for  he 
ordered  the  affair  quite  otherwise  than  they  were  anticipating. 
The  Vene-  The  Venetians  did  not  imagine  that  the  king  would  come 

tians'  grudge    jn  persori)  and  (whatever  they  pretended)  they  had  no  appre- 
houseof  hension  of  the  Turk;   for  the  Turk  [Bajazet  II]  who  then 

reigned  was  a  man  of  no  courage  or  activity.  But  their 
design  was  to  be  revenged  upon  the  house  of  Aragon,  both 
father  and  son,1  for  whom  they  had  a  mortal  hatred,  because 
(as  they  said)  it  was  at  their  instigation  that  the  Turk  fell 
upon  them  at  Scutari.  I  mean  the  father  of  this  present 
Turk,  called  Mahomet  Ottoman,  who  conquered  Constan- 
tinople, and  did  abundance  of  mischief  besides  to  the 
Venetians.  They  had  several  other  complaints  also  against 
Alphonso,  duke  of  Calabria,  and,  among  the  rest,  they  said 
that  he  had  been  the  occasion  of  the  war  which  the  duke 
of  Ferrara  had  made  upon  them,  which  was  very  expensive, 
and  had  liked  to  have  proved  their  ruin.  They  complained 
also  that  he  had  sent  a  man  to  Venice,  expressly  to  poison 
their  cisterns,  at  least  such  as  he  could  come  at ;  for  some 
were  kept  under  lock  and  key.  In  that  city  they  use  no 
other  water,  for  they  are  wholly  surrounded  by  the  sea;  but 
that  water  is  very  good,  and  I  drank  of  it  eight  months 
together  during  my  first  embassy  thither  (for  I  have  been 
there  once  since). 

These  were  not,  however,  the  chief  grounds  of  the  Vene- 
tian animosity  toward  the  house  of  Aragon ;  the  real  reason 
was,  that  the  father  and  son  had  restrained  them,  and  kept 
them  from  extending  their  conquests  in  both  Italy  and 
Greece  —  for  their  eyes  were  turned  in  both  directions,  and, 
moreover,  without  any  title  or  excuse,  they  had  lately  sub- 
dued the  kingdom  of  Cyprus. 

1  Namely,  the  above-mentioned  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  his  son 
Alphonso,  who  belonged  to  a  branch  of  the  reigning  house  of  Aragon. 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century       5 


In  view  of  all  these  grudges,  the  Venetians  thought  it 
would  be  highly  to  their  advantage  if  a  war  should  be  begun 
between  our  king  and  the  house  of  Aragon  ;  hoping  it  would 
not  be  brought  to  a  conclusion  so  soon  as  it  was,  and  that 
it  would  only  weaken  the  power  of  their  enemies  and  not 
utterly  destroy  them ;  and  then,  let  happen  what  would,  one 
side  or  the  other  would  give  them  towns  in  Apulia,  which 
borders  upon  their  gulf,  in  order  to  have  their  assistance. 
And  even  so  it  fell  out,  though  they  had  liked  to  have  been 
mistaken  in  their  reckoning.  Besides,  they  thought  that 
nobody  could  accuse  them  of  inviting  our  king  into  Italy, 
since  they  had  neither  given  him  counsel  nor  assistance,  as 
appeared  to  the  world  by  their  answer  above. 

In  the  year  1493  the  king  advanced  to  Lyons,  to  examine 
into  his  affairs  ;  but  nobody  ever  imagined  he  would  have 
passed  the  mountains  himself.  .  .  . 

[Nevertheless]  the  king,  on  the  23d  of  August,  1494, 
set  out  from  Vienne,  and  marched  straight  toward  Asti.  At 
Susa,  the  lord  Galeazzo  di  St.  Severino  came  post  to  meet 
his  Majesty,  who  advanced  from  thence  to  Turin,  where  he 
borrowed  the  jewels  of  Madame  of  Savoy,  daughter  to  the 
late  William,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  widow  to  Charles, 
duke  of  Savoy.  Having  pawned  them  for  twelve  thousand 
ducats,  he  removed  a  few  days  after  to  Casale,  the  residence 
of  the  marchioness  of  Montferrat,  a  young  and  prudent  lady, 
and  daughter  to  the  king  of  Servia.  The  Turk  having  over- 
run her  country,  the  emperor,  whose  relative  she  was,  took 
care  of  her,  and  procured  her  a  husband.  She  also  lent  the 
king  her  jewels,  and  they  also  were  pawned  for  twelve  thou- 
sand ducats  ;  by  which  you  may  see  how  unprosperous  was 
the  beginning  of  this  war,  had  not  God  himself  conducted 
the  enterprise. 

The  king  continued  at  Asti  for  some  time.  The  wines 
in  Italy  were  sour  this  year,  and  therefore  not  at  all  agree- 
able to  the  French,  any  more  than  the  excessive  heat  of  the 
atmosphere.  The  lord  Ludovico  and  his  wife  came  with  a 
numerous  retinue  to  wait  on  his  Majesty ;  they  stayed  there 
two  days,  and  then  removed  to  a  castle  called  Annone,  about 


Character- 
istic attitude 
of  an  Italian 
state  toward 
a  foreign 
invader. 


How  the 
king  of 
France 
raised  funds 
on  borrowed 
jewels. 


Readings  in  European  History 


231a. 

Florence  and 
the  Medici. 


The  MedicL 


a  league  from  Asti,  belonging  to  the  duchy  of  Milan,  at  which 
place  the  king's  council  resorted  to  him  daily.  .  .  . 

Something  must  now  be  said  of  the  Florentines,  who  sent 
two  embassies  to  the  king  of  France  before  his  setting  out 
upon  this  expedition  ;  but  their  design  was  only  to  dissemble 
with  him.  .  .  .  Our  demands  were  only  that  they  should 
grant  us  passage  for  our  troops,  and  furnish  us  an  hundred 
men  at  arms,  to  be  paid  by  them  after  the  Italian  rate  (which 
is  but  ten  thousand  ducats  a  year). 

The  ambassadors  replied  according  to  the  instructions 
that  were  given  them  by  Piero  de'  Medici,  a  young  man  of 
no  extraordinary  parts,  son  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  lately 
deceased,  who  had  been  one  of  the  wisest  men  of  his  time, 
had  governed  the  city  almost  as  a  prince,  and  left  it  to  his 
son.  Their  house  had  already  existed  two  generations,  dur- 
ing the  lives  of  Piero,  the  father  of  this  Lorenzo,  and  of 
Cosimo,  who  founded  it,  a  man  worthy  to  be  reckoned 
among  the  chief  of  that  age.  Indeed,  in  their  profession, 
which  was  merchandising,  I  think  this  family  was  the  great- 
est that  ever  was  in  the  world  ;  for  their  agents  had  so  much 
reputation  on  account  of  this  name  of  Medici  that  the  effect 
of  it  in  England  and  Flanders,  as  I  have  myself  seen,  is  scarce 
credible. 

I  saw  one  of  their  agents,  Gerard  Canisiani,  who  kept 
King  Edward  IV  upon  his  throne,  almost  upon  his  own  credit, 
during  the  time  of  the  great  civil  wars  in  that  kingdom ;  for 
he  furnished  the  king  at  different  times  with  more  than  six- 
score  thousand  crowns,  —  little  to  his  master's  advantage, 
though  in  the  end  he  got  his  money  back  again.  I  knew  also 
another,  named  Thomas  Portinari,  who  was  security  between 
King  Edward  and  Charles,  duke  of  Burgundy,  for  fifty  thou- 
sand crowns,  and  at  another  time  for  eighty  thousand.  I 
cannot  commend  merchants  for  acting  thus ;  but  it  is  highly 
commendable  in  a  prince  to  be  punctual  with  them,  and 
keep  his  promise  exactly ;  for  he  knows  not  how  soon  he 
may  want  their  assistance,  and  certainly  a  little  money  some- 
times does  great  service. 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century       J 


This  family  of  Medici  seem  already  to  be  in  a  declining 
condition  —  as  happens  in  all  kingdoms  and  governments 
—  for  the  authority  of  his  predecessors  has  been  hurtful  to 
Piero,  though  indeed  Cosimo,  the  first  of  the  family,  was  mild 
and  gentle  in  his  administration,  and  behaved  himself  as  he 
ought  in  a  free  city. 

Lorenzo,  the  father  of  that  Piero  of  whom  we  are  now 
speaking,  upon  occasion  of  the  difference,  mentioned  in  a 
former  part  of  this  book,  betwixt  him  and  the  Pisans,  in 
which  several  of  them  were  hanged,  had  a  guard  of  twenty 
soldiers  assigned  him,  for  the  security  of  his  person,  by  an 
order  from  the  city  council,  which  at  that  time  did  whatever 
he  commanded.  However,  he  governed  very  moderately ; 
for,  as  I  said  before,  he  was  a  wise  man. 

His  son  Piero,  on  the  contrary,  thought  that  a  guard  was 
his  due,  and,  what  is  more,  he  employed  it  to  the  terror  and 
vexation  of  his  people,  committing  great  injuries  and  inso- 
lences by  night,  and  invading  the  common  treasure.  His 
father  had  indeed  done  this  before  him;  but  he  managed  it 
so  prudently  that  the  people  were  almost  satisfied  with  his 
proceedings.  .   .  . 

I  had  almost  forgotten  to  mention  that  while  I  was 
at  Florence,  on  my  way  to  join  the  king,  I  went  to  pay 
a  visit  to  a  certain  Dominican,  named  Friar  Jerome,  who, 
by  all  reports,  was  a  very  holy  man,  and  had  lived  in  a 
reformed  convent  fifteen  years.  There  went  along  with  me 
one  Jean  Francois,  a  prudent  person,  and  steward  of  the 
king's  household.  The  occasion  of  my  going  to  visit  Friar 
Jerome  was  that  he  had  always  preached  much  in  our  king's 
favor,  and  his  words  had  served  to  keep  the  Florentines 
from  turning  against  us  ;  for  never  had  any  preacher  enjoyed 
so  much  authority  in  a  city. 

In  spite  of  what  has  been  said  or  written  to  the  contrary, 
he  always  affirmed  that  our  king  would  come  into  Italy, 
saying  that  he  was  sent  by  God  to  chastise  the  tyranny  of 
princes,  and  that  none  would  be  able  to  oppose  him.  He 
foretold  likewise  that  he  would  come  to  Pisa  and  enter  it, 


Contrast 
between 
Lorenzo  the 
Magnificent 
and  his  son 
Piero. 


231b.  The 
memorable 
preaching 
of  Friar 
Jerome 
Savona- 
rola. 


8  Readings  in  European  History 

and  that  the  state  of  Florence  would  be  dissolved  on  that 
day.  And  so  it  fell  out ;  for  Piero  de'  Medici  was  driven 
out  that  very  day. 

Many  other  things  he  presaged  long  before  they  came  to 
pass,  as,  for  instance,  the  death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici ;  and 
he  openly  declared  that  he  knew  it  by  revelation  ;  as  like- 
wise he  predicted  that  the  Church  would  be  reformed  by  the 
sword.  This  is  not  yet  accomplished ;  but  it  must  be  said 
that  it  very  nearly  occurred,  and  he  still  maintains  that  it 
will  come  to  pass. 

Many  persons  blamed  him  for  pretending  to  receive  divine 
revelations,  but  others  believed  him ;  for  my  part,  I  think 
him  a  good  man. 

I  asked  him  whether  our  king  would  return  safe  into 
France,  considering  the  great  preparations  that  the  Venetians 
were  making  against  him,  of  which  he  gave  a  better  account 
than  I  could,  though  I  had  lately  come  from  Venice.  He 
told  me  he  would  meet  with  difficulties  by  the  way,  but  that 
he  would  overcome  them  all  with  honor,  though  he  had 
but  a  hundred  men  in  his  company;  for  God,  who  had 
conducted  him  thither,  would  securely  guard  him  on  his 
way  back  again. 

But  because  he  had  not  applied  himself  as  he  ought  to  the 
reformation  of  the  Church,  and  because  he  had  permitted  his 
soldiers  to  rob  and  plunder  the  poor  people,  —  those  who 
had  freely  opened  their  gates  to  him  as  well  as  the  enemy 
who  had  opposed  him,  —  therefore  God  had  pronounced 
judgment  against  him,  and  in  a  short  time  he  would  receive 
chastisement. 

However,  he  bade  me  tell  the  king  that  if  he  would  have 
compassion  upon  the  people,  and  command  his  soldiers  to 
do  them  no  wrong,  and  punish  them  when  they  did,  as  it  was 
his  office  to  do,  God  would  then  mitigate,  if  not  revoke,  his 
sentence ;  but  that  it  would  not  be  sufficient  for  him  to  plead 
that  he  did  the  people  no  wrong  himself.  And  he  declared 
that  he  would  meet  the  king  when  he  came,  and  tell  him  so 
from  his  own  mouth ;  and  so  he  did,  and  pressed  hard  for 
the  restitution  of  the  Florentine  towns. 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Centicry       9 


Prince. 


II.   Machiavelli's  Description  of  the  Troubles  in 
Italy  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth 

Century 

Machiavelli's  little  guide  for  despots,  The  Prince}  was  Machiavelli's 
written  in  15 13,  at  the  opening  of  Leo  X's  pontificate, 
and  contains  many  references  to  important  events  which 
were  still  fresh  in  his  mind.  These  contemporaneous 
events  and  the  princes  who  took  part  in  them  are  used 
constantly  as  illustrations  and  warnings.  Probably  no 
other  book  gives  one  so  lively  a  notion  as  does  The 
Prince  of  the  prevailing  political  spirit  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century.2 


232.  Mach- 
iavelli's 
estimate  of 
Ferdinand 


Nothing  makes  a  prince  so  well  thought  of  as  to  under 
take  great  enterprises  and  give  striking  proofs  of  his  ca 
pacity. 

Among  the  princes  of  our  time  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  the  of  Aragon 
present  king  of  Spain,  may  almost  be  accounted  a  new 
prince,  since  from  one  of  the  weakest  he  has  become,  for 
fame  and  glory,  the  foremost  king  in  Christendom.  And  if 
you  consider  his  achievements,  you  will  find  them  all  great, 
and  some  extraordinary. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  made  war  on  Granada, 
which  enterprise  was  the  foundation  of  his  power.  At  first 
he  carried  on  the  war  leisurely,  without  fear  of  interruption, 
and  kept  the  attention  and  thoughts  of  the  barons  of  Castile 
so  completely  occupied  with  it  that  they  had  no  time  to  think 
of  changes  at  home.  Meanwhile  he  insensibly  acquired  rep- 
utation  among  them    and   authority  over  them.    With  the 

1  The  best  edition  of  //  Principe  in  the  original  Italian  is  that  edited 
with  an  admirable  introduction  and  many  notes  by  L.  A.  Burd  ;  pub- 
lished, with  an  interesting  preface  by  Lord  Acton,  by  the  Clarendon 
Press,  Oxford,  1891.  The  same  press  has  issued  a  careful  translation 
by  N.  H.  Thomson  (2d  ed.,  1897),  which  I  have  here  followed. 

2  Extracts  from  The  Prince  describing  the  spirit  and  policy  of  the 
Italian  despots  are  given  above,  Vol.  I,  pp.  516  sqq. 


lO 


Readings  in  liuropean  History 


232a. 

Whether  it 
is  prudent 
for  a  prince 
to  keep  his 
promises. 


A  prince 
should  not 
k<<-]>  hit  word 

when  to  keep 

it  would 
injur'.-  him. 


money  of  the  Church  and  of  his  subjects  he  was  able  to 
maintain  his  armies,  and  during  the  prolonged  contest  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  that  military  discipline  which  afterwards 
marie  him  so  famous. 

Moreover,  to  enable  him  to  engage  in  still  greater  under 

takings,  always  covering  himself  with  the  cloak  of  religion, 
he  had  recourse  to  what  may  be  called  "pious  cruelty,"  in 
driving  out  and  clearing  his  kingdom  of  the  Moors;  than 
which  exploit  none  could  be  more  wonderful  or  uncommon. 
Using  the  same  pretext,  he  made  war  on  Africa,  invaded 
Italy,  and  finally  attacked  Franc-  :  and  being  thus  con« 
,t  intly  busied  in  planning  and  executing  va  A  designs,  he 
kept  the  minds  of  his  subjects  in  suspense  and  admiration, 
and  occupied  with  the  results  of  his  actions,  which  arose 
one  out  of  another  in  such  close  succession  as  left  neither 
time  nor  opportunity  to  oppose  them.  .  .   . 

Every  one  understands  how  praiseworthy  it  is  in  a  prince 
to  keep  faith,  and  to  live  uprightly  and  not  craftily.  Never- 
theless we  see,  from  what  has  taken  place  in  our  own  days, 
that  princes  who  have  set  little  store  by  their  word,  but  have 
known  how  to  overreach  men  by  their  cunning,  have  accom- 
plished great  things,  and  in  the  end  got  the  better  of  those 
who  trusted  to  honest  dealing. 

lie  it  known,  then,  that  there  are  two  ways  of  contend- 
ing,—  one  in  accordam  e  with  the  laws,  the  other  by  force  ; 
the  first  of  which  is  proper  to  men,  the  second  to  beasts. 
iiut  since  the  first  method  is  often  ineffectual,  it  becomes 
necessary  to  resort  to  the  second.  A  prince  should,  there 
fore,  understand  how  to  use  well  both  the  man  and  the 
beast.  .  .  .  But  inasmuch  as  a  prince  should  know  how  to 
use  the  beast's  nature  wisely,  he  ought  of  beasts  to  choose 
both  the  lion  and  the  fox  ;  for  the  lion  cannot  guard  himself 
from  the  toils,  nor  the  fox  from  wolves.  He  must  therefore 
be  a  fox  to  discern  toils,  and  a  lion  to  drive  off  wolves. 

To  rely  wholly  on  the  lion  is  unwise;  and  for  this  reason 
a  prudent  prince  neither  can  nor  ought  to  keep  his  word 
when  to  keep  it  is  hurtful  to  him  and  the  causes  which  led 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     I  I 

him  to  pledge  it  are  removed.  If  all  men  were  good,  this 
would  not  be  good  advice,  hut  since  they  are  dishonest  and 
do  not  keep  faith  with  you,  you  in  return  need  not  keep  faith 
with  them;  and  no  prince  was  ever  at  a  loss  for  plausible 
reasons  to  cloak  a  breach  of  faith.  Of  this  numberless 
recent  instances  could  be  given,  and  it  might  be  shown  how 
many  solemn  treaties  and  engagements  have  been  rendered 
inoperative  and  idle  through  want  of  faith  among  princes, 
and  that  he  who  has  best  known  how  to  play  the  fox  has 
had  the  best  success. 

It  is  necessary,  indeed,  to  put  a  good  color  on  this  nature, 
and  to  be  skilled  in  simulating  and  dissembling.  Ikit  men 
are  so  simple,  and  governed  so  absolutely  by  their  present 
needs,  that  he  who  wishes  to  deceive  will  never  fail  in  find- 
ing willing  dupes.  One  recent  example  I  will  not  omit 
Pope  Alexander  VI  had  no  care  or  thought  but  how  to 
deceive,  and  always  found  material  to  work  on.  No  man 
ever  had  a  more  effective  manner  of  asseverating,  or  made 
promises  with  more  solemn  protestations,  or  observed  them 
less.  And  yet,  because  he  understood  this  side  of  human 
nature,  his  frauds  always  succeeded.   ... 

In   his   efforts  to   aggrandize  his  son,   the   duke   [Caesar   232b.  Policy 
Borgia],  Alexander  VI   had  to  face  many  difficulties,  both    ^f,fx°ap®der 
immediate  and  remote.     In  the  first  place,  he  saw  no  way  to    viand  his 
make  him  ruler  of  any  state  which  did  not  belong  to  the    son,  Cassar 
Church.    Yet,  if  he  sought  to  take  for  him  a  state  of  the    Bor«ia- 
Church,  he  knew  that  the  duke  of  Milan  and  the  Venetians 
would  withhold  their  consent,    Faenza  and    Rimini  '   being 
already  under  the  protection  of  the  latter.    Further,  he  saw 
that  the  forces  of  Italy,  and  those  more  especially  of  which 
he  might  have  availed  himself,  were  in  the  hands  of  men 
who  had  reason  to  fear  his  aggrandizement,  —  that  is,  of  the 
Orsini,  the  Colonnesi,2  and  their  followers.     These,  there- 
fore, he  could  not  trust. 

1  Towns  in  Romagna,  a  province  upon  which  Alexander  VI  had  his 
eyes  as  an  appropriate  field  of  conquest  for  his  son. 

2  Powerful  families  of  Roman  barons. 


12 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  pope's 
selfish 
reasons  for 
encouraging 
Louis  XII 
to  invade 
Italy. 


Louis  XII 

captures 

Milan. 


Caesar  Bor- 
gia's methods 
of  ridding 
himself  of 
his  enemies. 


How  Caesar 
Borgia  ruled 
his  duchy  of 
Romagna. 


It  was  consequently  necessary  that  the  existing  order  of 
things  should  be  changed,  and  the  states  of  Italy  thrown  into 
confusion,  in  order  that  he  might  safely  make  himself  master 
of  some  part  of  them ;  and  this  became  easy  for  him  when 
he  found  that  the  Venetians,  moved  by  other  causes,  were 
plotting  to  bring  the  French  once  more  into  Italy.  This  design 
he  accordingly  did  not  oppose,  but  furthered  by  annulling  the 
first  marriage  of  King  Louis  of  France.1 

King  Louis  therefore  came  into  Italy  at  the  instance  of 
the  Venetians,  and  with  the  consent  of  Pope  Alexander; 
and  no  sooner  was  he  in  Milan  than  the  pope  got  troops 
from  him  to  forward  the  papal  schemes  in  Romagna,  which 
province,  moved  by  the  reputation  of  the  French  arms,  at  once 
submitted.  After  thus  obtaining  possession  of  Romagna,  and 
after  quelling  the  Colonnesi,  Duke  Valentine  (i.e.  Caesar  Bor- 
gia) was  desirous  of  following  up  and  extending  his  conquests. 
Two  causes,  however,  held  him  back ;  namely,  the  doubtful 
fidelity  of  his  own  forces  and  the  waywardness  of  France. .  .  . 

The  duke,  trusting  no  longer  either  to  the  French  or  to 
any  other  foreign  aid,  that  he  might  not  have  to  confront 
them  openly,  resorted  to  stratagem,  and  was  so  well  able 
to  dissemble  his  designs  that  the  Orsini  .  .  .  were  drawn, 
in  their  simplicity,  into  his  hands  at  Sinigaglia.2  When  the 
leaders  were  thus  disposed  of  and  their  followers  made  his 
friends,  the  duke  had  laid  sufficiently  good  foundations  for 
his  future  power,  since  he  held  all  Romagna  together  with 
the  dukedom  of  Urbino,  and  had  ingratiated  himself  with 
the  entire  population  of  these  states,  who  now  began  to  see 
that  they  were  well  off. 

And  since  this  part  of  his  conduct  merits  both  attention  and 
imitation,  I  shall  not  pass  it  over  in  silence.  After  the  duke 
had  taken  Romagna,  finding  that  it  had  been  ruled  by  feeble 
lords,  who  thought   more  of  plundering  than  of  governing 

1  Louis  XII's  desire  for  a  divorce  was  due  to  his  eagerness  to  marry 
the  widow  of  Charles  VIII,  Anne  of  Brittany,  who  would  bring  to  the 
French  crown  the  important  fief  of  Brittany. 

2  Here  Caesar  had  his  dangerous  generals  strangled  in  a  most  treach- 
erous manner. 


■  *, 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     1 3 


their  subjects,  —  which  gave  them  more  cause  for  division 
than  for  union,  so  that  the  country  was  overrun  with  rob- 
bery, tumult,  and  every  kind  of  outrage,  —  he  judged  it 
necessary,  with  a  view  to  rendering  it  peaceful,  and  obedient 
to  his  authority,  to  provide  it  with  a  good  government. 
Accordingly  he  set  over  it  Messer  Remiro  d'  Oreo,  a  stern 
and  prompt  ruler,  who,  being  intrusted  with  the  fullest 
powers,  in  a  very  short  time,  and  with  much  credit  to  him- 
self, restored  it  to  tranquillity  and  order.  But  afterwards 
the  duke,  apprehending  that  such  unlimited  authority  might 
become  odious,  decided  that  it  was  no  longer  needed,  and 
established  in  the  center  of  the  province  a  civil  tribunal, 
with  an  excellent  president,  in  which  every  town  was  repre- 
sented by  its  advocate.  And  knowing  that  past  severities 
had  generated  ill  feeling  against  himself,  in  order  to  purge 
the  minds  of  the  people  and  gain  their  good  will,  he  sought 
to  show  them  that  any  cruelty  which  had  been  done  had  not 
originated  with  him,  but  in  the  harsh  disposition  of  his  min- 
ister. Availing  himself  of  the  pretext  which  this  afforded, 
he  one  morning  caused  Remiro  to  be  beheaded,  and  exposed 
in  the  market  place  of  Cesena  with  a  block  and  bloody  ax  by 
his  side.  The  barbarity  of  this  spectacle  at  once  astounded 
and  satisfied  the  populace. 

But  Machiavelli  hated  the  "barbarians,"  —  the  French, 
Germans,  and  Spaniards,  —  and  in  the  last  chapter  of 
his  Prince  he  called  upon  the  nephew  of  Leo  X  to  free 
Italy  from  the  foreign  invaders  and,  by  putting  in  prac- 
tice the  principles  of  conduct  previously  described,  to 
establish  a  strong  government  and  bring  peace  once 
more  to  his  distracted  country. 

Turning  over  in  my  mind  all  the  matters  which  have  been 
considered  above,  and  debating  with  myself  whether  in  Italy 
at  the  present  hour  the  times  are  such  as  might  serve  to 
confer  honor  on  a  new  prince,  and  whether  a  fit  opportunity 
now  offers  for  a  prudent  and  valiant  leader  to  bring  about 


Caesar's 
proof  of  his 
gentle 
disposition. 


232c.  Mach- 
iavelli calls 
upon  the 
house  of 
Medici  to 
drive  out 
the  "  bar- 
barians." 


14 


Readings  in  European  History 


Italy  op- 
pressed by 
foreign 
powers. 


Italy  prays 
for  a 
deliverer. 


changes  glorious  for  himself  and  beneficial  to  the  whole 
Italian  people,  it  seems  to  me  that  so  many  conditions  com- 
bine to  further  such  an  enterprise,  that  I  know  of  no  time 
so  favorable  to  it  as  the  present.  And  if,  as  I  have  said,  it 
was  necessary  in  order  to  display  the  valor  of  Moses  that 
the  children  of  Israel  should  be  slaves  in  Egypt,  and  to 
show  the  greatness  and  courage  of  Cyrus  that  the  Persians 
should  be  oppressed  by  the  Medes,  and  to  illustrate  the 
excellence  of  Theseus  that  the  Athenians  should  be  scat- 
tered and  divided,  so  at  this  hour,  to  prove  the  worth  of 
some  Italian  hero,  it  was  required  that  Italy  should  be 
brought  to  her  present  abject  condition,  be  more  a  slave 
than  the  Hebrew,  more  oppressed  than  the  Persian,  more 
disunited  than  the  Athenian,  without  a  head,  without  order, 
beaten,  spoiled,  torn  in  pieces,  overrun,  and  abandoned  to 
destruction  in  every  shape. 

But  though,  heretofore,  glimmerings  may  have  been  dis- 
cerned in  this  man  or  that,  whence  it  might  be  conjectured 
that  he  was  ordained  by  God  for  Italy's  redemption,  neverthe- 
less it  has  afterwards  been  seen  in  the  further  course  of  his 
actions  that  Fortune  has  disowned  him ;  so  that  our  coun- 
try, left  almost  without  life,  still  waits  to  know  who  it  is  that 
is  to  heal  her  bruises,  to  put  an  end  to  the  devastation  and 
plunder  of  Lombardy  and  to  the  exactions  and  imposts  of 
Naples  and  Tuscany,  and  to  stanch  those  wounds  of  hers 
which  long  neglect  has  changed  into  running  sores. 

We  see  how  she  prays  God  to  send  some  one  to  rescue 
her  from  these  barbarous  cruelties  and  oppressions.  We  see 
too  how  ready  and  eager  she  is  to  follow  any  standard,  were 
there  only  some  one  to  raise  it.  But  at  present  we  see  no 
one  except  in  your  illustrious  house  (preeminent  by  its  vir- 
tues and  good  fortune,  and  favored  by  God  and  by  the 
Church,  whose  headship  it  now  holds)  who  could  undertake 
the  part  of  a  deliverer.  But  for  you  this  will  not  be  too  hard 
a  task,  if  you  keep  before  your  eyes  the  lives  and  actions  of 
those  whom  I  have  named  above.  .  .  . 

If  then  your  illustrious  house  should  seek  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  those  great  men  who  have  delivered  their  country 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     I  5 

in  past  ages,  it  is  before  all  things  necessary,  as  the  true    National 
foundation  of  every  such  attempt,  to  be  provided  with  national    tro°ps  should 

1  1  r     •    1    r     1       be  substl- 

troops,  since  you  can  have  no  braver,  truer,  or  more  faithful  tuted  for  the 
soldiers.  And  although  every  single  man  of  them  be  good,  mercenaries 
collectively  they  will  be  better,  seeing  themselves  com- 
manded by  their  own  prince,  and  honored  and  esteemed  by 
him.  That  you  may  be  able,  therefore,  to  defend  yourself 
against  the  foreigner  with  Italian  valor,  the  first  step  is  to 
provide  yourself  with  an  army  such  as  this.  .   .  . 

This  opportunity,  then,  for  Italy  at  last  to  look  on  her 
deliverer,  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  pass  away.  With  what 
love  he  would  be  received  in  all  those  provinces  which  have 
suffered  from  the  foreign  inundation  ;  with  what  thirst  for 
vengeance,  with  what  firm  fidelity,  with  what  devotion  and 
what  tears,  no  words  of  mine  can  declare.  What  gates  would 
be  closed  against  him  ?  What  people  would  refuse  him  obe- 
dience ?  What  jealousy  would  stand  in  his  way  ?  What  Ital- 
ian but  would  yield  him  homage  ?  This  barbarian  tyranny 
stinks  in  all  nostrils. 

III.  The  Good  Chevalier  Bayard.    The  Battle  of 

Marignano  (15  i 5) 

In  the  dreary  annals  of  the  bloody  and  fruitless  The  life  of 
wars  carried  on  by  the  French  kings,  Charles  VIII,  Bayard  by 
Louis  XII,  and  Francis  I,  with  the  hope  of  gaining  a   the  Loyal 

x  00  Servitor. 

foothold  in  Italy,  one  brave  warrior  stands  out  whom 
the  French  have  rightly  never  ceased  to  love, — the 
Chevalier  Bayard,  the  knight  "  without  fear  and  with- 
out reproach."  We  have  a  beautiful  life  of  him,  the 
very  title  of  which  might  make  it  immortal,  The  very 
Joyous,  Pleasing,  and  Diverting  History  of  the  Gentle 
Lord  of  Bayard,  written  by  the  Loyal  Servitor.  We 
are  carried  back  to  the  knightly  St.  Louis  and  his 
biographer,1  only  the  Loyal   Servitor,  as  he  chose  to 

1  See  above,  Vol.  I,  pp.  212  sq. 


\6 


Readings  in  European  Histoiy 


233.  How 
the  Good 
Chevalier 
chose  the 
profession 
of  arms. 


sign  himself,  was  probably  no  high-born  noble,  as  was 
Joinville,  but  a  faithful  squire  and  secretary.  The  life 
of  the  chevalier  opens  as  follows  : 

In  the  country  of  Dauphiny  which  is  now  held  by  the 
king  of  France,  —  as  it  has  been  by  his  predecessors  for 
many  years,  ever  since  the  dauphin  Humbert,  who  was  the 
last  of  his  race,  gave  it  to  them,  —  there  are  a  number  of 
good  and  great  families  of  nobles,  from  which  so  many 
doughty  and  virtuous  knights  have  gone  forth  that  the  fame 
of  them  has  spread  abroad  throughout  all  Christendom. 
As  scarlet  surpasses  all  other  colors,  even  so  the  chevaliers 
of  Dauphiny,  without  slight  to  the  nobility  of  any  other 
region,  are  called  by  all  those  who  know  them  the  scarlet 
among  the  gentlemen  of  France.  Among  these  families  is 
that  of  Bayard,  of  ancient  and  noble  extraction,  as  those 
who  have  sprung  from  it  have  abundantly  proved ;  for  at 
the  battle  of  Poitiers  the  great-great-grandfather  of  the 
Good  Chevalier  without  fear  and  without  reproach  died 
at  the  feet  of  King  John  of  France ;  at  Cre'cy  his  great- 
grandfather perished ;  at  Montlhery  his  grandfather  was 
left  on  the  field  of  battle  with  six  mortal  wounds,  not  count- 
ing his  other  injuries  ;  and  at  Guinegate  his  father  was  so 
sore  wounded  that  he  was  never  afterwards  able  to  leave 
his  house,  where  he  died  at  the  age  of  eighty. 

A  few  days  before  his  death,  seeing  that  his  strength  was 
so  failing  him  that  he  could  not  long  remain  in  this  mortal 
life,  he  called  to  him  his  four  children  in  the  presence  of 
his  wife,  —  a  very  pious  lady,  wholly  devoted  to  God,  the 
sister  of  the  bishop  of  Grenoble,  of  the  family  of  Aleman. 
His  children  being  gathered  about  him  he  asked  the  eldest, 
who  was  eighteen  or  twenty  years  old,  what  he  wished  to 
be.  The  youth  replied  that  he  never  wished  to  leave  his 
father's  house,  which  he  would  serve  to  the  end  of  his  days. 
"  Very  well,  George,"  replied  the  father ;  "  since  you  love 
the  house,  you  shall  stay  here  and  fight  the  bears." 

The  second  boy,  who  was  the  Good  Chevalier  without 
fear  and  without  reproach,  was  then  asked  what  career  he 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  tJic  Sixteenth  Century     1 7 

would  follow.  He  was  only  thirteen  or  a  little  more,  but  alert 
as  a  falcon  ;  and  his  sunny  face  beamed  as  he  answered, 
like  a  man  of  fifty :  "  My  father,  the  bond  of  paternal  love 
holds  me  so  fast  that  I  ought  to  forget  everything  else  in 
order  to  serve  you  at  the  close  of  your  life ;  nevertheless 
the  glorious  tales  which  you  have  told  me  daily  of  the  noble 
men  of  the  past,  especially  those  of  our  own  house,  have 
sunk  deep  into  my  heart,  and  I  desire,  if  it  please  you,  to 
follow  the  calling  of  yourself  and  your  ancestors,  namely, 
that  of  arms;  for  it  is  that,  in  all  the  world,  which  I  most 
greatly  desire ;  and  I  trust,  with  God's  grace,  not  to  bring 
dishonor  upon  you."  Then  the  good  old  man  replied  with 
tears :  "  My  child,  God  grant  you  his  grace  !  You  already 
resemble  your  grandfather  in  face  and  figure,  and  he  in  his 
time  was  one  of  the  most  accomplished  knights  in  Chris- 
tendom. I  will  do  everything  I  can  to  put  you  in  the  way 
of  accomplishing  your  desires." 

The  Loyal  Servitor  thus  describes  the  death  of 
Louis  XII  and  the  opening  of  Francis  I's  earliest 
Italian  campaign,  in  which  the  Chevalier  Bayard  was 
conspicuous  : 

The    good    king   of    France,   Louis    XII,    after    passing    233a.  How 
through  many  adventures  in  the  year  1513  [and  losing  all    Louis  XII 
hold  on  Milan,  for  which  he  had  fought  so  hard],  returned    s^cceeded^ 
to  his  city  of  Blois,  where  he  hoped  for  some  respite  and    by  Francis  L 
enjoyment ;  but  his  pleasure  was  speedily  turned  to  great 
grief  and  sadness,  for  about  the  beginning  of  January  his 
good  companion  and  spouse,  Anne,  queen  of  France  and 
duchess  of  Brittany,  fell  grievously  ill,  and,  in  spite  of  all 
the  doctors  that  her  husband   summoned   to  her  aid,   she 
rendered  up  her  soul  to  God  in  less  than  a  week,  which 
was  an  unutterable  loss  to  France  and  a  cause  of  perpetual 
mourning  to  all  the  people   of  Brittany.    The  good   King 
Louis  was  so  sore  afflicted  by  this   grievous   bereavement 
that  for  a  whole  week  he  never  ceased  to  weep,  praying 
that  it  might  be  the  pleasure  of  our  Lord  that  he  should 


18 


Readings  in  European  History 


Marriage  of 
Louis  XII 
with  the 
sister  of 
Henry  VIII. 


Accession  of 
Francis  I 


rejoin  his  dear  wife.  His  only  remaining  comfort  was  in 
the  two  good  and  beautiful  princesses  whom  his  wife  had 
borne  him,  Claude  and  Renee,  the  latter  about  three  years 
old.  .  .  . 

Later  in  this  same  year,  about  the  month  of  October, 
through  the  mediation  of  Lord  Longueville,  who  was  then 
a  prisoner  in  England,  a  marriage  was  arranged  between 
King  Louis  and  Mary,  sister  of  the  English  king ;  and  the 
lady  was  conducted  to  Abbeville,  where  our  lord  king  mar- 
ried her.  He  did  not  much  need  to  be  married,  for  many 
reasons,  nor  did  he  greatly  care  to ;  but  as  he  saw  himself 
threatened  with  war  on  all  hands  and  could  not  maintain 
himself  without  burdening  his  people,  like  the  pelican,  he 
sacrificed  himself  for  his  children.  For  when  the  queen 
Mary  [then  sixteen  years  old]  had  made  her  entry  into 
Paris,  with  great  magnificence;  and  after  many  jousts  and 
tourneys,  which  lasted  more  than  six  weeks,  were  over,  the 
good  king,  to  please  his  young  wife,  changed  his  whole 
manner  of  life ;  for  where  he  had  been  wont  to  breakfast 
at  eight  o'clock  he  had  to  take  his  dejeuner  at  noon,  and 
instead  of  going  to  bed  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  he 
often  did  not  get  to  bed  before  midnight.  So,  toward  the 
end  of  December,  he  fell  ill  of  a  disease  which  defied  all 
human  remedies,  and  he  rendered  up  his  soul  to  God  on 
the  first  of  the  following  January  after  midnight. 

He  had  been  a  good  prince,  wise  and  upright,  who  main- 
tained peace  among  his  subjects  and  had  not  burdened 
them  except  when  he  was  compelled  to  do  so.  He  had 
seen  much  good  and  much  evil  in  his  time,  for  he  knew 
the  world  well.  He  had  won  many  victories  over  his  ene- 
mies, but  at  the  end  of  his  life  fortune  turned  a  rather  sour 
face  upon  him.  .   .  . 

After  him  Francis,  the  first  of  that  name,  succeeded  to 
the  crown  at  the  age  of  twenty.  He  was  as  handsome  a 
prince  as  the  world  had  ever  seen,  and  had  married  Lady 
Claude  of  France,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  king,  his  pred- 
ecessor, and  of  the  duchess  of  Brittany.  Never  has  there 
been  a  king  in  France  so  beloved  of  the  nobles.    He  was 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     19 


conducted  to  Rheims  to  be  consecrated,  accompanied  by 
so  many  princes,  gentlemen,  and  officers  that  the  number 
of  them  was  something  almost  incredible.  .  .  . 

While  these  things  were  taking  place  the  king  of  France 
was  privily  preparing  for  his  expedition  for  the  conquest  of 
his  duchy  of  Milan,  and  gradually  collected  his  army  near 
Lyons  and  in  Dauphiny.  The  Good  Chevalier  was  already 
at  that  time  the  king's  lieutenant  in  that  region,  where  he 
was  as  beloved  as  if  he  were  their  natural  lord.  Now,  as 
you  have  already  learned  from  sundry  passages,  the  Good 
Chevalier  was  always  gladly  at  the  front  when  the  enemy  was 
attacked  and  in  the  rear  when  his  men  retreated.  And  so 
it  happened  in  this  expedition,  for  he  was  sent  with  his  com- 
pany and  three  or  four  thousand  foot  soldiers  to  the  borders 
of  Dauphiny  and  the  territory  of  the  marquis  of  Saluzzo,  who 
had  lost  all  his  possessions  except  a  strong  fortress  called 
Revello.  In  the  marquis'  territory  a  great  number  of  Swiss 
were  garrisoned,  and  Lord  Prospero  Colonna,  the  lieutenant 
general  of  the  pope,  had  taken  up  his  residence  there,  exact- 
ing tribute  of  the  people  and  doing  just  as  he  liked.  [The 
French  troops,  however,  made  their  way  over  a  pass  which 
the  Swiss  had  failed  to  guard,  reenforced  Bayard  and  his 
men,  and  took  Colonna  prisoner.] 

The  king  of  France,  who  was  very  joyful  over  the  taking 
of  Lord  Prospero,  —  and  with  good  reason,  —  marched  with 
his  army  as  fast  as  he  could  and  came  into  Piedmont  to 
Turin,  where  the  duke  of  Savoy,  his  uncle,  received  him 
honorably.  The  Swiss,  who  had  been  guarding  the  passes, 
when  they  heard  of  the  taking  of  Lord  Prospero  and  the 
rout  of  his  troops,  abandoned  their  posts  and  retired  toward 
Milan,  whither  they  were  pursued. 

Proposals  for  settling  the  difficulties  between  the  Swiss  and 
the  king  of  France  were  under  consideration.  .  .  .  Negotia- 
tions continued  until  a  conclusion  was  reached,  as  the  army 
of  the  king  was  approaching  within  twelve  or  fifteen  miles 
of  Milan,  whither  the  Swiss  had  retreated  with  their  good 
prophet,  the  cardinal  of  Sion,  who  all  his  life  had  been  a 
mortal  enemy  of  the  French,   as  he  was  to  show  himself 


Opening  of 
the  Italian 
campaign. 


233b.  The 
Battle  of 
Marignano 
(September 

13-14, 1515) 


20  Readings  in  European  History 

this  time.1  For  though  the  lord  of  Lautrec  had  gone  to 
take  the  sum  agreed  upon  2  to  the  village  of  Galeazzo  (near 
Milan),  the  cardinal  preached  so  eloquently  to  the  Swiss 
on  a  Thursday  at  evening,  and  recalled  so  many  things 
to  their  minds,  that  they  rushed  forth  like  wild  men  from 
Milan  and  cast  themselves  upon  the  camp  of  the  king 
of  France. 

The  constable  Bourbon,  who  commanded  the  advance 
guard,  immediately  brought  his  troops  into  order  and  noti- 
fied the  king,  who  was  just  sitting  down  to  supper:  he  left 
his  supper  and  went  straight  against  the  enemy,  who  were 
already  engaging  in  skirmishes,  which  went  on  for  some 
time  before  the  real  fight  began.  The  king  of  France  had  a 
great  number  of  pikemen  who  attempted,  in  a  fit  of  fool- 
hardiness,  to  cross  a  ditch  in  order  to  come  at  the  Swiss, 
who  let  seven  or  eight  ranks  advance  and  then  threw  them- 
selves forward  in  such  a  way  that  those  who  had  already 
crossed  the  ditch  were  hurled  back  into  it,  and  the  pikemen 
were  thereby  thrown  into  great  consternation.  If  it  had  not 
been  for  the  lord  of  Guise, — who  fought  marvelously  and 
was  left  on  the  field  for  dead,  —  the  duke  of  Bourbon,  the 
constable,  the  gentle  count  of  St.  Pol,  the  Good  Chevalier, 
and  many  others,  who  opposed  themselves  to  this  body  of 
Swiss,  there  would  have  been  a  great  disaster,  for  it  was 
already  night,  and  the  night  feels  no  shame. 
Bravery  of  But  by  evening  the  soldiers  of  the  advance  guard  had 

Francis.  broken  the  ranks  of  the  Swiss,  some  two  thousand  of  whom 

started  to  pass  in  front  of  the  king,  who  recklessly  charged 
them.  There  was  a  sharp  combat,  in  which  the  king's  per- 
son was  in  great  danger,  for  a  great  hole  was  made  in  his 

1  The  Swiss  were  wont  to  hire  themselves  out  as  mercenary  soldiers, 
and  were  in  great  repute  on  account  of  their  bravery.  Louis  XII  had 
some  years  earlier  refused  to  employ  them  on  the  terms  they  demanded, 
and  had  alienated  their  leader,  Matthew  Schinner,  bishop  of  Sion,  by 
declining  to  give  him  a  pension.  Francis  I,  after  Marignano,  made  a 
treaty  with  them  which  was  observed  until  the  opening  of  the  French 
Revolution. 

2  The  Swiss  had  been  offered  700,000  crowns  if  they  would  return 
to  their  country  and  leave  Milan  to  the  French. 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century    2 1 


Adventure 
of  the  Good 
Chevalier. 


headpiece  by  a  pike.  But  it  was  now  so  late  in  the  day 
that  neither  side  could  see  the  other,  and  both  the  Swiss 
and  the  French  were  forced  for  that  evening  to  retire.  They 
disposed  themselves  for  the  night  as  best  they  could,  but  I 
do  not  think  that  any  one  was  much  at  his  ease.  Every  one 
took  what  came  to  him,  the  king  of  France  as  well  as  the 
least  of  his  soldiers,  for  he  remained  all  night  on  horseback 
like  the  rest. 

We  must  tell  of  one  affair  in  which  the  Good  Chevalier 
without  fear  and  without  reproach  found  himself  in  a  strange 
and  dangerous  position.  While  the  last  charge  was  being 
made  upon  the  Swiss  during  the  evening  he  mounted  upon 
a  gallant  courser,  which  was  his  second  that  day,  for  at  the 
first  charge  his  horse  had  been  killed  under  him.  As  he 
would  have  pressed  on  he  found  himself  entirely  surrounded 
by  pikes,  so  that  his  horse  lost  its  bridle.  Finding  itself 
without  rein,  it  took  its  own  course,  and  in  spite  of  the 
Swiss  passed  quite  through  them,  and  would  have  carried 
the  Good  Chevalier  right  into  another  troop  of  Swiss  had 
it  not  been  that  the  way  led  through  a  vineyard,  where  the 
vines  were  trained  from  tree  to  tree  in  such  a  way  that  they 
stopped  the  horse. 

The  Good  Chevalier  was  much  frightened,  and  not  with- 
out good  cause,  for  he  was  dead,  and  no  mistake,  if  he  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He  did  not,  however,  lose  his 
good  sense,  but  gently  dismounted  and,  throwing  away  his 
headpiece  and  cuirass,  he  crawled  along  the  ditches  on  all 
fours,  in  the  direction  in  which  lay  the  camp  of  the  French 
and  where  he  heard  cries  of  "  France."  God  in  his  grace 
permitted  him  to  get  through  without  danger,  and  luckily 
for  him  the  first  man  that  he  came  upon  was  the  gentle  duke 
of  Lorraine,  one  of  his  masters,  who  was  much  astonished 
to  see  him  so  on  foot. 

So  the  said  duke  immediately  provided  him  with  a  gallant    The  good 
horse  called  Carman,  which  had  been  captured  at  the  fall  of    5lorse 
Bresse  and  presented  to  the  duke  by  the  Good  Chevalier 
himself.    At  the  battle  of  Ravenna  it  had  been  left  for  dead, 
for  the  Good  Chevalier  had  dismounted  when  he  found  that 


22  Readings  in  Europea7i  History 

his  horse  had  two  pike  wounds  in  his  flanks  and  more  than 
twenty  sword  cuts  on  his  head. 

Next  day,  however,  some  one  happened  to  notice  that  the 
horse  was  browsing  and  that  it  commenced  to  whinny ;  so 
the  animal  was  brought  back  to  the  lodging  of  the  Good 
Chevalier,  who  had  him  cured;  and  it  is  a  fact  hardly  to  be 
believed  that  the  horse  lay  down  like  a  person  and  let  his 
wounds  be  dressed  without  moving  at  all.  And  afterwards 
when  he  got  sight  of  a  sword  he  would  rush  at  it  as  if  to 
devour  it.  A  braver  horse  was  never  seen  —  not  even  that 
of  Alexander,  Bucephalus. 

However  this  may  be,  the  Good  Chevalier  was  very  joy- 
ful to  have  escaped  so  great  a  danger  and  to  be  mounted 
once  more  on  so  good  a  horse  ;  but  he  was  troubled  because 
he  had  no  headpiece,  for  in  such  affairs  it  was  very  dangerous 
to  have  the  head  bare. 

So  he  approached  a  nobleman,  a  very  good  friend  of  his, 

whose  page  was  carrying  his  helmet,  and  said  to  him  :  "  I 

am  afraid  of  catching  cold,  for  I  am  in  a  great  sweat,  having 

been  so  long  on  foot.    I  pray  you,   lend  me  your  helmet, 

which  your  man  is  carrying,  for  an  hour  or  so."    The  noble. 

not  knowing  what  was  in  the  mind  of  the  Good  Chevalier, 

loaned  him  his  helmet,  which  he  was  glad  enough  to  have, 

and  kept  until  the  battle  was  all  over,  and  that  was  Friday 

at  ten  or  eleven  o'clock. 

intrepidity  of       At    daybreak    the    Swiss    recommenced    the    battle    and 

the  Swiss.        marched    straight    toward   the   French   artillery,   who  gave 

them  a  very  warm  reception  indeed.    Nevertheless  no  men 

ever  fought  more  bravely,  and  the  affair  lasted  for  three  or 

four  hours,  but  at  last  they  were  routed  and  defeated,  leaving 

ten  or  twelve  thousand  of  their  number  dead  on  the  field. 

The  remainder  retired  in  fairly  good  order  along  the  highroad 

to  Milan.  .  .  . 

Francis  I  The  evening  of  Friday,  when  the  battle  was  finished  to 

t^Good1^     ^e  honor  of  the  king  of   France,   there  was  joy  without 

Chevalier.        measure  in   the   camp.    There   was   much   talk   as  to   who 

had  shown   themselves  valorous  above    their  fellows ;    but 

it  was  agreed  by  all  that  the  Good  Chevalier  during  both 


Europe  at  the  Opeiiing  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     23 

days  had  distinguished  himself  above  all  the  rest,  as  he  was 
accustomed  to  do  in  other  places  under  the  same  circum- 
stances. The  king  did  him  the  greatest  honor,  for  he  received 
the  order  of  knighthood  from  his  hand,  and  he  had  good 
reason  for  it ;  he  could  have  found  no  better  man.1 

The  lord  Maximilian  Sforza,  who  occupied  the  duchy  of    Milan  ceded 
Milan,  as  had  his  father,   Ludovico  il   Moro,   before  him,    t0  Francis  L 
remained  in  the  castle  of  Milan,  where  he  was  besieged,  but 
he  speedily  surrendered  and  for  an  indemnity  agreed  to  cede 
his  duchy  to  the  king ;  and  those  who  were  in  the  city  were 
allowed  to  depart  with  their  possessions. 

I  shall  say  nothing  about  what  happened  for  the  next  two 
months,  but  in  December  the  king  of  France  went  to  visit 
the  pope  in  the  city  of  Bologna,  where  he  was  received  with 
great  pomp.  They  consulted  together  over  many  things,  with 
which  I  will  not  delay  my  story.2 


1  Another  historian  of  the  Good  Chevalier  gives  a  brief  account  of 
how  Francis  was  knighted. 

The  king,  before  he  dubbed  the  knights,  called  the  noble  Chevalier 
Bayard  and  said  to  him :  "  Bayard,  my  friend,  I  wish  to-day  to  be 
made  knight  by  your  hands;  because  you  have  fought  on  foot  and  on 
horseback  in  many  battles  and  are  held  and  reputed  to  be  above  all 
others  the  most  worthy.  .  .  ."  To  these  words  of  the  king,  Bayard 
responded,  "  Sire,  he  who  is  called,  crowned,  and  anointed  with  the  oil 
sent  down  from  heaven,  and  is  king  of  so  noble  a  realm  and  the  eldest 
son  of  the  Church,  is  a  knight  above  all  other  knights."  But  the  king 
said,  "Come,  Bayard;  make  haste."  Then  Bayard  took  his  sword  and 
said :  "  May  you  be  able  to  do  all  things  as  if  you  were  Roland  or 
Oliver,  Godfrey  or  Baldwin,  his  brother.  Assuredly  you  are  the  great- 
est prince  who  ever  was  made  knight.  God  grant  that  in  war  you  shall 
never  take  flight."  Then  after  the  manner  of  a  play,  he  cried  aloud  to 
his  sword,  holding  it  aloft  in  his  right  hand:  "  You  are  happy  indeed  to 
have  conferred  the  order  of  chivalry  to-day  upon  so  fine  and  powerful  a 
king.  Certes,  my  good  sword,  you  will  be  cared  for  hereafter  like  a 
sacred  relic  and  honored  above  all  others,  and  you  shall  never  be  carried 
again  except  it  be  against  the  Turks,  Saracens,  or  Moors."  Then  he 
made  two  passes  with  his  sword  and  put  it  back  into  its  scabbard. 
(From  Champier,  Les  Gestes,  ensemble  la  vie  dti  preulx  Chevalier  Bayard; 
a  very  early  life,  quoted  by  Roman  in  his  edition  of  the  Loyal  Serviteur, 
p.  386,  note.) 

2  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  366,  note  (Vol.  II,  p.  14,  note). 


24 


Readings  in  Europe  art  History 


234.  Guic- 
ciardini's 
report  on 
Spain  (1513). 


Meager 
population 
of  Spain. 


Fertility  of 
the  land. 


IV.    Spain  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century 

In  15  12  the  republic  of  Florence  dispatched  one  of 
its  most  distinguished  citizens,  the  historian  Guicciar- 
dini,1  to  Spain  with  orders  to  learn  all  that  he  could  of 
the  country  and  of  the  character  and  projects  of  Ferdi- 
nand the  Catholic,  king  of  Aragon,  who  had  been  inter- 
fering for  years  in  Italian  matters.  Guicciardini  remained 
in  Spain  for  toward  two  years,  and  prepared  for  his 
government  a  brief  but  very  careful  report,  in  which  he 
describes  the  general  condition  of  the  country,  the  tem- 
perament of  the  people,  and  the  court  of  Ferdinand.  If 
his  observations  are  trustworthy,  it  is  clear  that  Spain 
was  not  in  a  flourishing  condition  on  the  eve  of  Charles 
V's  accession,  and  that  it  is  small  wonder  that,  with  the 
perverse  policy  of  its  kings  in  undertaking  foreign  con- 
quests and  in  persecuting  the  industrious  Moors  at  home, 
the  kingdom  should  have  declined  rapidly  when  the 
money  from  the  American  mines  began  to  give  out. 

Spain  is  thinly  populated,  so  that  towns  and  burgs  are 
rare,  and  between  one  great  town  and  another  scarcely  a 
house  will  be  found.  In  short,  the  inhabitants  are  few. 
There  are  some  fine  cities,  like  Barcelona,  Sargossa,  Valencia, 
Granada,  and  Seville  ;  but  they  are  few  for  such  an  impor- 
tant kingdom  and  for  so  great  an  area  of  country.  Aside 
from  these  principal  centers,  most  of  the  towns  are  small  and 
have  rude  buildings,  of  which  the  greater  part,  in  many  places, 
are  built  of  mud  and  are,  moreover,  full  of  filth  and  dirt. 

The  land  is  fertile  and  yields  abundantly,  since  more 
grain  is  raised  than  is  necessary  for  use  at  home.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  wine,  which  is  sent  by  sea  to 
Flanders  and  England.  Oil,  too,  is  exported  in  great  quan- 
tities every  year  to  the  countries  mentioned  above  and  to 


1  See  below,  p.  30. 


Europe  at  tJie  Opening  of  the  Sixtee?ith  Century     25 

Alexandria,  to  the  value  of  more  than  sixty  thousand  ducats. 
The  fertility  is  greatest  in  the  lower  parts  of  Andalusia  and 
Granada,  and  would  be  much  greater  than  it  is  if  all  the 
land  were  brought  under  cultivation  ;  but  it  is  worked  only 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  towns  and  there  badly  ;  the  rest 
remains  untilled.  Much  wool  is  exported  annually,  amount- 
ing, it  is  said,  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats,  as 
well  as  the  finest  silk,  especially  from  the  lower  regions. 
From  Viscaya  come  iron  and  steel  in  considerable  quantity, 
and  much  grain,  leather,  alum,  and  many  other  products, 
so  that  if  only  this  nation  were  industrious  and  given  to 
trade  it  would  be  rich. 

The  country  is  cold  in  the  region  of  the  Pyrenees,  very 
warm  in  Andalusia  and  Granada,  and  more  temperate  in 
the  central  districts. 

The  men  of  this  nation  are  gloomy  of  temperament  and    Haughtiness 
swarthy  of  complexion ;   dark  in  color  and  short  of  stature ;    of  the 

.  .    ,  ,    .  .  .  r  Spaniards. 

they  are  proud  by  nature,  and  it  seems  to  them  as  if  no 
nation  could  be  compared  with  theirs.  They  are  prone  to 
boast  in  their  conversation  of  their  own  things,  and  endeavor 
to  make  the  best  possible  appearance.  They  have  little 
love  for  foreigners  and  are  very  uncivil  toward  them.  They 
are  devoted  to  arms,  perhaps  more  than  any  other  Christian 
nation,  and  are  very  skillful  with  them,  owing  to  their  agile 
frames  and  their  dexterity.  In  military  matters  they  are 
great  sticklers  for  honor,  in  such  wise  that  rather  than  sully 
it  they  prefer  to  die.  .   .  . 

The  Spaniards  are  held  to  be  clever  and  acute,  but  never-    Unpopu- 
theless   they   are  not   skillful   in   any  of   the   arts,  whether    knjy  of 

tr3.QG  3.nd 

mechanical  or  liberal.  Almost  all  the  artisans  at  the  king's  industry. 
court  belong  to  the  French  or  to  some  other  foreign  nation. 
The  natives  do  not  devote  themselves  to  trade,  which  they 
look  upon  as  degrading ;  the  pride  of  the  hidalgo  goes  to 
his  head,  and  he  would  rather  turn  to  arms  with  little  chance 
of  gain,  or  serve  a  grandee  in  wretchedness  and  poverty,  or, 
before  the  times  of  the  present  king,  even  assault  wayfarers, 
than  engage  in  trade  or  any  other  business.  Recently,  how- 
ever, some  attention  is  beginning  to  be  given  in  a  few  places 


26  Readi?igs  in  European  History 

to  trade,  and  already  in  parts  of  Spain  cloth  and  silks  are 
manufactured  ;  .  .  .  for  example,  in  Valencia,  Toledo,  and 
Seville. 

But  the  whole  nation  is  opposed  to  industry.  Accord- 
ingly the  artisans  only  work  when  they  are  driven  to  do  so 
by  necessity,  and  then  they  take  their  ease  until  they  have 
spent  their  earnings ;  this  is  the  reason  why  manual  labor 
is  so  dear.  The  meanest  cultivators  of  the  soil  have  the 
same  habit.  They  will  not  exert  themselves  except  under 
dire  pressure  of  want,  so  that  they  bring  much  less  land 
under  cultivation  than  they  might,  and  the  little  they  do 
till  is  badly  cared  for.  .  .  . 

Aside  from  a  few  grandees  of  the  kingdom  who  display 
great  luxury,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  rest  of  the 
people  live  at  home  in  the  utmost  straits  ;  and  if  they  have 
a  little  to  spend  they  put  it  all  on  their  backs  or  in  purchas- 
ing a  mule,  thus  making  a  great  show  before  the  world  when 
they  have  scarce  anything  at  home,  where  their  surround- 
ings are  mean  in  the  extreme  and  where  they  exercise  an 
economy  truly  astonishing. 

Although  they  know  how  to  live  on  little,  they  are  by  no 
means  free  from  cupidity.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  very 
avaricious,  and  not  having  any  of  the  arts  to  rely  upon, 
they  are  driven  to  robbery,  so  that  in  earlier  times  when 
the  kingdom  was  less  orderly  it  was  full  of  assassins,  who 
were  favored  by  the  nature  of  the  country,  with  its  many 
mountainous  regions  and  its  sparse  population.  .  .  . 
Superficial  The  Spaniards  have  not  turned  their  attention  to  books, 

religion  and      ancj  neitner  the  nobility  nor  others  have  any  idea  of  Latin, 

politeness  of  ,  ......  _,. 

the  Spaniards,  except  a  very  few,  who  know  a  little  or  the  language,  lney 
are  outwardly  very  religious,  but  not  inwardly.  They  have 
infinite  ceremonies,  which  they  perform  with  great  exact- 
ness, and  show  much  humility  in  speech,  the  use  of  titles, 
and  the  kissing  of  hands.  Every  one  is  their  lord,  every 
one  may  command  them ;  but  this  means  little,  and  you 
can  place  no  faith  in  them.  .   .  . 

This  nation  down  to  our  own  time  has  been  more 
oppressed  and  has  enjoyed  less  glory  and  dominion  than 


Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     27 

any  other  nation  of  Europe,  for  in  the  most  ancient  times  Successive 
the  peninsula  was  occupied  in  great  part  by  the  Gauls.  .  .  .  conquests  of 
Then  the  Carthaginians  took  possession  of  much  of  it ;  then  peninsula. 
the  Romans  conquered  it  all  several  times.  Later  the  Van- 
dals subjugated  the  region,  and  from  them  Andalusia  took 
its  name.  Lastly  the  Moors  from  Africa  conquered  not 
only  the  southern  regions,  but  extended  their  dominion  into 
Aragon  and  Castile  and  even  in  some  instances  as  far  as 
the  Pyrenees.  Down  to  our  own  time  they  held  Granada. 
Hence  it  may  be  said  that  Spain  has  been  in  a  prolonged 
servitude  and  has  enjoyed  no  dominion  over  others,  the 
which  cannot  be  said  of  Italy,  or  France,  or  of  any  other 
country  of  Christendom.  Certainly  this  is  a  singular  fact 
if  we  consider  how  devoted  the  country  is  to  arms  and  how 
warlike  it  has  always  been,  even  from  of  old,  as  the  ancient 
writers  testify.  .  .  . 

The  reason  for  this  may  have  been  that  Spain  has  always 
had  better  soldiers  than  leaders,  and  that  her  people  have 
always  been  more  skilled  to  fight  than  to  govern  or  com- 
mand. Happening  upon  this  matter  one  day  with  King  Fer- 
dinand, he  said  to  me  that  the  nation  was  devoted  to  arms 
but  unorganized,  and  that  great  results  would  be  obtained 
should  any  one  arise  who  could  hold  it  well  in  hand.  The 
ancient  writers  praise  the  nation  more  for  a  wild  anxiety  to 
rush  to  arms  and  keep  up  war  than  for  any  other  virtue. 
Accordingly  Livy  speaks  of  the  people  as  born  to  fight,  and 
in  another  place  he  says  they  carry  on  war  with  more  rash- 
ness than  perseverance.  Yet  I  do  not  know  whether  this  is 
the  true  reason  or  not. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Charles  VIII's  Italian  Expedition :  Johnson,  Europe  in  the  Six- 
teenth Century,  pp.  4-25  ;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  104- 
118 ;  Dyer  and  Hassall,  Modem  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  214-231. 

Louis  XII  in  Italy :  Johnson,  pp.  33-49- 

Alexander  VI :   Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  225-242. 

League  of  Cambray :  Johnson,  pp.  57-78;  Dyer  and  Hassall, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  260-286. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


28 


Readings  in  European  History 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


Spain:  JOHNSON,  pp.  91-106;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  I, 
Chapter  XI,  pp.  347"383- 

Savonarola:  Johnson,  pp.  25-33;  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  I,  Chapter  V,  pp.  144-189. 

The  Papacy  at  the  Opening  of  the  Sixteenth  Century :  Ca?nbridge 
Modem  History,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1—34  (excellent). 

Francis  I  in  Italy :  Dyer  and  Hassall,  Vol.  I,  pp.  356-363. 


Creighton,  History  of  the  Papacy  from  the  Great  Schism  to  the 
Sack  of  Rome.  New  edition  in  6  vols.,  1899-1901.  Vol.  V  contains  an 
admirable  account  of  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  century,  with  special 
reference  to  the  role  of  the  popes.  For  Savonarola  and  Charles  VIII, 
see  Chapters  VII-VIII. 

Pastor,  The  History  of  the  Popes  from  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
In  course  of  publication ;  Vols.  I  to  VI,  from  the  original  German, 
1898.  A  work  of  great  erudition,  by  a  distinguished  Catholic  scholar. 
See  Vol.  V,  pp.  181-226,  on  Savonarola,  and  Vol.  VI,  pp.  1-454,  on 
Italy  and  the  popes,  1492-1512. 

Symonds,  Age  of  Despots,  Chapters  VII,  IX,  and  X,  on  Savonarola 
and  Charles  VIII. 

Gregorovius,  Rome  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Vol.  VII,  Part  II,  and 
Vol.  VIII,  Part  I. 

BURKE,  U.  R.,  A  History  of  Spain  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 
Death  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  2  vols.,  2d  ed.,  1900,  edited  by  Hume. 
Vol.  II  is  the  best  and  most  recent  account  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella. 

PRESCOTT,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  3  vols. 
Fuller  than  Burke  and  charming  in  style,  but  as  it  was  completed  in 
1836,  under  very  adverse  circumstances,  it  is  antiquated  and  somewhat 
wanting  in  critical  exactness. 

Monstrelet,  Chronicles,  translated  by  Johnes,  2  vols.,  1877.  Mon- 
strelet  (d.  1453)  was  a  conscientious  continuator  of  Froissart  (see  above, 
Vol.  I,  p.  487).  After  Monstrelet's  death,  his  work  was  brought  down 
by  various  writers  to  1516,  and  so  includes  the  reign  of  Charles  VIII 
and  (very  briefly)  that  of  Louis  XII. 


C.  Materials  Ranke,   Geschichte  der  romanischen  und  germanischen    V'olker  von 

for  advanced  7^  p;s  7^7^  x^a,;  2d  ed.,  1874.  Although  the  earliest  work  of  this 
distinguished  historian,  this  is  still  valuable  on  account  of  the  discus- 
sion of  the  sources,   especially   of  Guicciardini's    history    (see  above, 


study. 


Europe  at  tJie  Ope?ii)ig  of  the  Sixteenth  Century     29 

Vol.  I,  p.  544,  and  below,  p.  30),  upon  which  previous  writers  had 
relied.  This  discussion,  "Zur  Kritik  neuerer  Geschichtschreiber," 
forms  an  appendix  to  the  narrative. 

Histoire  de  France,  edited  by  Lavisse.  Vol.  V,  Part  I,  pp.  1-132, 
for  the  Italian  wars ;  the  remainder  of  the  volume  deals  with  France 
at  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

VlLLARl,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Niccolb  Machiavelli,  translated 
from  the  Italian.  Also,  by  the  same  writer,  The  Life  and  Times  of 
Girolamo  Savonarola.  New,  cheaper  editions,  in  one  volume  each. 
The  best  biographies  of  these  distinguished  Florentines. 

Gregorovius,  Lucretia  Borgia.  From  the  German,  1903.  Describes 
the  life  in  Rome  under  Alexander  VI. 

Schirrmacher,  Geschichte  von  Spanien,  Vol.  VII  (1492-1516),  1902. 
This  work  belongs  to  a  great  series  called  Geschichte  der  europdischen 
Staaten,  edited  originally  by  the  distinguished  historian  Heeren.  The 
first  volume  of  the  collection  appeared  in  1829,  and  the  end  is  not  yet. 

Hefele,  Cardinal  Xi?nines  u?id  die  kirchlichen  Zustande  Spaniens 
am  ende  des  i$ten  und  Anfang  des  i6ten  Jahrhunderts,  2d  ed.,  1851. 

Delaborde,  V expedition  de  Charles  VILI  en  Italie,  Paris,  1888,  4to. 
Finely  illustrated  and  scholarly. 

Ranke  likens  the  sources  of  modern  history  to  a  vast  museum,  The  sources, 
where  we  see  about  us  genuine  specimens  and  mere  imitations,  the 
beautiful  and  the  repulsive,  the  striking  and  the  inconspicuous,  all  col- 
lected from  many  nations  and  belonging  to  various  periods  and  yet 
lying  beside  one  another,  without  order  or  explanation  ("Zur  Kritik 
neuerer  Geschichtschreiber,"  Vorrede).  It  seems  at  first  sight  hopeless 
and  vain  to  give  a  very  brief  account  of  the  multitudinous  sources  for 
the  history  of  western  Europe,  since  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. Yet  those  of  first-rate  importance  which  have  a  general  bearing 
and  may  be  looked  for  in  our  few  large  American  libraries  are  by 
no  means  innumerable.  In  any  case  it  will  be  possible  to  give  the 
advanced  student,  in  this  and  the  succeeding  bibliographies,  some  little 
idea  of  the  great  classes  of  material  —  state  papers,  memoirs,  corre- 
spondence, diaries,  reports — upon  which  the  historian  must  rely. 

Marino  Sanuto,  Diarii,  58  vols.,  4to,  1879-1903.  This  is  the 
most  detailed  and  voluminous  history  of  a  period  ever  written,  so  far 
as  is  known,  by  a  contemporary.  Sanuto  (1466-1536)  was  a  Venetian, 
and  after  preparing  a  history  of  Charles  VIII's  invasion,  he  began  in 
1496  keeping  a  detailed  journal  of  events  as  they  happened.  This  he 
continued  for  thirty-eight  years.    The  author  includes  many  state  papers, 


3° 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  reports 

of  the 

Venetian 

ambassadors 

in  the 

sixteenth 

century. 


letters,  and  other  documents,  and  his  "  diaries  "  are  a  mine  of  informa- 
tion for  the  first  third  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Le  relazioni  degli  ambasciatori  Veneti  al  senato  durante  il  seculo 
decimosesto,  edited  by  Alberi,  15  vols.,  Florence,  1 839-1 863.  The 
prudent  Venetian  government  had  made  a  rule  as  early  as  1268  that 
their  ambassadors  to  foreign  lands  should  on  their  return  promptly  file 
a  written  statement  of  the  things  they  had  observed  which  it  might  be 
advantageous  for  the  republic  to  know.  The  earliest  example  of  these 
reports  which  has  been  discovered  is  dated  1492,  and  there  are  few 
earlier  than  1535.  In  Alberi's  edition  of  these  extraordinary  docu- 
ments (of  which  examples  are  given  below,  pp.  31  sqq.  and  —  sqq-)>  six 
volumes  relate  to  states  outside  Italy,  five  to  the  Italian  states,  and  three 
to  the  Turkish  possessions.  The  Italian  in  which  they  are  written  is 
singularly  simple  and  clear. 

Dumont,  Corps  universel  diplomatique  du  droit  des  gens  :  contenant 
un  recueil  des  Traitez  d 'alliance,  de  paix,  de  treve,  etc.,  17 26-1 731, 
8  vols.,  folio,  and  a  supplement  by  Rousset  containing  treaties  omitted 
by  Dumont  and  adding  later  ones  to  1738,  2  vols.,  folio.  The  best- 
known  old  collection  of  treaties. 

Burchard,  Diarium,  sive  rerum  urba?iu7n  commentarii,  i^8j-ijo6, 
edited  by  Thuasne,  3  vols.,  1883-1885.  By  a  German  connected  with 
the  papal  palace,  who  coldly  observed  and  recorded  the  events  at 
Rome,  especially  under  Alexander  VI. 

Guicciardini,  Storia  d' Italia.  This  relates  especially  to  the  open- 
ing of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  comes  down  to  1534.  Formerly  used 
as  the  most  accessible  and  reliable  source,  but  sharply  criticised  by 
Ranke  in  the  appendix  to  his  Geschichte  der  romanischen  und  germa- 
nischen  Vblker,  where  the  other  sources  for  the  period  are  also  discussed. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 


GERMANY  BEFORE  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLT 


I.   Germany  in  the  Time  of  Maximilian  I 


It  would  be  difficult  indeed  to  give  a  clearer  or  more 
comprehensive  account  of  the  conditions  in  Germany 
than  that  submitted  by  the  Venetian  ambassador,  Qui- 
rini,  on  his  return  from  the  court  of  Maximilian  in  1 507.1 
Maximilian  was  just  then  contemplating  an  expedition 
to  Italy,  and  consequently  Quirini  opens  his  report  to 
the  doge  and  council  as  follows  : 

Since,  most  serene  prince  [namely,  the  doge],  and  most 
sage  and  weighty  council,  all  the  discord  which  is  now  to  be 
observed  among  Christian  peoples  appears  to  be  due  to  the 
most  serene  king  of  the  Romans  [namely,  Maximilian]  and 
to  the  Empire,  it  seemed  to  me  my  duty  to  report  to  your 
excellencies  concerning  affairs  in  Germany  with  such  full- 
ness as  to  enable  you  in  the  present  emergencies  and  in 
those  which  you  will  have  to  face  from,  let  us  say,  to-day 
the  better  to  reach  your  wise  decisions. 

First,  to  proceed  in  an  orderly  fashion,  I  will  endeavor  to 
narrate  all  that  I  have  been  able  to  learn  of  the  extent  of 
that  country,  its  government  and  resources,  and  the  customs 
throughout  Germany;  then  of  the  character  and  resources 
of  his  Majesty  the  emperor,  and  the  relations  which  have 
existed  and  now  exist  between  him  and  the  princes  and 
estates  of  the  Empire,  and  between  him  and  the  Swiss; 
lastly,  of  the  disposition  of  the  Empire  and  the  king  toward 

1  For  an  account  of  the  reports  of  the  Venetian  ambassadors,  see 
above,  p.  30. 

31 


235.  A 
Venetiam 
ambas- 
sador's 
account  ol 
Germany 
in  1507. 


32 


Readings  in  European  History 


Enumeration 
of  the  chief 
German 
princes. 


The  ecclesias- 
tical princes. 


The  free 
towns. 


Limited 
power  of 
the  emperor. 


this  republic  and  the  rest  of  the  Christian  rulers,  and  what 
his  Majesty  may  be  able  to  accomplish  at  this  juncture. 

This  country  of  Germany  is  large  and  populous,  full  of 
principalities,  towns,  cities,  burgs,  and  castles.  .  .  .  Among 
the  temporal  rulers  there  are  two  kings,  about  thirty  dukes 
and  an  archduke,  four  landgraves,  and  a  great  number  of 
counts.  The  chief  among  these  rulers  are  the  kings  of 
Bohemia  and  of  Denmark,  the  archduke  of  Austria,  two 
dukes  of  Saxony,  the  duke  of  Brunswick,  the  duke  of  Liine- 
burg,  the  duke  of  Pomerania,  the  duke  of  Mechlenburg  and 
he  of  Julich  and  Cleves,  the  duke  of  Franconia,  the  dukes 
of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  the  count  palatine,  the  land- 
grave of  Alsace,  two  margraves  of  Brandenburg  and  one  of 
Baden. 

Of  those  in  Germany  who  are  at  once  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral princes,  there  are  five  archbishops  —  Mayence,  Cologne, 
Treves,  Mechlenburg,1  and  Salzburg  —  and  about  twenty-five 
bishops.  Of  these  latter,  the  chief  are  Wiirzburg,  Bamberg, 
Strasburg,  Augsburg,  Freising,  Eichstadt,  Liege,  Constance, 
and  Trent.  Beside  these,  there  are  twenty  abbots,  five  mas- 
ters of  religious  orders,  and  fifteen  priors,  —  all  princes  of 
the  Empire,  who  combine  spiritual  and  temporal  powers  like 
the  bishops. 

Besides  the  above-mentioned  principalities  there  are  in 
Germany  about  a  hundred  free  towns,  of  which  twenty-eight 
belong  to  the  Swabian  League,  sixty-two  to  the  great  league 
of  Dantzig  and  Liibeck  [namely,  the  Hanseatic  League], 
while  the  rest  lie  in  the  region  of  the  Rhine.  The  principal 
members  of  the  great  league  are  Dantzig,  Stolp,  Colberg, 
Liibeck,  Limburg,  Hamburg,  and  Stade ;  of  the  Swabian 
League,  Nuremberg,  Augsburg,  Ulm,  Memmingen,  and  Stras- 
burg. The  chief  of  the  Rhine  district  are  Cologne,  Speyer, 
Worms,  Frankfort,  and  Constance.  And  this  ends  what  I 
have  to  say  about  the  size  of  Germany.  .  .  . 

The  authority  over  the  Empire  vested  in  the  emperor,  or 
king  of  the  Romans,  goes  no  further  than  the  laws  and  jus- 
tice permit,   and  he  cannot  despotically  force  the  princes 

1  Magdeburg  is  meant. 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


33 


and  free  towns  to  obey  any  particular  desire  of  his  unless  he 
first  convoke  all  the  Empire  to  a  diet.   .   .  . 

The  king  of  the  Romans,  or  emperor,  who  proposes  in 
the  interest  of  the  Empire  to  have  a  careful  deliberation, 
sends  a  summons  to  each  prince,  whether  ecclesiastical  or 
secular,  and  to  each  of  the  free  towns,  that  they  should  all 
within  two  months,  or  three,  or  whatever  time  may  seem 
good  to  him,  come  together  in  a  certain  place,  either  in  per- 
son or  through  representatives  or  substitutes,  on  business  of 
importance  to  the  Empire.  And  all  those  who  are  sum- 
moned are  obliged  to  come  within  the  limit  set ;  and  if  they 
do  not  come,  they  incur  whatever  penalty  the  king  shall 
impose  upon  them  ;  and  if  they  do  not  pay  the  penalty, 
they  may  be  excommunicated1  by  the  emperor,  just  as  one 
is  excommunicated  by  the  pope.  In  this  case  it  is  free  to 
all  to  rob  and  kill  the  person  excommunicated.  For  this 
reason  every  one  takes  care  to  come  to  the  diet  or  send  a 
representative,  and  not  to  disobey  the  emperor  in  any  mat- 
ter in  which,  with  the  consent  of  the  Empire,  he  may  com- 
mand. .  .  . 

When  all  the  princes  and  representatives  have  presented 
themselves,  either  in  person  or  through  their  substitutes, 
the  diet  opens.  The  king,  or  emperor,  declares  the  object 
and  cause  for  the  calling  of  the  diet ;  he  then  submits  a  pro- 
posal ;  the  princes  remain  in  consultation  some  days  and 
then  make  their  answer.  This  the  king  accepts,  and  makes 
another  proposition  ("  iterum"  as  it  is  called),  and  so  busi- 
ness proceeds,  the  diet  either  taking  action  or  postponing 
its  decision  to  another  time.  In  this  way  two  and  some- 
times three  months  pass. 

But  the  princes  or  their  representatives  do  not  spend  all 
their  time  in  deliberating  upon  the  matters  for  which  the  diet 
was  summoned,  but  settle  as  well  a  thousand  controversies 
between  prince  and  prince,  between  free  towns  and  princes, 
and  between  one  town  and  another  ;  they  make,  moreover, 
divers  provisions  according  as  necessity  demands. 

1  Namely,  put  to  the  ban,  i.e.  outlawed.  For  an  illustration,  see  below 
pp.  87  sq. 


How  the  diet 
is  summoned 


The  ban. 


Method  of 
procedure 
in  the  diet. 


Disputes 
adjusted  by 
the  diet. 


34 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  method 
of  voting 
by  orders, 
not  by 
individuals. 


Execution 
of  the  diet's 
decrees. 


The  free 
towns. 


In  reaching  decisions  on  important  matters  the  diet  is 
wont  to  have  but  three  votes,  or  ballots  :  one  is  cast  by  the 
electors,  the  second  by  the  princes,  and  the  third  by  the 
representatives  of  the  free  towns.  .  .  .  When  the  diet  is 
about  to  come  to  an  end,  these  three  votes  are  compared, 
and  the  decision  sanctioned  by  two  of  them  is  regarded  as 
conclusive  and  established ;  and  each  prince  of  the  empire 
whether  present  or  absent,  and  similarly  every  free  town,  is 
obliged  to  obey  that  which  the  diet  decides,  under  heavy 
penalties,  both  as  to  furnishing  money  and  sending  troops 
in  the  manner  prescribed. 

The  king,  or  emperor,  has  full  authority,  as  soon  as  the 
diet  has  dissolved,  to  order  every  one  to  obey  its  decisions. 
If,  nevertheless,  some  one  ventures  to  disobey,  the  whole 
Empire,  in  order  not  to  see  its  commands  disregarded, 
always  turns  upon  the  offender,  as  happened  in  recent  years 
in  the  case  of  the  count  palatine,  who,  for  his  refusal  to 
accede  to  what  was  determined  upon  at  the  diet  of  Augs- 
burg, which  was  especially  concerned  with  the  heritage  of 
Duke  George  of  Bavaria,  roused  the  anger  of  the  king  and 
the  whole  Empire  against  him,  and  in  a  brief  space  of  time 
was  destroyed.  For  this  reason  all  the  princes  and  free 
towns  are  careful  to  follow  the  decisions  of  the  diets,  nor  do 
they  venture  to  contravene  in  any  way  what  has  been  estab- 
lished. Decisions  of  the  diet  cannot  be  changed  except  by 
another  diet  similar  to  that  which  first  ratified  them. 

As  for  the  government  of  the  free  towns,  each  one  rules 
itself  by  its  council,  to  which  are  admitted  citizens,  traders 
who  are  not  citizens,  and  artisans  ;  yet  not  all  the  members 
of  these  classes  are  included  in  the  council,  for  the  number 
varies  with  the  size  of  the  place,  and  changes  from  time  to 
time.  These  councils  appoint  the  magistrates,  who  admin- 
ister justice  for  the  time  being  and,  moreover,  regulate  the 
revenues  and  public  affairs  of  the  town  precisely  as  if  it  was 
a  free  and  independent  state. 

Some  of  the  towns  owe  their  freedom  to  privileges  granted 
by  the  emperor  for  deeds  of  valor  in  the  struggle  of  the  Em- 
pire against  the  infidels,  who  were  earlier  very  troublesome, 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


35 


Others  gained  their  freedom  by  giving  a  sum  of  money  to  the 
temporal  lord  or  bishop  who  held  them,  and  who  consented 
accordingly  to  cede  to  the  town  the  territory  belonging  to  it. 
So  many  towns  have  gained  their  freedom  in  these  two  ways 
during  the  period  that  the  Germans  have  enjoyed  control 
of  the  Empire,  that  they  now  number  nearly  a  hundred.  In 
order  to  maintain  their  freedom  they  are  accustomed  to  unite 
themselves  together  in  leagues  for  mutual  protection  and 
to  oppose  those  princes  who  would  subjugate  them.  They 
receive  into  their  leagues  those  princes  of  the  Empire  who 
wish  to  join  them,  whether  ecclesiastical  or  secular.  The 
leagues  are  temporary  and  are  continued  or  changed  from 
time  to  time  as  suits  their  members.   .  .  } 

The  customs  and  manners  of  this  German  nation  are  as 
follows:  first,  there  are  four  kinds  of  persons, — princes  of 
the  Empire,  nobles,  citizens  of  the  free  towns,  and,  lastly, 
the  common  people.  The  princes  are  in  the  habit  of  remain- 
ing in  their  own  territories  far  from  the  court,  where  they  sup- 
port by  their  income,  so  far  as  they  can,  the  nobles  [knights]  of 
the  region.  These  princes  are  almost  continually  at  strife  with 
one  another  or  with  some  of  the  free  towns.  If  they  are  poor, 
they  generally  permit  their  retainers  to  attack  and  rob  on  the 
highways.  They  are  naturally  proud  and  insolent,  and  feel 
resentment  toward  any  one  who  is  able  to  rival  them  in  any 
respect.  They  heartily  hate  the  free  towns,  and  all  republics 
and  free  communities  in  general,  especially  the  Swiss  and  our 
most  exalted  senate,  for  it  seems  to  them  that  the  Swiss  have 
always  shown  themselves  rebels  toward  the  Empire  and  that 
your  sublimities,  paying  little  attention  to  their  authority,  hold 
much  territory  which  they  claim  is  not  yours  and  which  they 
believe  should  rightfully  be  divided  among  them. 

Moreover  the  chief  temporal  princes  are  in  the  habit  of 
leaving  their  principality  to  the  eldest  son  and  then  provid- 
ing for  the  rest  of  their  children  with  other  territories,  bish- 
oprics, or  ecclesiastical  benefices  ;  so  that  if  a  duke  has  ten 
sons,  all  demand  to  be  dukes  like  their  father.    The  result  is 

1  Here  follows  an  account  of  the  military  system  and  resources  of 
Germany. 


Character  of 
the  princes. 


Reason  for 
the  great 
number 
of  dukes, 
counts,  etc., 
in  Germany 


36  Readings  in  Europea?i  History 

that  there  are  an  infinite  multitude  of  counts,  dukes,  and  mar- 
graves in  Germany,  the  chief  of  whom  have  been  mentioned 
above.  Consequently  the  greater  part  of  the  temporal  princes 
are  always  ready  to  descend  into  Italy  in  order  to  provide, 
some  their  sons,  some  their  brothers  or  nephews,  with  prin- 
cipalities. The  ecclesiastical  princes,  on  the  other  hand, 
and  the  free  towns  would  prefer  to  live  in  peace  and  not 
waste  their  substance.  The  princes  all  live  in  abundance, 
but  give  more  attention  to  drinking  than  anything  else. 
They  are  miserably  dressed,  nor  do  they  affect  much  cere- 
mony in  their  courts. 

The  knights.  The  knights  are  accustomed  to  live  in  some  castle  far 
from  a  town,  or  at  the  court  of  some  prince,  or  among  the 
mountains  in  solitary  regions.  They  live  and  dress  wretch- 
edly, hate  the  burghers,  and  are  poor,  but  so  proud  that 
nothing  in  the  world  would  induce  them  to  engage  in  com- 
merce. They  are  devoted  to  fighting ;  and  when  that  is 
wanting  they  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  hunt  or  set  to  plun- 
dering on  the  highways.  Were  it  not  for  severe  repression, 
no  one  could  travel  safely  in  any  part  of  Germany.  Even  as 
it  is,  in  Franconia,  where  there  are  a  great  many  of  these 
gentlemen,  the  roads  are  very  insecure  ;  for  example,  in  the 
region  of  Nuremburg  and  in  many  other  places. 

The  burghers.  The  burghers  of  the  free  towns  are  all  merchants.  They 
live  well  but  dress  ill,  although  there  are  some  very  rich 
people  among  them.  They  maintain  justice,  desire  peace, 
hate  the  knights  heartily  and  fear  the  princes,  and  for  this 
reason  the  cities  form  leagues  among  themselves.  The  towns 
are  moreover  at  enmity  each  with  its  bishop  on  account  of 
his  desire  to  exercise  the  temporal  as  well  as  the  spiritual 
authority  over  the  town.  This  hostility  is  increased  by  the 
natural  ill  feeling  between  the  burghers  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  knights  and  princes  on  the  other,  for  the  bishops  are 
always  chosen  from  among  the  knights  and  princes,  since  the 
canons,  who  have  the  right  to  elect  the  bishop,  all  belong  by 
descent  to  the  noble  classes  and  not  to  the  burghers. 

The  common        The  lower  classes,  whether  subject  to  the  princes  or  the 

people.  £ree  towns,  are  poor,  wild  by  nature,  do  not  fear  to  endanger 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt  37 

their  lives,  and  are  very  loyal  to  their  lords.  They  are  loath 
to  exert  themselves  to  earn  anything,  and  the  little  they  get 
they  speedily  drink  up. 

II.   "The  Ship  of  Fools"  and  "The  Praise  of  Folly" 

Two  famous  satires  of  the  early  sixteenth  century  236.  The 
afford  an  idea  of  the  evils  of  the  time  which  were  upper-  Jy  Sebas-'* 
most  in  men's  minds.  The  first,  The  Ship  of  Fools,  by  tian  Brant. 
Sebastian  Brant,  a  citizen  of  Strasburg,  was  originally 
issued  in  1494.  It  describes  in  lively  German  verse  the 
various  kinds  of  fools  that  were  got  together  to  be 
shipped  off  to  Fool-land.  Brant's  "fools,"  who  are  gen- 
erally of  the  vicious  variety,  range  from  the  harmless 
impostor  who  buys  books  that  he  is  too  lazy  to  read,  to 
the  scandal  monger,  the  cheating  lawyer,  the  blasphemer, 
and  the  robber  knight.  Brant's  book  enjoyed  incredible 
popularity.  It  was  praised  by  scholars  and  was  devoured 
eagerly  by  the  common  people,  who  were  delighted  to 
have  so  amusing  and  instructive  a  book  in  their  own 
language.  It  was  speedily  translated  into  Latin,  Dutch, 
French,  and  English.  The  following  passages  give  some 
idea  of  Brant's  style  of  treating  his  theme.1 

Europe's  door  is  opened  wide. 

There's  nothing  to  stay  the  enemy's  tide, 

Whose  ardor  knows  no  rest  nor  sleep 

1  Brant,  Narrenschiff,  critical  edition,  with  elaborate  introduction 
and  scholarly  notes  by  Zarncke,  1854;  more  recent  and  convenient, 
Das  Narrenschiff,  edited  by  Goedeke,  1872.  A  translation  into  the 
German  of  to-day  is  given  by  Simrock,  1872.  Barclay's  version  in 
English,  —  a  very  diffuse  adaptation  of  the  original,  —  first  published 
in  1509,  was  beautifully  reprinted  in  two  volumes  in  1874.  This  edition 
is  especially  noteworthy  on  account  of  the  admirable  reproductions  of 
the  original  woodcuts,  in  which  Brant  himself  took  great  interest  and 
which  are  often  more  humorous  than  the  text  itself. 


38 


Readings  in  European  History 


Danger  from 
the  Turks. 


Selfish  policy 
of  the 
European 
princes. 


Till  he  drink  of  Christian  blood  full  deep. 

First  plucked  the  wicked  Saracen's  hand 

At  Jerusalem  and  the  Holy  Land ; 

The  Turk  next  tore  so  much  away 

To  count  it  o'er  were  no  child's  play. 

Then  rose  in  arms,  town  after  town, 

And  paid  no  heed  to  kaiser  or  crown. 

Last,  the  princes  plucked  the  goose  together, 

For  each  of  them  must  have  a  feather. 

Small  wonder  is  it,  I  declare, 

If  soon  the  Empire  's  stripped  and  bare. 

Ye  princes,  see  the  engulfing  wave 

In  which  ye  too,  perchance,  may  bathe ; 

For  if  the  Empire  goes  to  wreck 

Methinks  ye '11  not  stay  long  on  deck. 

Attend  and  mark  me,  who  have  ears ; 

Its  course  our  ship  full  wildly  steers ; 

If  Christ  no  more  our  pilot  be, 

Ne'er  shall  we  ride  this  storm-tossed  sea. 


Come,  princes !    Ye,  by  God's  decree, 
Are  placed  above  the  rest,  to  be 
Their  heads  and  leaders  ;  —  if,  indeed, 
Instead  of  leading,  you  don't  mislead. 
Do  what  becomes  your  rank  and  station 
To  check  this  great  abomination, 
Lest  sun  and  moon  refuse  us  light 
And  we  be  lost  in  ruin's  night. 
Small  heed  ye  pay,  but  ere  I  'm  done 
I  promise  ye  that  many  a  one 
Who  for  my  words  now  has  no  care 
Shall  yet,  through  me,  a  fool's  cap  wear. 

Unsuitable  Every  one  is  anxious  to  make  his  son  a  priest  so  that 

persons  made    <■  v    i  v  •  1   .• 

priests.  ^e  may  "e^P  support  his  relatives : 

'Tis  not  the  peasant's  pious  heart, 
Nor  wish  to  save  his  better  part, 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


39 


That  bids  him  send  his  son  away 

Among  the  priestly  ranks  to  stay. 

Oh,  no  !    'T  is  that  he  may  support 

His  relatives ;  —  a  thing,  in  short, 

Full  easy  for  a  priest  to  do, 

Who,  though  no  book  he  ever  knew, 

Could  still  enjoy  his  benefice 

And  lead  a  merry  life,  I  wis. 

For  priests  no  more  than  monkeys  know 

Of  saving  souls  from  realms  below ; 

I  would  n't  trust  a  cow  to  one, 

Full  sure  she'd  either  kick  or  run ; 

And  as  for  matins  or  the  mass, 

I  'd  rather  hear  the  miller's  ass 

Take  up  the  lute  and  try  a  song. 

But  the  bishops  do  the  greatest  wrong 

When  they  consent  to  consecration 

Without  a  mite  of  education.1 


Erasmus'    Praise    of  Folly   was   written    by  a  great    Erasmus 
scholar    to   please   other    scholars.    Instead  of    Brant's   character  of 
jingling  rhymes  in  the  language  of  the  people,  we  have   ^\s  Praise 
elegant  Latin  prose  with  some  admixture  of  Greek  words 
and  phrases  and  many  a  subtle  classical  allusion,  which 
only  the  learned  could  enjoy.    In  his  prefatory  letter  to 
Sir   Thomas   More,   at   whose   home   Erasmus   finished 
writing  The  Praise  of  Folly  in  1508,  the  author  explains 
that  he  thought  out  the  little  volume  on  his  way  back 

1  Here  is  an  example  of  Brant's  style  in  modernized  German: 

Priesterschaft  schatzt  man  so  gering 
Als  war'  es  ein  gar  leichtes  Ding. 
Drum  findet  man  viel  junger  Pfaffen 
Die  so  viel  konnen  wie  die  Affen, 
Und  sollen  Seelen  doch  erbauen  ! 
Kein  Vieh  war'  ihnen  zu  vertrauen ; 
Wissen  so  viel  von  Kirchenregieren 
Als  Miillers  Esel  vom  Lautenieren. 


40  Readings  in  European  History 

from  Italy.  Some,  he  feared,  might  think  the  matter 
too  trivial  for  a  theologian  like  himself  ;  to  others  his 
wit  might  seem  more  acrid  than  befitted  a  Christian. 
But  many  great  men  had  joked  about  human  foibles 
before  him.  He  was  only  amusing  himself  in  any  case. 
"  Moreover,  is  it  not  unfair  that  we  should  permit  those 
in  all  walks  of  life  to  play  except  the  scholar,  especially 
since  trivial  matters  often  lead  us  to  serious  considera- 
tions and  since  ludicrous  things  can  be  so  treated  that 
the  reader  will  sometimes  gain  more  benefit  from  them 
—  if  he  is  not  too  stupid  —  than  from  the  gravest  and 
most  elaborate  argumentation  ? '  He  praises  Folly,  but 
not  altogether  foolishly.1  He  mentions  no  names  and 
has  avoided  acerbity,  which,  as  he  points  out,  is  by  no 
means  true  of  St.  Jerome's  satirical  letters. 

Erasmus  could  deal  freely  with  the  weaknesses  of 
prelates  and  princes,  of  theologians  and  monks,  because 
he  was  addressing  the  learned  in  a  learned  language  ; 
and  then  his  bantering  tone  protected  him  from  serious 
condemnation,  for  he  has  Folly  step  into  the  pulpit 
and  assert  her  right  to  have  her  say.  She  claims  that 
although  men  erect  no  altars  to  her,  they  all  worship 
her  and  owe  most  of  their  happiness  to  the  comfortable 
illusions  and  self-complacency  which  she  grants  them. 

Folly,  it  should  be  noted,  is  by  no  means  the  same 
person  throughout  the  little  book ;  sometimes  she  rep- 
resents stupidity,  sometimes  silliness,  sometimes  she 
seems   to  stand   for   an   amiable   simplicity   or   nai'vete, 

1  How  neatly  he  says  in  his  preface  :  Ut  enim  nihil  nugacius  quam 
seria  nugatorie  tractare;  ita  nihil  festivius  quam  ita  tractare  nugas  ut 
nihil  minus  quam  nugatus  fuisse  videaris.  The  prefatory  letter  is 
addressed  to  More,  whose  name  suggested  the  Greek  title  of  The 
Praise  of  Folly  :  Encomium  Moriae. 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


41 


which  does  not  take  life  too  seriously  or  involve  itself 
in  needless  complications.1 

[After  holding  up  to  ridicule  the  kind  of  person  who  is    237.  Ex- 
always  telling,   or  listening  to,  ghost   stories   and  tales   of    tractsfrom 
prodigies  and  miracles,  Erasmus  continues:]   To  this  same    of  Folly. 
class  of  fools  belong  those  who  beguile  themselves  with  the 
silly  but  pleasing  notion  that  if  they  look  upon  a  picture  or    Adoration  of 
image  of  St.  Christopher,  —  that  huge  Polyphemus, — they    the  saints- 
will  not  die  that  day ;  or  that  he  who  salutes  an  image  of 
St.  Barbara  with  the  proper  form  of  address  will  come  back 
from  battle  safe ;  or  that  one  who  approaches   St.  Erasmus 
on  certain  days  with  wax  candles  and  prayers  will  soon  be 
rich.     They  have  found  a  new  Hercules  in   St.  George, — 
a  sort   of   second   Hippolytus.     They   seem   to   adore  even 
his  horse,  which  is  scrupulously  decked  out  with  gorgeous 
trappings,    and    additional    offerings    are    constantly    being 
made    in    the    hope    of   gaining    new    favors.     His    bronze 
helmet  one  would  think  half  divine,  the  way  people  swear 
by  it. 

And  what  shall  I  say  of  those  who  comfortably  delude  indulgences, 
themselves  with  imaginary  pardons  for  their  sins,  and  who 
measure  the  time  in  purgatory  with  an  hourglass  into  years, 
months,  days,  and  hours,  with  all  the  precision  of  a  mathe- 
matical table  ?  There  are  plenty,  too,  who,  relying  upon 
certain  magical  little  certificates  and  prayers,  —  which  some 
pious  impostor  devised  either  in  fun  or  for  the  benefit  of 
his  pocket,  —  believe  that  they  may  procure  riches,  honor, 
future  happiness,  health,  perpetual  prosperity,  long  life,  a 
lusty  old  age,  —  nay,  in  the  end,  a  seat  at  the  right  hand 
of  Christ  in  heaven ;  but  as  for  this  last,  it  matters  not  how 

1  There  is  an  old  English  translation  of  The  Praise  of  Folly,  with 
illustrations  by  Erasmus'  friend  Holbein,  the  great  German  painter. 
This  has  been  several  times  reprinted,  and  is  not  hard  to  obtain.  The 
translation  is  spirited,  but  recklessly  free,  since  many  sentences  are 
added  which  have  no  equivalent  in  the  original.  While  it  is  too  inac- 
curate to  be  reproduced  here,  it  nevertheless  gives  a  good  idea  of  the 
scope  of  the  work  and  even  of  Erasmus'  style  of  treatment. 


42  Readings  in  European  History 

long  it  be  deferred:  they  will  content  themselves  with  the 
joys  of  heaven  only  when  they  must  finally  surrender  the 
pleasures  of  this  world,  to  which  they  lovingly  cling. 

The  trader,  the  soldier,  and  the  judge  think  that  they 
can  clean  up  the  Augean  stable  of  a  lifetime,  once  for-all,  by 
sacrificing  a  single  coin  from  their  ill-gotten  gains.  They 
flatter  themselves  that  all  sorts  of  perjury,  debauchery, 
drunkenness,  quarrels,  bloodshed,  imposture,  perfidy,  and 
treason  can  be  compounded  for  by  contract  and  so  adjusted 
that,  having  paid  off  their  arrears,  they  can  begin  a  new 
score. 

How  foolish,  or  rather  how  happy,  are  those  who  promise 
themselves  more  than  supernal  happiness  if  they  repeat  the 
verses  of  the  seven  holy  psalms  !  Those  magical  lines  are 
supposed  to  have  been  taught  to  St.  Bernard  by  a  demon, 
who  seems  to  have  been  a  wag ;  but  he  was  not  very  clever, 
and,  poor  fellow,  was  frustrated  in  his  attempt  to  deceive 
the  saint.  These  silly  things  which  even  I,  Folly,  am  almost 
ashamed  of,  are  approved  not  only  by  the  common  herd  but 
even  by  the  teachers  of  religion. 
Petitioning  How  foolish,  too,  for  religious  bodies  each  to  give  prefer- 

ence to  its  particular  guardian  saint !  Nay,  each  saint  has 
his  particular  office  allotted  to  him,  and  is  addressed  each 
in  his  special  way:  this  one  is  called  upon  to  alleviate  tooth- 
ache ;  that,  to  aid  in  childbirth ;  others,  to  restore  a  stolen 
article,  bring  rescue  to  the  shipwrecked,  or  protect  cattle,  — 
and  so  on  with  the  rest,  who  are  much  too  numerous  to 
mention.  A  few  indeed  among  the  saints  are  good  in  more 
than  one  emergency,  especially  the  Holy  Virgin,  to  whom 
the  common  man  now  attributes  almost  more  than  to  her 
Son. 

And  for  what,  after  all,  do  men  petition  the  saints  except 
for  foolish  things  ?  Look  at  the  votive  offerings  which  cover 
the  walls  of  certain  churches  and  with  which  you  see  even 
the  ceiling  filled ;  do  you  find  any  one  who  expresses  his 
gratitude  that  he  has  escaped  Folly  or  because  he  has 
become  a  whit  wiser  ?  One  perhaps  was  saved  from  drown- 
ing, another  recovered  when  he  had  been  run  through  by 


the  saints. 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


43 


The  scholas 
tic  theolo- 
gians. 


his  enemy;  another,  while  his  fellows  were  fighting,  ran 
away  with  expedition  and  success  ;  another,  on  the  point 
of  being  hanged,  escaped,  through  the  aid  of  some  saintly 
friend  of  thieves,  and  lived  to  relieve  a  few  more  of  those 
whom  he  believed  to  be  overburdened  with  their  wealth.  .  .  . 

These  various  forms  of  foolishness  so  pervade  the  whole 
life  of  Christians  that  even  the  priests  themselves  find  no 
objection  to  admitting,  not  to  say  fostering,  them,  since  they 
do  not  fail  to  perceive  how  many  tidy  little  sums  accrue  to 
them  from  such  sources.  But  what  if  some  odious  philoso- 
pher should  chime  in  and  say,  as  is  quite  true  :  "You  will  not 
die  badly  if  you  live  well.  You  are  redeeming  your  sins  when 
you  add  to  the  sum  that  you  contribute  a  hearty  detestation 
of  evil  doers  :  then  you  may  spare  yourself  tears,  vigils,  invo- 
cations, fasts,  and  all  that  kind  of  life.  You  may  rely  upon 
any  saint  to  aid  you  when  once  you  begin  to  imitate  his  life." 

As  for  the  theologians,  perhaps  the  less  said  the  better 
on  this  gloomy  and  dangerous  theme,  since  they  are  a  style 
of  man  who  show  themselves  exceeding  supercilious  and 
irritable  unless  they  can  heap  up  six  hundred  conclusions 
about  you  and  force  you  to  recant ;  and  if  you  refuse,  they 
promptly  brand  you  as  a  heretic,  —  for  it  is  their  custom  to 
terrify  by  their  thunderings  those  whom  they  dislike.  It 
must  be  confessed  that  no  other  group  of  fools  are  so  reluc- 
tant to  acknowledge  Folly's  benefits  toward  them,  although 
I  have  many  titles  to  their  gratitude,  for  I  make  them  so  in 
love  with  themselves  that  they  seem  to  be  happily  exalted 
to  the  third  heaven,  whence  they  look  down  with  something 
like  pity  upon  all  other  mortals,  wandering  about  on  the 
earth  like  mere  cattle. 

Then  they  hedge  themselves  about  with  such  an  array  of  Scholastic 
magisterial  definitions,  conclusions,  corollaries,  propositions  dlsPutatlon& 
explicate  and  implicate,  and  do  so  abound  in  subterfuges, 
that  chains  forged  by  Vulcan  himself  could  not  hold  them 
so  firm  but  that  they  could  escape  by  one  of  those  distinc- 
tions which  enable  them  to  cut  all  knots  as  easily  as  with 
a  two-edged  ax,  so  readily  do  they  think  up  and  rattle  out 
new  and  prodigious  terms  and  expressions. 


44 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  theolo- 
gians set 
themselves 
above 

St.  Paul  and 
the  apostles. 


Finally,  the  theologians  are  at  their  best  when  they  are 
explaining  (in  their  own  opinion)  such  deep  mysteries  as  : 
How  was  the  world  founded  and  brought  into  order  ?  How 
is  original  sin  transmitted  to  posterity?  .  .  .  How  can  the 
accidents  subsist  in  the  eucharist  without  their  substance  ? 
Nay,  these  are  trite  and  easy  questions.  The  great  and 
illustrious  theologians,  as  they  dub  themselves,  will  only 
awaken  when  something  like  the  following  is  proposed : 
Does  supernatural  generation  require  time  for  its  accom- 
plishment? Has  Christ  a  double  relation  of  sonship?  Is 
the  proposition  possible,  "  God  the  Father  hates  the  Son  "  ? 
Might  God  have  chosen  to  assume  the  form  of  a  woman, 
a  devil,  an  ass,  a  gourd,  or  a  stone?  .  .  . 

St.  Paul,  they  admit,  was  distinguished  for  his  faith,  but 
nevertheless  when  he  said,  "  Faith  is  the  substance  of  things 
hoped  for,  the  evidence  of  things  not  seen,"  he  denned  it 
but  inaccurately.  He  may  have  excelled  in  charity,  yet  he 
fails  to  limit  and  define  it  with  dialectic  precision  in  his 
first  letter  to  the  Corinthians,  Chapter  xiii.  The  disciples 
administered  the  eucharist  reverently,  and  yet  had  they 
been  asked  about  the  terminus  a  quo  and  the  terminus  ad 
quern  of  transubstantiation ;  as  to  how  a  body  can  be  in  two 
places  at  the  same  time ;  of  the  differences  which  exist 
between  Christ's  body  in  heaven,  on  the  cross,  and  in  the 
holy  wafer ;  or  at  what  point  does  transubstantiation  occur, 
since  the  prayer  through  which  it  is  effected  is,  as  a  quan- 
titas  disereta,  in  a  state  of  flux,  —  asked  of  these  matters  the 
apostles  would  not  have  replied  with  the  acuteness  with  which 
the  followers  of  Scotus  distinguish  and  define  these  subtleties. 

The  apostles  knew  the  mother  of  Jesus,  but  who  of  them 
could  philosophically  prove  how  she  was  preserved  from  the 
sin  of  Eve,  as  do  our  divines  ?  Peter  received  the  keys,  and 
from  one  who  would  not  commit  them  to  unworthy  hands, 
but  whether  or  not  he  knew  how  one  could  have  the  key  of 
knowledge  without  knowledge  itself,  he  certainly  never  dis- 
cussed the  matter.  The  apostles  baptized,  but  never  taught 
the  formal,  material,  efficient,  or  final  cause  of  baptism,  nor 
do  they  mention  delible  or  indelible  characters.  .  .  .    The 


Germany  before  tJie  Protestant  Revolt 


45 


apostles  inculcated  grace,  but  never  distinguished  between 
gratia  gratis  data  and  gratia  gratijicans.  They  exhorted  to 
good  works,  but  did  not  perceive  the  distinction  between 
opus  opera?is  and  opus  operatum.  They  frequently  urge  char- 
ity upon  us  without  dividing  k<  infused  "  from  "  acquired," 
or  explaining  whether  charity  be  an  accident  or  a  substance, 
a  created  or  an  uncreated  thing. 

Next  to  the  theologians  in  their  self-satisfaction  may  be  The  monks, 
ranked  those  who  are  commonly  called  the  religious  and  the 
monks,  both  terms  quite  wide  of  the  truth,  since  a  good  part 
of  them  are  a  long  ways  from  religion,  and  as  for  the  monks 
(whose  name  suggests  solitude),  they  are  to  be  met  in  every 
byway.  I  do  not  see  who  could  be  more  miserable  than 
they  unless  Folly  came  to  their  aid  in  many  ways.  Although 
every  one  so  execrates  that  stripe  of  man  that  even  a  casual 
meeting  with  them  is  regarded  as  ominous,  yet  they  have  a 
magnificent  idea  of  their  own  virtues.  First  they  deem  it  the 
most  exalted  piety  to  have  let  learning  so  completely  alone 
that  they  cannot  even  read.  Then  when  they  bray  out  the 
psalms  —  which  they  cannot  understand  —  in  the  churches, 
they  flatter  themselves  that  they  are  delighting  the  ears  of 
the  saints  with  their  sweet  harmonies.  Some  of  them  laud 
their  beggary  and  filth  as  great  virtues  and  loudly  clamor  for 
bread  from  door  to  door.  They  beset  the  inns,  coaches,  and 
ships,  not  a  little  to  the  prejudice  of  other  beggars.  .  .  . 

The  greater  part  of  the  monks  exhibit  such  confidence  in    Confidence 
ceremonies  and  trivial  human  traditions  that  one  would  think   ?f  the  monks 

rr-  1  1     £  ln  mere  cere" 

a  single  heaven  would  scarce  suffice  as  a  worthy  reward  tor  monies  and 
their  merits.  They  little  think  that  Christ  will  put  them  off  externals, 
with  a  "  Who  hath  required  these  things  at  your  hands  ? " 
and  will  call  them  to  account  only  for  the  stewardship  of 
his  legacy  of  love.  One  will  confidently  call  attention  to  his 
paunch,  filled  with  all  kinds  of  fish ;  another  will  pour  out 
a  hundred  bushels  of  psalms ;  a  third  will  enumerate  his 
myriad  fastings  and  will  tell  how  a  single  meal  nearly  killed 
him ;  a  fourth  will  produce  as  many  ceremonies  as  would 
fill  seven  merchant  ships ;  a  fifth  will  plead  that  for  three- 
score years  he  never  so  much  as  touched  money  except  he 


46  Readings  in  European  History 

fingered  it  through  double  thick  gloves ;  a  sixth  will  bring 
along  his  hood  so  old  and  nasty  that  no  sailor  would  venture 
to  protect  himself  with  it.  .  .  .  But  Christ  shall  interrupt 
their  boastings:  "Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees! 
I  left  you  one  great  precept,  but  of  that  alone  I  hear  nothing 
from  you.  I  told  you  plainly  in  my  gospel,  with  no  disguis- 
ing parables,  that  my  Father's  kingdom  was  promised,  not 
for  cowls,  petitions,  and  fastings,  but  for  deeds  of  love.  I 
know  them  not  who  rely  on  their  own  merits."  .  .  .  When 
the  monks  and  friars  shall  hear  these  things  and  shall  see 
simple  sailors  and  carters  preferred  to  them,  how  shall  their 
faces  fall  as  they  look  at  one  another ! 

III.   The  "Letters  of  Obscure  Men" 

Origin  of  the  John  Reuchlin,  the  famous  Hebrew  scholar,  became 
Obscure  Men  mv°lved  in  a  controversy  with  some  of  the  more  fanat- 
ical and  intolerant  monks  and  theologians,  who  were 
bent  on  seizing  and  destroying  the  books  of  the  Jews, 
which  they  declared  were  full  of  attacks  on  Christianity. 
Reuchlin  thought  that  only  harm  could  come  from  such 
a  policy,  and  he  was  led  to  defend  himself  and  his 
position  writh  much  warmth  in  a  little  book  which  he 
called  the  Augenspiegel.  This  came  into  the  hands  of 
the  theological  faculty  of  Cologne,  which  drew  up  a 
list  of  heretical  propositions  found  therein  ;  and  Ortuin 
Gratius,  one  of  the  members  of  the  faculty,  added  an 
appendix  of  Latin  verses.  Reuchlin  was  summoned  be- 
fore Hochstraten,  the  inquisitor  general,  to  answer  the 
charges  against  him,  but  appealed  to  the  pope,  who 
referred  the  case  to  the  bishop  of  Speyer.  This  prelate 
declared  the  book  free  from  heresy.  Then  Hochstraten, 
in  his  turn,  appealed  to  Rome,  where  the  case  was 
pending  when  the  Letters  of  Obscure  Men  appeared. 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt  47 

The  prosecution  and  trial  of  Reuchlin  created  a  great 
deal  of  excitement  in  Germany  among  literary  men.  In 
March,  15 14,  Reuchlin  had  published  a  collection  of  the 
letters  of  sympathy  which  he  had  received,  under  the 
title,  Letters  of  Distinguislied  Men,  addressed  to  John 
Reuchlin.  These  suggested  to  Crotus  Rubeanus,  a 
famous  humanist  at  Erfurt,  and  his  friends  a  method  of 
attacking  the  theological  party  by  means  of  a  series  of 
letters  purporting  to  be  written  to  the  above-mentioned 
Ortuin  Gratius  by  his  simple  admirers  and  disciples. 
The  modest  title,  Letters  of  Obscure  Men,  recommended 
itself  as  antithetical  to  that  of  the  boastful  collection  of 
the  letters  of  distinguished  contemporaries  which  Reuch- 
lin had  issued.  The  first  series  was  published  in  15  15, 
and  the  second  series,  in  which  Ulrich  von  Hutten 
doubtless  had  a  hand,  in    1 5  1 7. 

•The  bad  Latin,  the  fruitless  quibbles,  the  naive  con- 
fessions of  habitual  looseness  of  life,  and  the  hate  which 
the  theologians  bore  towards  Reuchlin  and  the  whole 
tribe  of  humanists,  form  the  chief  interest  and  the  ever- 
recurring  themes  of  the  letters.  The  wit  is  in  turn  good, 
bad,  and  indifferent.  The  general  conception  of  the  work 
is  perhaps  its  most  delicately  humorous  feature. 

Henricus  Schaffsmulius  to  Master  Ortuin  Gratius,  many  salu-    238.  Ex- 

tations:  amples  of 

ii     the  Letters  oj 

When  I  first  went  to  the  Curia  you  told  me  that  I  should  obscure  Men. 
write  to  you  frequently  and  address  any  theological  ques- 
tions to  you,  for  you  wished  to  answer  them  more  satisfac- 
torily than  could  those  about  the  papal  court  at  Rome.  I, 
therefore,  wish  now  to  ask  your  opinion  in  the  case  of  one 
who  should  on  Friday,  which  is  the  sixth  day,  or  upon  any 
other  fast  day,  eat  an  egg  in  which  there  is  a  chick.  For  we 
were  recently  dining  at  an  inn  in  the  Campo  Fiore,  and  were 


48  Readings  in  European  History 

eating  eggs.  And  I,  opening  my  egg,  discovered  that  there 
was  a  chick  within  ;  but  upon  showing  it  to  my  companion, 
he  urged  me  to  swallow  it  straightway  before  the  host  caught 
sight  of  it,  for  otherwise  I  should  have  to  pay  a  Carolinus  or 
a  Julius  for  a  fowl,  since  it  is  the  custom  here  to  pay  for 
everything  the  host  places  on  the  table,  because  they  will 
take  nothing  back.  Now  if  he  saw  that  there  was  a  chick 
in  the  egg  he  would  say,  "  You  must  pay  me  for  a  fowl,"  — 
for  he  would  charge  for  a  little  one  just  as  much  as  he  would 
for  a  big  one. 

And  I  immediately  swallowed  the  egg  and  the  chick  at 
the  same  time,  and  afterwards  it  occurred  to  me  that  it  was 
Friday,  and  I  said  to  my  companion,  "  You  have  caused  me 
to  commit  a  mortal  sin  in  eating  meat  on  Friday." 

But  he  said  that  it  was  not  a  mortal  sin,  nor  even  a  venial 
sin,  since  a  chick  may  not  be  considered  other  than  an  egg 
until  it  is  born.  And  he  remarked  that  it  is  just  the  same 
in  the  case  of  cheese  in  which  there  are  worms,  and  of  the 
worms  in  cherries,  and  in  peas,  and  young  beans ;  but  they 
are  eaten  on  the  sixth  day,  and  even  on  the  vigils  of  the 
apostles.  But  inn  proprietors  are  such  rascals  that  they 
sometimes  say  that  these  are  meat  in  order  to  gain  thereby. 

Then  I  went  out  and  thought  about  it,  and,  by  Heaven, 
Master  Ortuin,  I  am  much  disturbed,  and  I  do  not  know 
what  I  ought  to  do  about  it.  It  is  true  that  I  might  take 
counsel  with  a  member  of  the  papal  court,  but  I  know  that 
they  have  bad  consciences.  As  for  myself,  it  seems  to  me 
that  chicks  in  the  egg  are  meat,  because  the  matter  is  already 
formed  and  shaped  into  the  members  and  body  of  an  ani- 
mal, and  it  has  animal  life.  It  is  otherwise  in  the  case  of 
worms  in  cheese  and  in  other  comestibles,  for  worms  are 
accounted  to  be  fish,  as  I  have  heard  from  a  physician,  who 
is  also  a  very  able  scientist. 

I  beseech  of  you  earnestly  to  reply  to  my  question.  For 
if  you  hold  that  it  is  a  mortal  sin,  then  I  wish  to  seek 
absolution  before  I  go  to  Germany ;  for  you  probably  know 
that  our  lord,  Jacob  Hochstraten,  borrowed  a  thousand 
florins  from  the  bank,  and  I  believe  he  would  want  to  make 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt  49 

something  out  of  the  case;  and  may  the  devil  take  that  John 
Reuchlin  and  those  other  poets  and  men  of  law,  who  are 
trying  to  fight  the  Church  of  God  —  that  is  to  say,  the  theo- 
logians, who  are  the  real  backbone  of  the  Church,  as  Christ 
said,  "  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  will  I  build  my 
church." 

May  the  Lord  God  preserve  you.    Farewell. 
Written  in  the  city  of  Rome. 

Philip  Schneider  of  Erfurt  to  Master  Ortuiti  Gratius  ; 

I  honorably  salute  my  honorable  and  venerable  master. 
You  wrote  to  me  lately  that  a  certain  poet  in  Germany, 
called  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  had  composed  many  books 
and  had  especially  composed  a  letter  to  the  pope  in  which 
he  commended  John  Reuchlin.  You  know  I  saw  that  letter. 
And  I  have  seen  another  big  book  called  The  New  Testa- 
ment,1 and  he  sent  that  book  to  the  pope,  and  I  think  that 
he  would  be  glad  if  the  pope  would  approve  the  book.  But 
I  hope  that  he  will  not.  For  the  master  of  the  sacred  pal- 
ace is  a  notable  man  of  much  reputation  ;  he  says  that  he 
can  prove  that  Erasmus  is  a  heretic  because  in  some  pas- 
sages he  attacks  that  holy  doctor  and  will  not  support  the 
theologians.  Besides  the  New  Testament  the  same  writer 
has  published  something  called  Erasmus'  Folly,  which  con- 
tains many  scandalous  propositions  which  are  not  reverent, 
and  it  sometimes  contains  open  blasphemies.  For  this  reason 
the  Paris  theologians  wanted  to  burn  such  a  book.  So  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  pope  will  approve  that  new  big  book. 

Even  our  master  Jacob  Hochstraten  is  in  good  spirits. 
Yesterday  he  invited  me  to  dinner  and  told  me  that  a  cardi- 
nal told  him  that  he  would  win  his  case.  But  John  Wick, 
who  is  John  Reuchlin's  lawyer,  presses  him  hard.  I  was 
once  present  when  Master  Jacob  said  to  him,  "  You  are 
against  me,  but  believe  me,  if  I  come  out  ahead,  you  will 
not  be  safe  anywhere  in  Germany."  Again  he  said  to  him, 
"  I  know  that  Reuchlin  has  not  money  enough  to  pay  you, 

1  Erasmus  had  published  his  edition  of  the  Greek  New  Testament  a 
few  months  before  this  was  written. 


50  Readings  in  European  History 

and  yet  you  are  so  rash  as  to  turn  our  whole  order  against 
you."  There  is  one  thing  more.  Dr.  Martin  Groningen  pro- 
poses to  translate  the  Augenspiegel.  I  understand  that  our 
master  Jacob  has  recently  given  him  a  hundred  ducats  to 
falsify  the  text  of  the  book,  and  if  he  does  so  then  you 
will  win.  And  I  hope  that  he  will  do  it.  Write  me  anything 
which  comes  to  your  attention.  Adieu. 
From  Rome. 

One  of  the  "  obscure  men,"  Philip  Schlauraff,  in  a 
long  journey  about  Germany  met  many  humanists  who 
treated  him  badly.  At  Strasburg  he  came  upon  Brant, 
who  wanted  to  see  him  off  to  Fool-land. 

Venit  Sebastianus  Brant, 
Der  nam  mich  bei  der  Hand 
Dicens  "mini  sequere : 
Nos  volumus  navigare 
Ab  hinc  in  Narragoniam 
Propter  tuam  stultitiam." x 

1  The  opening  of  one  of  the  obscure  men's  letters  will  appeal  to  any 
one  somewhat  versed  in  classical  Latin : 

Lyra  Buntschumacherius,  ordinis  predicatorum  theologus  Guillermo 
Hackineto,  qui  est  theologorum  theologissimus,  Salutem  dicit. 

Vos  scripsistis  mihi  ex  Anglia  de  Londino  unam  longam  litteram 
pulchre  latinisatam,  in  qua  petivistis  quod  deberem  vobis  scribere  unam 
novitatem  sive  bonam,  sive  malam,  quia  estis  naturaliter  inclinatus  ad 
audiendum  nova:  sicut  faciunt  omnes  qui  sunt  de  complexione  san- 
guinea,  et  audient  libenter  cantilenas  musicales,  ac  in  mensa  sunt  lete 
mentis.  Ego  fui  valde  letatus,  quando  accepi  vestram  litteram  sicut 
qui  invenit  unam  preciosam  margaritam,  et  ostendi  earn  dominis  meis 
Joanni  Grocino  et  Linacro  dicens :  "  Videte,  domini  mei,  videte,  nonne 
iste  magister  noster  formalis  in  latinisando  et  componendo  dictamina 
(i.e.  compositions),  et  arte  epistolandi  ?"  Et  juraverunt  quod  non  pos- 
sunt  similes  epistolas  componere  in  arte  latinitatis,  quamvis  sunt  poete 
greci  et  latini.  Et  extulerunt  vos  super  omnes  qui  sunt  in  Anglia, 
Francia,  Germania,  et  omni  natione  que  sub  celo  est.  .  .  . 


Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt 


51 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Political  Conditions  in  Germany :  Johnson,  Europe  in  the  Six- 
teenth Century,  pp.  106-128;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany, 
Vol.  I,  Chapter  X,  pp.  228-250;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  I, 
Chapter  IX,  pp.  288-328 ;  Dyer,  Modem  Europe,  Vol.  I,  pp.  22-33. 

Religious  Conditions  :  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter 
XIX,  pp.  653-692  ("  The  Eve  of  the  Reformation,"  by  Henry  C.  Lea). 

Intellectual  Conditions  :  Whitcomb,  Source  Book  of  the  German 
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A.  Refer- 
ences. 


Creighton,  History  of  the  Papacy,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  I,  "  Human- 
ism in  Germany  "  ;  Chapter  II,  "  The  Reuchlin  Struggle." 

Beard,  Martin  Luther,  Chapter  I,  "  Political  Conditions  of  the 
Empire";  Chapter  II,  "The  Religious  Life  of  Germany";  Chapter 
III,  "The  Renaissance  in  Germany." 

Janssen,  History  of  the  German  People,  Vols.  I,  II,  and  III  (first 
half).  A  very  suggestive  and  readable  treatment  by  a  famous  Catholic 
scholar. 

Ranke,  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Germany  (an  English  trans- 
lation of  the  first  half  of  the  German  original),  Vol.  I,  pp.  85-342.  A  care- 
ful account  of  the  attempts  to  reform  the  German  constitution  before 
Luther's  appearance. 

Emerton,  Desiderius  Erasmus.  An  admirable  biography,  with 
many  extracts  from  Erasmus'  writings.  Froude,  in  his  Life  and 
Letters  of  Erasmus,  gives  a  loose  paraphrase  of  a  number  of  Erasmus' 
letters.  Nichols,  The  Epistles  of  Erasmus  (1901-1904),  2  vols.  An 
excellent  annotated  translation  of  the  letters  written  before  1517. 

Strauss,  D.  F.,  Ulrich  von  Hutten,  his  Life  and  Times.  Translated 
from  the  German  (1874);  a  good  account  of  the  whole  humanistic 
movement. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read 
ing  in 
English. 


Bezold,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Reformation  (Oncken  Series),  1890,     C.  Materials 
pp.  1-259,  on  Germany  before  the  Protestant  Revolt.    Fair  in  spirit,    for  advanced 
excellent  in  scholarship,  and  well  illustrated,  but  unfortunately  gives        '  y' 
no  references  to  the  sources. 

Egelhaaf,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  sechszehnten  fahrhundert  bis 
zum  Augsburger  Religionsfrieden,  2  vols.,  1 889-1 892.  A  scholarly 
Protestant  counterblast  to  some  of  Janssen's  conclusions. 


52  Readings  in  European  History 

Geiger,  Renaissance  und  Humajtismus  in  Italien  und  Deutschland 
(Oncken  Series),  1882.  Contains  a  valuable  account  of  Reuchlin,  Eras- 
mus, and  Hutten,  and  their  forerunners. 

Schulte,  Die  Fagger  in  Rom,  1493-1523  (zur  Geschichte  des  kirch- 
lichen  Finanzwesens),  Vol.  I,  1904. 

Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  Vol.  V,  Part  I.  Broad,  suggest- 
ive, but  not  always  lucid,  treatment. 

Dacheux,  Un  Refor?nateur  catholique,Jean  Geiler,  1478-1510  (1876). 
An  account  of  a  famous  and  influential  preacher. 

The  sources.  Hasak,  Der  christlichen  Glaube  des  deutschen  Volkes  beim  Schlusse 

des  Mittelalters  (1868).  A  remarkable  and  illuminating  collection  of 
extracts  from  the  popular  works  of  edification  before  Luther's  tracts 
began  to  appear.  * 

Ulrich  von  Hutten,  Werke,  edited  by  Boecking,  5  vols.  A  mine 
of  information  for  the  literary  conditions.  Hutten's  dialogues  ( Ge- 
sprdchbuchlein)  have  been  reprinted  (Dresden,  1905). 

Reuchlin,  Briefwechsel,  1875  (edited  by  Geiger  in  the  Bibliothek 
des  Stuttgarter  Literarischen  Verems,  Vol.  CXXVI).  Also  Geiger, 
Johann  Reuchlin,  sein  Leben  und  seine  IVerke,  187 1. 

Mutianus,  Briefwechsel,  edited  by  Gillert,  1890  (also  by  Krause, 
1885).  The  letters  of  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  German 
humanists. 

Few  will  care  to  make  a  more  careful  study  of  the  political  condi- 
tions and  history  than  can  be  based  on  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im 
Zeitalter  der  Reformation.  The  sources  are  enumerated  in  Waitz- 
Dahlmann,  Quellenkunde  der  deutschen  Geschichte,  also  in  the  Cam- 
bridge Modem  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  734  Jy. 


in  1517. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

MARTIN  LUTHER  AND  HIS  REVOLT  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH 

I.   The  Preaching  of  Indulgences 

The    archbishop    of    Mayence    arranged    with    Pope    Theprocia 
Leo  X  in  15  15  to  conduct  the  distribution  throughout    ^L1^0 
his  vast  archbishoprics  of  Mayence  and  Magdeburg  of   indulgence 
the  indulgences  granted  by  the  pope.     The  archbishop 
was  to  have  half  the  contributions  made  for  them,  and 
the  rest  of  the  money  was  to  go  to  the  rebuilding  of 
the  great    central   shrine    of   Christendom,   St.   Peter's 
at  Rome.1    This  plan  was  not  carried  out  until  15 17. 
Extracts  from  the  "  Instructions "  prepared  for  those 
who  were  to  proclaim  the  indulgences  are  given  below. 
They  furnish  an  official  account  of  the  indulgence  and, 
according  to  a  distinguished  Roman  Catholic  historian,2 
they  corresponded  with  the  teaching  of  the  Church. 

The  papal  bull  which  granted  the  indulgence,  added 
three  other  graces  and  privileges,  which  might  be  pro- 
cured either  separately  or  together  with  the  indulgence. 

1  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  §  126  (opening),  and  Readings, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  539  sqq. 

2  Cardinal  Hergenrother,  in  his  continuation  of  Hefele's  Concilien- 
geschichte,  Vol.  IX,  p.  n.  Yet  it  would  seem  as  if  one  would  get  an 
exaggerated  idea  of  the  value  of  an  indulgence  from  reading  the 
"  Instructions,"  for  they  promise  "  the  complete  remission  of  all  sins," 
while  the  more  careful  theologians  taught  that  the  indulgence  only 
remitted  the  penalties  which  remained  after  the  sinner  had  received 
forgiveness  of  his  guilt  through  contrition,  confession,  and  absolution. 
See  History  of  Western  Europe,  §  142. 

53 


54 


Readings  in  European  History 


239.  An 
official 
account  of 
indulgences, 
taken  from 
the  "In- 
structions " 
issued  to 
those  who 
were  to  pro- 
claim them 
in  Germany. 


Conditions 
necessary  for 
receiving 
indulgences. 


Preachers  are  ordered  "to  commend  each  to  believers 
with  the  greatest  care  and,  in  so  far  as  they  can, 
explain  the  same." 

The  first  grace  is  the  complete  remission  of  all  sins ;  and 
nothing  greater  than  this  can  be  named,  since  man,  who 
lives  in  sin  and  forfeits  the  favor  of  God,  obtains  complete 
remission  by  these  means  and  once  more  enjoys  God's 
favor;  moreover,  through  this  remission  of  sins  the  pun- 
ishment which  one  is  obliged  to  undergo  in  purgatory  on 
account  of  the  affront  to  the  Divine  Majesty  is  all  remitted, 
and  the  pains  of  purgatory  completely  blotted  out.  And 
although  nothing  is  precious  enough  to  be  given  in  exchange 
for  such  a  grace,  —  since  it  is  a  free  gift  of  God  and  a  grace 
beyond  price,  —  yet  in  order  that  Christian  believers  may 
be  the  more  easily  induced  to  procure  the  same,  we  estab- 
lish the  following  rules,  to  wit : 

In  the  first  place,  every  one  who  is  contrite  in  heart,  and 
has  made  oral  confession, —  or  at  all  events  has  the  inten- 
tion of  confessing  at  a  suitable  time,  —  shall  visit  at  least 
the  seven  churches  indicated  for  this  purpose,  to  wit,  those 
in  which  the  papal  arms  are  displayed,  and  in  each  church 
shall  say  five  paternosters  and  five  Ave  Marias  in  honor  of 
the  five  wounds  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whereby  our  sal- 
vation is  won,  or  one  Miserere,  which  psalm  is  particularly 
well  adapted  for  obtaining  forgiveness  of  sins. 

Sick  or  otherwise  incapacitated  persons  shall  visit  with 
the  same  devotion  and  prayers,  the  seven  altars,  which  the 
commissioners  and  subcommissioners  shall  have  erected  in 
the  church  where  the  cross  shall  be  raised,  and  on  which 
they  shall  have  affixed  the  papal  arms. 

Where,  however,  persons  are  found  so  weak  that  they  can- 
not conveniently  come  to  such  a  church,  then  shall  their 
confessor  or  penitentiary  cause  an  altar  to  be  brought  to  a 
convenient  place  approved  by  him.  And  where  such  per- 
sons visit  this  place  and  offer  up  their  prayers  near  the  altar 
or  before  it,  they  shall  deserve  the  indulgence  as  though 
they  had  visited  the  seven  churches.  .  .  . 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     55 

Respecting,  now,  the  contribution  to  the  chest,  for  the  Contributions 
building  of  the  said  church  of  the  chief  of  the  apostles,  the  made  for 
penitentiaries  and  confessors,  after  they  have  explained  to 
those  making  confession  the  full  remission  and  privileges, 
shall  ask  of  them  for  how  much  money  or  other  temporal 
goods  they  would  conscientiously  go  without  the  said  most 
complete  remission  and  privileges ;  and  this  shall  be  done 
in  order  that  hereafter  they  may  be  brought  the  more  easily 
to  contribute.  And  because  the  conditions  and  occupations 
of  men  are  so  manifold  and  diverse  that  we  cannot  consider 
them  individually,  and  impose  specific  rates  accordingly,  we 
have  therefore  concluded  that  the  rates  should  be  determined 
according  to  the  recognized  classes  of  persons. 

Kings  and  queens  and  their  offspring,  archbishops  and 
bishops,  and  other  great  rulers,  provided  they  seek  the 
places  where  the  cross  is  raised,  or  otherwise  present  them- 
selves, shall  pay  at  least  five  and  twenty  Rhenish  guilders 
in  gold.  Abbots  and  the  great  prelates  of  cathedral  churches, 
counts,  barons,  and  others  of  the  higher  nobility,  together 
with  their  consorts,  shall  pay  for  each  letter  of  indulgence 
ten  such  guilders.  Other  lesser  prelates  and  nobles,  as  also 
the  rectors  of  celebrated  places,  and  all  others  who,  either 
from  permanent  incomes  or  merchandise,  or  otherwise,  enjoy 
a  total  yearly  revenue  of  five  hundred  gold  guilders,  shall 
pay  six  such  guilders.  Other  citizens  and  tradespeople  and 
artisans,  who  have  individual  incomes  and  families  of  their 
own,  shall  pay  one  such  guilder ;  those  of  less  means,  only 
a  half.  .  .  . 

All  other  persons  are  confided  to  the  discretion  of  the  The  very 
confessors  and  penitentiaries,  who  should  have  ever  in  view  poor  to  be 
the  advancement  of  this  building,   and   should   urge   their  makinga 
penitents  to  a  free  contribution,  but  should  let  no  one  go  contribution, 
away  without  some  portion  of  grace,  because  the  happiness 
of  Christian  believers  is  here  concerned  not  less  than  the 
interests  of  the  building.    And  those  that  have  no  money 
shall  supply  their  contribution  with  prayer  and  fasting;  for 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  should  be  open  to  the  poor  not  less 
than  to  the  rich.  .  .   . 


56 


Readings  in  European  History 


Confessional 
letters  (sum- 
marized). 


Participation 
in  the 
spiritual 
treasures  of 
the  Church. 


Indulgences 
for  the  dead 
in  purgatory. 


[The  second  signal  grace  is  a  "confessional  letter,"  that 
is,  a  permit  to  choose  any  qualified  confessor,  even  a  men- 
dicant friar,  instead  of  one's  parish  priest  or  other  regular 
confessor.  Moreover  the  confessor  chosen  shall  have  power 
to  absolve  those  holding  the  confessional  permits  in  cases 
when  the  ordinary  confessor  would  be  powerless,  —  for 
example,  for  offenses  which  are  usually  "  reserved  "  for  con- 
sideration by  the  pope.] 

The  third  most  important  grace  is  the  participation  in 
all  the  possessions  of  the  Church  universal ;  which  consists 
herein,  that  contributors  toward  the  said  building,  together 
with  their  deceased  relatives,  who  have  departed  this  world 
in  a  state  of  grace,  shall  from  now  on,  and  for  eternity, 
be  partakers  in  all  petitions,  intercessions,  alms,  fastings, 
prayers,  in  each  and  every  pilgrimage,  even  those  to  the 
Holy  Land;  furthermore,  in  the  stations  at  Rome,  in 
masses,  canonical  hours,  flagellations,  and  all  other  spirit- 
ual goods  which  have  been,  or  shall  be,  brought  forth  by  the 
universal,  most  holy  Church  militant  or  by  any  of  its  mem- 
bers. Believers  who  purchase  confessional  letters  may  also 
become  participants  in  all  these  things.  Preachers  and  con- 
fessors must  insist  with  great  perseverance  upon  these  advan- 
tages, and  persuade  believers  not  to  neglect  to  acquire  these 
benefits  along  with  their  confessional  letter. 

We  also  declare  that  in  order  to  obtain  these  two  most 
important  graces,  it  is  not  necessary  to  make  confession,  or 
to  visit  the  churches  and  altars,  but  merely  to  procure  the 
confessional  letter.  .  .   . 

The  fourth  distinctive  grace  is  for  those  souls  which  are 
in  purgatory,  and  is  the  complete  remission  of  all  sins,  which 
remission  the  pope  brings  to  pass  through  his  intercession, 
to  the  advantage  of  said  souls,  in.  this  wise  :  that  the  same 
contribution  shall  be  placed  in  the  chest  by  a  living  person 
as  one  would  make  for  himself.  It  is  our  wish,  however, 
that  our  subcommissioners  should  modify  the  regulations 
regarding  contributions  of  this  kind  which  are  given  for  the 
dead,  and  that  they  should  use  their  judgment  in  all  other 
cases,  where,  in  their  opinion,  modifications  are  desirable. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     57 

It  is,  furthermore,  not  necessary  that  the  persons  who 
place  their  contributions  in  the  chest  for  the  dead  should  be 
contrite  in  heart  and  have  orally  confessed,  since  this  grace 
is  based  simply  on  the  state  of  grace  in  which  the  dead 
departed,  and  on  the  contribution  of  the  living,  as  is  evident 
from  the  text  of  the  bull.  Moreover  preachers  shall  exert 
themselves  to  give  this  grace  the  widest  publicity,  since 
through  the  same,  help  will  surely  come  to  departed  souls, 
and  the  construction  of  the  church  of  St.  Peter  will  be  abun- 
dantly promoted  at  the  same  time.  .  .  . 


II.   Luther's  Ninety-five  Theses  concerning 
Indulgences   (15 17) 

Luther  did  not  intend  his  theses  to  be  a  complete  and   Purpose  of 
final  declaration  of  his  beliefs  in  regard  to  salvation.    He   ^u2er1?. 

°  drafting  his 

had  been  deeply  disturbed  by  the  talk  that  he  heard  theses, 
about  indulgences,  the  importance  of  which  appeared  to 
him  to  be  grossly  overrated.  The  loud  praise  of  them 
he  thought  certain  to  blind  the  great  body  of  Christians 
to  more  fundamental  matters.  So  with  the  hope  of 
bringing  an  ill-understood  question  to  the  attention  of 
university  men,  he  hastily  drafted  in  Latin  certain  prop- 
ositions involving  the  chief  points  ;  these  he  posted  up, 
as  was  the  custom,  where  they  might  catch  the  eye  of 
those  interested. 

He  was  himself  by  no  means  certain  of  his  conclu- 
sions, for  he  said  later  of  the  theses  :  "  There  is  much  in 
them  concerning  which  I  am  doubtful ;  much  else  that  I 
do  not  understand  ;  other  things  of  which  I  am  not  per- 
suaded, and  nothing  that  I  stubbornly  adhere  to  ;  for  I 
submit  everything  to  Holy  Church  and  her  judgment." 
In  a  letter  to  Leo  X,  written  six  months  after  the  post- 
ing of  the  theses,  he  expresses  his  surprise  and  regret 


58 


Readings  i?i  European  History 


240.  Ex- 
amples of 
Luther's 
ninety-five 
theses. 


Meaning  of 
poenitentia 
defined. 


that  they  should  have  been  so  widely  circulated,  for  they 
were  "  somewhat  obscurely  expressed,  as  was  the  cus- 
tom in  such  cases,"  so  that  the  defender  could  not  be 
easily  driven  into  a  corner.  Had  he  foreseen  their  gen- 
eral diffusion,  he  would  have  tried  to  be  clearer.  Yet 
there  is  no  doubt  that  they  really  expressed  his  general 
convictions,  which  he  did  not  realize  at  that  time  were 
in  any  way  opposed  to  the  teachings  of  the  Catholic 
Church. 

In  the  desire  and  with  the  purpose  of  elucidating  the 
truth,  a  disputation  will  be  held  on  the  underwritten  propo- 
sitions at  Wittenberg,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Reverend 
Father  Martin  Luther,  monk  of  the  order  of  St.  Augustine, 
Master  of  Arts  and  of  Sacred  Theology,  and  ordinary  lecturer 
in  the  same  at  that  place.  He  therefore  asks  those  who  can- 
not be  present  and  discuss  the  subject  with  us  orally  to  do 
so  by  letter  in  their  absence.  In  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.    Amen. 

i.  Our  Lord  and  Master  Jesus  Christ  in  saying  "Repent 
ye  ,fl  \_poenite?itiam  agite~\,  etc.,  intended  that  the  whole  life 
of  believers  should  be  penitence  \J>oenitentia~\. 

2.  This  word  cannot  be  understood  as  sacramental  pen- 
ance, that  is,  the  confession  and  satisfaction  which  are  per- 
formed under  the  ministry  of  priests. 

3.  It  does  not,  on  the  other  hand,  refer  solely  to  inward 
penitence ;  nay,  such  inward  penitence  is  naught,  unless  it 
outwardly  produces  various  mortifications  of  the  flesh. 


1  The  theologians  of  Luther's  time  appear  to  have  used  the  same 
word,  poenitentia,  for  both  penitence  and  penance.  The  words  of  Christ, 
"  Repent  ye,"  are  translated  in  the  Vulgate  poenitentiam  agite,  which  is 
good  Latin  for  "  Be  sorry,"  but  looked  to  a  careless  reader  of  Luther's 
time  like  "  Do  ye  penance."  Erasmus  notices  this  misapprehension  in 
his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  published  the  year  before  Luther's 
theses. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     59 

V4-  The  penalty  [for  sin]  must  thus  continue  as  long  as 
\  the  hatred  of  self  —  that  is,  true  inward  penitence  ;  namely, 
'  till  our  entrance  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 


v.  5.  The  pope  has  neither  the  will  nor  the  power  to  remit 
any  penalties  except  those  which  he  has  imposed  by  his  own 
authority,  or  by  that  of  the  canons. 

6.  The  pope  has  no  power  to  remit  any  guilt,  except  by 
declaring  and  warranting  it  to  have  been  remitted  by  God ; 
or  at  most  by  remitting  cases  reserved  for  himself  ;  in  which 
cases,  if  his  power  were  despised,  guilt  would  certainly  re- 
main. 

.7.  Certainly  God  remits  no  man's  guilt  without  at  the 
same  time  subjecting  him,  humbled  in  all  things,  to  the 
authority  of  his  representative,  the  priest. 

20.  Therefore  the  pope,  when  he  speaks  of  the  plenary    Wrong 


remission  of  all  penalties,  does  not  mean  really  of  all,  but 
only  of  those  imposed  by  himself. 

zi.  Thus  those  preachers  of  indulgences  are  in  error  who 
say  that  by  the  indulgences  of  the  pope  a  man  is  freed  and 
saved  from  all  punishment. 

23.  If  any  entire  remission  of  all  penalties  can  be  granted 
to  any  one,  it  is  certain  that  it  is  granted  to  none  but  the 
most  perfect,  —  that  is,  to  very  few. 

27.  They  preach  man  [rather  than  God]  who  say  that  the 
soul  flies  out  of  purgatory  as  soon  as  the  money  rattles  in 
the  chest. 

28.  It  is  certain  that,  when  the  money  rattles  in  the  chest, 
avarice  and  gain  may  be  increased,  but  the  effect  of  the 
intercession  of  the  Church  depends  on  the  will  of  God  alone. 

39.  It  is  a  very  difficult  thing,  even  for  the  most  learned 
theologians,  to  exalt  at  the  same  time,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  the  ample  effect  of  pardons  and  the  necessity  of  true 
contrition. 


notions  of 
the  nature  of 
indulgences. 


6o 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  treasures 
of  the  Church. 


40.  True  contrition  seeks  and  loves  punishment,  while  the 
ampleness  of  pardons  relaxes  it  and  causes  men  to  hate  it, 
or  at  least  gives  occasion  for  them  to  do  so. 

43.  Christians  should  be  taught  that  he  who  gives  to  a 
poor  man,  or  lends  to  a  needy  man,  does  better  than  if  he 
bought  pardons. 

44.  Because  by  works  of  charity,  charity  increases  and 
the  man  becomes  better,  while  by  means  of  pardons  he  does 
not  become  better,  but  only  freer  from  punishment. 

50.  Christians  should  be  taught  that,  if  the  pope  were 
acquainted  with  the  exactions  of  the  preachers  of  pardons, 
he  would  prefer  that  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter  should  be  burnt 
to  ashes  rather  than  that  it  should  be  built  up  with  the  skin, 
flesh,  and  bones  of  his  sheep. 

51.  Christians  should  be  taught  that  as  it  would  b2  the 
duty,  so  it  would  be  the  wish  of  the  pope  even  to  sell,  if 
necessary,  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter,  as  well  as  to  give  of  his 
own  money  to  very  many  of  those  from  whom  the  preachers 
of  pardons  extract  money. 

56.  The  treasures  of  the  Church,1  whence  the  pope  grants 
indulgences,  are  neither  sufficiently  discussed  nor  understood 
among  the  people  of  Christ. 

57.  It  is  clear  that  they  are  at  least  not  temporal  treas- 
ures, for  these  are  not  so  readily  lavished,  but  only  accumu- 
lated, by  many  of  the  preachers. 

62.  The  true  treasure  of  the  Church  is  the  holy  gospel  of 
the  glory  and  grace  of  God. 

63.  This  treasure,  however,  is  naturally  most  hateful, 
because  it  makes  the  first  to  be  last ; 

64.  While  the  treasure  of  indulgences  is  naturally  most 
acceptable,  because  it  makes  the  last  to  be  first. 

1  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  §  136  (end). 


the  laity, 


Martin  LutJier  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     6 1 

81.  This  license  in  the  preaching  of  pardons  makes  it  no    Keen  ques 
easy  thing,  even  for  learned  men,  to  protect  the  reverence    ^°nj"^of 
due  to  the  pope  against  the  calumnies,  or,  at  all  events,  the 
keen  questionings  of  the  laity. 

82.  As,  for  instance  :  Why  does  not  the  pope  empty  pur- 
gatory for  the  sake  of  his  most  holy  charity  and  of  the 
supreme  necessity  of  souls,  —  this  being  the  most  just  of  all 
reasons,  —  if  he  redeems  an  infinite  number  of  souls  for  the 
sake  of  that  most  fatal  thing,  money,  to  be  spent  on  build- 
ing a  basilica,  —  this  being  a  very  slight  reason  ? 

86.  Again  :  Why  does  not  the  pope,  whose  riches  are  at 
this  day  more  ample  than  those  of  Croesus,  build  the  basilica 
of  St.  Peter  with  his  own  money  rather  than  with  that  of  poor 
believers  ? 

88.  Again :  What  greater  good  could  the  Church  receive 
than  if  the  pope  were  to  bestow  these  remissions  and  partici- 
pations a  hundred  times  a  day,  instead  of  once,  as  he  does 
now,  on  any  one  of  the  faithful  ? 

90.  To  repress  these  scruples  and  arguments  of  the  laity 
by  force  alone,  and  not  to  solve  them  by  giving  reasons,  is 
to  expose  the  Church  and  the  pope  to  the  ridicule  of  their 
enemies,  and  to  make  Christian  men  unhappy. 

91.  If  then  pardons  were  preached  according  to  the  spirit 
and  wish  of  the  pope,  all  these  questions  would  be  solved 
with  ease  ;  nay,  would  not  exist. 

III.   Letter  of  Warning  to  Luther  from  one  of 

Erasmus'  Friends 

The  great  Erasmus  and  his  friends  took  some  inter- 
est in  Luther  at  first,  although  many  of  them  were 
later  alienated  by  his  rashness  and  by  certain  of  his 
doctrines.1     The  following  letter  from  a  distinguished 

1  For  the  attitude  of  Erasmus  toward  Luther  three  years  later,  see 
below,  p.  89. 


62 


Readings  in  European  History 


241,  Letter 
of  warning 
to  Luther 
from  Capito. 


humanist,  Capito,  written  from  Basel,  September  4, 
15 18,  clearly  shows  the  attitude  of  Erasmus  and  his 
circle. 

Greeting  : 

I  replied  from  Strasburg  to  the  letter  that  you  kindly 
wrote  to  me  recently,  and  I  added  at  the  same  time  Eras- 
mus' opinion  of  you,  and  described  his  frank  and  gratifying 
admiration  of  your  discussion  of  indulgences.  In  the  mean- 
time I  have  seen  your  sermon  on  Penitence  and  another  on 
Indulgences  and  Faith,  both  in  the  most  obvious  opposition 
to  the  received  customs  of  our  time.  I  was  astounded,  in 
my  friendly  solicitude,  to  see  you  exposing  your  unprotected 
body  to  the  dense  array  of  the  enemy,  even  if  you  do  appear 
to  be  fully  equipped  with  the  arms  of  truth.  You  will,  I 
much  fear,  be  attacked  with  other  weapons,  and  the  danger 
is  that  the  question  will  be  settled  by  force. 

If  you  will  deign  to  lend  an  ear  to  the  counsels  of  one 
who  has  had  much  experience  in  these  matters,  I  would 
warn  you  to  adopt  the  tactics  of  Sertorius.  Believe  me,  you 
can  undermine  gradually  what  you  can  never  overthrow  by 
force.  Your  enemies  hold  a  citadel  which,  as  you  see,  is 
protected  on  every  side.  Behind  a  triple  line  of  defense 
and  beyond  the  range  of  missiles  they  are  snoring  peace- 
fully. Their  threefold  safety  lies  in  the  authority  of  the 
pope  (that  is,  of  the  Church  universal),  in  the  potent  arm  of 
the  despots,  and  in  the  persistent  support  of  the  universities. 

Surely  you  will  never  succeed  in  breaking  this  diabol- 
"ically  stout  rope.  It  would  need  another  Alexander  to  cut 
this  Gordian  knot  with  the  sword ;  the  problem  is  how  to 
do  it  by  mere  skill  or  reason.  Simple,  pious  folk  meekly 
follow  the  beck  and  nod  of  our  counterfeit  Church.  The 
more  thoughtful  have  had  their  spirit  quenched  by  its 
tyranny.  As  for  us,  the  theologians,  who  loudly  proclaim 
our  special  sanctity  and  knowledge  of  Christ,  we  constantly 
compromise  his  cause  by  our  arrogance.  We  take  advan- 
tage of  all  the  abuses  in  religion  and  under  the  guise  of 
piety  we  decently  guard  our  own  interests. 


Martin  Luther  a?id  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     63 

Consequently  I  beg  of  you,  lest  this  noble  enterprise  of 
yours  come  to  naught,  to  resort  to  a  little  dissimulation,  so 
that  you  may  get  your  hook  well  fixed  in  your  reader  before 
he  suspects  your  object.  The  apostles  followed  this  plan, 
never  pressing  anything  openly  and  always  maintaining  a 
dignified  and  kindly  bearing.  St.  Paul  resorts  to  similar  de- 
vices in  his  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  How  dexterously  he 
maneuvers  in  order  to  keep  their  favor !  He  advances,  with- 
draws, dissimulates,  shows  the  divine  treasure  from  afar, 
but  carefully  veils  it.  In  short,  he  so  skillfully  balances  his 
presentation  that  he  neither  irritates  nor  wearies  his  readers. 
The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  abound  with  examples  of  his 
skill.  .  .  .* 

Thus  by  indirect  means  important  results  may  be  gained. 
So  I  would  have  you  always  keep  open  a  safe  exit  by  which 
you  can  escape  when  in  danger,  —  even  if  but  too  hard 
pressed  in  discussion. 

Recently  I  received  a  book  by  Silvester  Prierius,2  which 
he  has  absurdly  enough  directed  against  your  treatment  of 
indulgences.  If  you  are  going  to  reply,  I  would  have  you 
do  so  in  prudent  language  and  so  reflect  the  true  spirit  of 
Christ  as  he  appears  in  the  Gospels.  You  should  dwell  upon 
the  origin  and  growth  of  our  religion,  the  original  customs, 
the  nature  of  hardened  error,  and  the  varying  decrees  of 
popes  and  councils,  so  that  your  presentation  may  be  visibly 
confirmed  as  coming  directly  from  the  fountain  of  truth. 

Then  remember  that  certain  kinds  of  nonsense  are  fre- 
quently better  dispelled  by  a  laugh  than  by  laborious  effort. 
Be  very  careful  withal  not  to  attack  the  pope  himself,  but 
lay  all  the  blame  on  Prierius  for  his  impudent  adulation, 
and  for  suggesting  motives  unworthy  of  the  papal  dignity, 
simply  in  the  interest  of  his  own  belly.    Oppose  yourself  to 

1  Capito  here  recalls,  for  Luther's  guidance,  the  stratagem  of  Paul, 
who,  when  surrounded  by  a  hostile  multitude,  brought  up  the  question 
of  the  resurrection,  and  so  set  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  by  the  ears 
and  gained  the  support  of  the  former  (Acts  xxiii.  6-9). 

2  Prierius  was  connected  with  the  papal  court,  and  was  the  first  to 
attack  Luther's  theses  in  a  very  irritating  pamphlet. 


64 


Readings  i7i  European  History 


the  unblushing  sycophants,  as  if  you  were  endeavoring  to 
cut  off  the  opportunity  for  evil.  Where,  as  you  write,  you 
seem  to  see  a  chance  for  them  to  reply,  block  the  way,  so 
that  they  cannot  reach  you  to  strike  back. 

But  whither  am  I  being  carried  by  the  zeal  of  friendship, 
as  if  I  were  your  master  and  laying  down  rules  for  you  ? 
Condone  my  offense,  I  beg  of  you.  You  are  not  without 
helpers  :  Andreas  Carlstadt,  George  Spalatin,  John  Egranus, 
and  Philip  Melanchthon,  — the  latter  a  miracle  of  ability,  — 
to  whom,  if  you  communicate  your  plans,  you  will  publish 
nothing  weak  or  which  can  be  criticised. 

But  why  all  this  long  message  from  me,  except  perhaps 
that  it  clearly  proves  my  sincere  interest  in  you.  .  .  . 

Adieu. 


Yours, 


Basel,  September  4,  1518. 


Whom  you  will  recognize. 


242.  Eck's 
report  to 
Hochstraten 
concerning 
the  Leipzig 
disputation. 


IV.   The  Disputation  at  Leipzig  (15 19) 

Eck,  Luther's  opponent  in  the  Leipzig  disputation, 
gives  a  good  brief  account  of  Luther's  conduct  in  the 
affair  in  a  letter  to  Hochstraten,  the  inquisitor  general.1 
Toward  two  years  had  elapsed  since  the  posting  up  of 
the  theses,  and  it  will  be  readily  seen  from  Eck's  letter 
that  Luther  had  made  a  good  deal  of  progress  on  his 
way  toward  revolt. 

It  has  not  escaped  you,  reverend  Father,  in  what  manner 
I  have  thus  far  opposed  the  rash  men  of  Wittenberg,  who 
despise  all  the  teachers  of  four  hundred  years,  however 
saintly  and  learned,  and  disseminate  many  false  and  erro- 
neous things  among  the  people,  especially  the  powerful 
leader  in  this  uproar,  who  seduces  and  corrupts  the  com- 
mon people  through  publications  in  our  language. 


1  See  above,  p.  46. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     65 

We  have  recently  held  a  disputation  at  Leipzig,  before  a 
great  audience  of  most  learned  men,  coming  together  from 
all  parts,  by  which  (praise,  honor,  and  glory  to  God !)  the 
reputation  of  the  Wittenberg  party  has  been  very  much  les- 
sened even  among  the  common  people,  while  among  the 
learned  it  is  for  the  most  part  quite  gone.  You  should  have 
heard  the  rashness  of  the  men,  how  blind  they  are  and  how 
undaunted  in  their  wickedness. 

Luther  denies  that  Peter  was  the  chief  of  the  apostles  ;  he 
declares  that  ecclesiastical  obedience  is  not  of  divine  right, 
but  that  it  was  brought  in  by  human  appointment  or  that 
of  the  emperor.  He  denies  that  the  Church  was  built  upon 
Peter  :  "  Upon  this  rock,"  etc.  And  though  I  quoted  to  him 
Augustine,  Jerome,  Ambrose,  Gregory,  Cyprian,  Chrysostom, 
Leo  and  Bernard,  with  Theophilus,  he  contradicted  them  all 
without  a  blush  ;  and  said  that  he  would  stand  alone  against 
a  thousand,  though  supported  by  no  other,  because  Christ 
only  is  the  foundation  of  the  Church,  for  other  foundation 
can  no  man  lay.  I  demolished  that  by  quoting  Revelations 
xii,  about  the  twelve  foundations,  whereupon  he  defended 
the  Greeks  and  schismatics,  saying  that  even  if  they  are  not 
under  obedience  to  the  pope,  still  they  are  saved. 

Concerning  the  tenets  of  the  Bohemians,  he  said  that 
some  of  those  teachings  condemned  in  the  council  of  Con- 
stance are  most  Christian  and  evangelical ;  by  which  rash 
error  he  frightened  away  and  caused  to  desert  him  many 
who  before  were  his  supporters. 

Among  other  things,  when  I  pressed  upon  him,  "If  the. 
power  of  the  pope  is  only  of  human  right  and  by  the  con- 
sent of  believers,  whence  comes  your  monk's  costume  that 
you  wear  ?  Whence  have  you  the  power  of  preaching  and 
of  hearing  the  confessions  of  your  parishioners,"  etc.,  he 
replied  that  he  wished  there  were  no  order  of  mendicants, 
and  said  many  other  scandalous  and  absurd  things :  that  a 
council,  because  they  are  men,  can  err ;  that  it  is  not  proved 
from  sacred  Scripture  that  there  is  a  purgatory,  etc.,  —  all 
this  you  will  see  by  reading  our  disputation,  since  it  was 
written  down  by  most  faithful  notaries.  .  .  . 


66  Readings  in  European  History 

V.   Luther  on  Good  Works 

Luther  emphasized  so  constantly  and  fervently  salva- 
tion through  simple  faith  in  God's  promises,  and  spoke 
so  lightly  of  "good  works,"  such  as  fasts,  pilgrimages, 
attendance  at  masses,  alms,  gifts  to  the  Church,  etc., 
that  his  opponents  declared  that  he  cared  not  how  a 
man  acted  if  only  he  had  faith.  Luther  explains  his 
position  very  clearly  in  the  following  passages  from  a 
little  treatise  On  Good  Works,  which  he  wrote  in  Ger- 
man early  in  1520  and  dedicated  to  his  prince,  the 
elector  of  Saxony. 

243.  Lu-  The  first,  highest,  and  noblest  of   all  good  works  is  to 

ther's  idea  of  Deiieve  in  Christ,  as  he  himself  answered  in  John,  chap- 
anr>  justifi-  ter  v'h  when  the  Jews  asked  him,  "  What  must  we  do,  that 
canon  by  we  may  work  the  works  of  God?"  "Jesus  answered  and 
said  unto  them,  This  is  the  work  of  God,  that  ye  believe 
on  him  whom  he  hath  sent."  Now  when  we  hear  this,  or 
preach  it  to  others,  we  run  over  it  lightly,  regarding  it  as  a 
very  simple  and  easy  thing,  when  we  should  stop  long  over 
it  and  ponder  it  well ;  for  all  works  go  back  to  this  and 
receive  all  their  goodness  from  it,  as  one  might  receive  a 
fief  from  his  lord.  We  must  paint  this  in  strong  colors  if 
every  one  is  to  see  it  clearly. 

We  find  many  who  pray,  fast,  endow  churches  and  monas- 
teries, and  do  this,  that,  and  the  other,  —  who,  in  short, 
lead  a  good  life  before  men ;  who,  if  you  ask  them  whether 
they  are  sure  that  what  they  are  doing  is  pleasing  to  God, 
say  no,  they  know  not,  or  are  doubtful.  Among  these  are 
some  famous  and  learned  men,  who  claim  that  it  is  not 
necessary  to  be  sure  that  we  are  pleasing  to  God  and  who 
do  nothing  except  urge  good  works.  But  we  must  see  that 
the  very  same  works  done  without  faith  are  altogether  dead 
and  as  nothing,  for  as  your  conscience  stands  toward  God 
and  believes  in  him,  even  so  shall  it  be  with  your  works, 


iaith. 


Martin  Luther  and  Ids  Revolt  against  the  Church     67 


which  proceed  from  your  faith.  Now  when  there  is  no  faith 
or  good  conscience  toward  God,  works  are  headless  and 
nave  no  life  or  goodness.  So  it  comes  about  that  when  I 
place  faith  so  high  and  reject  such  unbelieving  works,  they 
accuse  me  of  forbidding  good  works  altogether,  although  I 
gladly  extol  the  good  works  of  faith. 

If  you  ask  my  critics  if  they  regard  as  good  works  labor- 
ing at  one's  trade,  coming  and  going,  eating,  drinking,  and 
sleeping,  and  all  the  other  acts  that  help  nourish  the  body 
or  are  generally  useful,  and  whether  they  believe  that  God 
is  pleased  by  such  works,  you  will  find  that  they  say  no, 
and  limit  good  works  so  narrowly  that  they  must  consist 
in  praying  in  church,  fasting,  or  giving  alms  ;  other  things 
they  regard  as  actions  which  God  does  not  esteem.  By 
this  damnable  want  of  faith  they  reduce  and  diminish  the 
service  of  God,  whom  all  serve,  who  believe  in  him,  in  all 
that  they  say  or  think.  And  this  the  Preacher  teaches,  say- 
ing, "  Go  thy  way,  eat  thy  bread  with  joy,  and  drink  thy 
wine  with  a  merry  heart;  for  God  hath  already  accepted 
thy  works.  Let  thy  garments  be  always  white  ;  and  let  not 
thy  head  lack  ointment.  Live  joyfully  with  the  wife  whom 
thou  lovest  all  the  days  of  the  life  of  thy  vanity,  which  he 
hath  given  thee  under  the  sun."  1  To  keep  our  garments 
white  is  to  have  all  our  works  good,  whatever  they  may  be, 
without  any  distinction.  And  they  will  be  white  when  we 
confidently  believe  that  they  are  pleasing  to  God.  .  .  . 

We  can  understand  this  whole  matter  by  an  obvious 
human  example.  When  husband  and  wife  are  fond  of  one 
another  and  live  together  in  love  and  in  confidence  in  one 
another,  and  each  believes  truly  in  the  other,  who  shall 
teach  them  how  they  should  act,  what  they  should  do  or 
leave  undone,  say  or  not  say,  think  or  not  think  ?  Their 
own  insight  tells  them  all  that  need  be,  and  more  too. 
There  is  no  distinction  in  their  "  works  "  for  one  another. 
They  do  the  long,  hard,  and  heavy  tasks  as  willingly  as  the 
slight  and  easy  things,   and  moreover  they  act  with  glad, 


Luther 
criticises  the 
narrow  con- 
ception of 
"  good 
works." 


*» 


1  Eccles.  ix.  7-9. 


68 


Readings  in  European  History 


peaceful,  and  secure  hearts  and  are  altogether  free  and 
unconstrained.  But  when  doubt  comes  they  begin  to  ask 
what  is  best,  and  begin  to  distinguish  between  their  acts  in 
order  to  gain  the  other's  favor,  and  go  about  with  troubled 
and  heavy  hearts,  perhaps  well-nigh  in  despair  or  driven  to 
downright  desperation. 

So  the  Christian  who  lives  in  confidence  toward  God 
knows  what  things  he  should  do,  and  does  all  gladly  and 
freely,  not  with  a  view  to  accumulating  merit  and  good 
works,  but  because  it  is  his  great  joy  to  please  God  and  to 
serve  him  without  thought  of  reward,  contented  if  he  but  do 
God's  will.1  On  the  contrary,  he  who  is  not  at  one  with 
God,  or  is  in  doubt,  will  begin  to  be  anxious  how  he  may 
satisfy  God  and  justify  himself  by  his  works.  He  runs  of! 
on  a  pilgrimage  to  St.  James  of  Compostella,  to  Rome,  to 
Jerusalem,  —  here,  there,  anywhere ;  prays  to  St.  Bridget, 
or  some  other  saint,  fasts  this  day  and  that,  confesses  here 
and  confesses  there,  asks  this  man  and  that,  but  finds  no 
peace. 


Ulrich  von 
Hutten 
attacks  the 
clergy. 


VI.   Ulrich  von  Hutten's  Appeal  to  German 

Patriotism 

Ulrich  von  Hutten  had  returned  from  a  sojourn  in 
Italy  filled  with  love  and  enthusiasm  for  his  own  German 
people  and  with  dislike  for  the  Italians,  especially  for  the 
Roman  curia.  He  probably  knew  little  about  the  Leip- 
zig disputation,  and  had  no  interest,  in  any  case,  in  what 
the  monks  and  theologians,  whom  he  had  just  been 
making  sport  of  in  the  Letters  of  Obscure  Men?  might 
be  saying  about  indulgences  and  purgatory.    He  busied 

1  This  idea  of  "  The  Freedom  of  the  Christian  Man  "  is  the  subject 
of  one  of  Luther's  most  celebrated  tracts,  written  a  few  months  later 
than  these  passages.  It  is  translated  in  Wace  and  Buchheim,  Luther's 
Primary  Works,  pp.  104  sq. 

2  See  above,  pp.  46  sqq. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     69 

himself  writing  witty  dialogues  in  Latin,  exposing  the 
iniquities  of  the  clergy,  and  attacking  the  Roman  curia 
in  the  name  of  German  liberty  and  independence. 

His  first  dialogue,  Fever  the  First,  is  a  satire  on  the  Hutten's 
luxurious  lives  of  the  clergy,  suggested  by  what  he  saw  Fpi^ttht 
of  the  pope's  representative,  Cardinal  Cajetan,  at  the 
diet  of  Augsburg  in  15 18.  Hutten  wants  to  get  rid  of 
Fever,  and  suggests  various  places  where  he  might  be 
comfortable,  —  for  example,  with  the  cardinal,  who  takes 
his  ease  on  silken  couches  and  dines  off  silver  and  gold. 
Fever  objects  to  Cajetan  on  various  grounds,  but  agrees 
finally  to  try  a  new  benefice  broker  who  has  just  arrived 
from  Rome,  —  a  nice  man,  who  drinks  much  wine  and 
sorely  misses  asparagus  in  winter  and  hates  physicians, 
whom  Fever  also  dislikes. 

Ere  long  Fever  puts  in  a  second  appearance  and  begs   244.  Hut- 
to  be  admitted,  since  he  finds  it  very  chilly  on  the  door-   Me  Second. 
step.    Hutten  refuses  to  let  him  in,  but  begins  to  ply 
him  with  questions.    Finally  he  asks  : 

What  is  the  reason  for  the  depraved  lives  among  the 
priests  ? 

Fever.    Idleness  and  its  fostering  mother,  Riches. 

Hutten.  But  if  Germany  should  take  counsel,  reduce  their 
wealth,  order  them  to  cultivate  the  fields  as  others  do  and 
earn  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow,  should  not  we 
then  have  good  priests  ?  .  .  .  Tell  me,  do  you  not  think  the 
Germans  will  do  this  some  time  ? 

Fever.    Why  should  they  not  ? 

Hutten.    As  soon  as  possible  ? 

Fever.  Pretty  soon,  when  they  cannot  longer  abide  so 
many  thousand  parsons,  an  idle  and  useless  crowd  for  the 
most  part.  Let  a  time  of  scarcity  come,  then  hard-working 
men  will  be  filled  with  wrath  to  see  these  lazy,  shameless 
fellows  consuming  in  luxury  what  belongs  to  others. 


;o 


Readings  in  European  History 


244a.  Hut- 
ten's  Vadis- 
cus,  or  the 
Roman 
Trinity.1 


\ 


In  another  dialogue,  published  early  in  1520,  Hutten 
meets  a  friend,  Ernhold,  in  Mayence,  and  they  talk  over 
public  affairs.  Ernhold  asks  him  what  he  is  irritated 
about. 

Hutten.  Because  five  books  of  the  writings  of  the  histo- 
rian Tacitus  were  recently  printed  at  Rome,  and  when  I 
took  them  to  one  of  our  publishers  he  declared  that  he  dare 
not  reprint  them  on  account  of  a  bull  of  Leo  X  which  for- 
bade, in  the  interests  of  the  Roman  printer,  that  any  one 
should  issue  the  work  again  within  ten  years. 

Ernhold.  Then  we  Germans  cannot  read  the  book  for  ten 
years,  since  works  printed  in  Rome  rarely  reach  Germany? 

Hutten.  This  irritates  me  especially,  and  I  am  vexed 
more  and  more  every  day  to  see  how  our  people  refuse  to 
leave  their  superstitions,  and  continue  to  think  that  such  a 
bull  should  be  noticed,  which  prevents  us  from  advancing 
our  studies  and  sharpening  our  wits.  When  the  printer  said 
that  if  he  did  as  I  wished  and  pleased  the  scholars  he  would 
be  immediately  excommunicated,  I  asked  him  if,  should  the 
pope  forbid  us  Germans,  under  pain  of  his  curse,  to  have 
vineyards  or  make  money,  we  should  drink  water  and  throw 
away  our  gold.  He  replied  that  we  should  not.  ..."  But 
you,"  I  said,  "  are  afraid  to  let  the  Germans  have  Tacitus, 
when  he  merits  our  especial  gratitude  for  having  spoken 
more  highly  of  our  people  than  any  other  of  the  ancient 
writers  ?  "  I  should  have  persuaded  him  had  not  a  papal 
legate,  who  is  about  here  now,  roused  his  apprehensions, 
telling  him  that  it  would  be  a  terrible  sin  to  print  the  book 
and  that  Leo  would  be  very  angry  if  he  did  so.  I  was  quite 
excusably  enraged  at  the  outcome  of  the  affair. 

1  The  dialogue  secures  its  name  from  Hutten's  contention  that  every- 
thing went  by  threes  in  Rome.  Three  things  are  carried  away  from 
Rome :  a  bad  conscience,  a  weak  stomach,  and  empty  words  ;  three 
things  disturb  the  Romans  :  harmony  among  the  German  princes,  intel- 
ligence among  the  people,  and  a  recognition  of  the  frauds  the  Romans 
perpetrate ;  three  things  very  few  Romans  believe :  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  the  communion  of  saints,  and  the  punishments  of  hell;  etc. 


Martin  Luther  and  J  lis  Revolt  against  the  Church     Ji 

Ernhold.  Naturally  ;  and  I  think  there  are  plenty  of 
other  things  we  suffer  by  :  settling  for  archbishops'  palli- 
ums,  and  paying  annates,  pensions,  and  six  hundred  other 
exactions.  When  will  the  Romans  moderate  their  demands? 
I  fear  that  we  Germans  will  not  stand  them  much  longer, 
for  matters  are  getting  worse  and  worse,  and  there  is  no  end 
to  their  robbery  and  extortions. 

Hutten.  As  you  well  say,  unless  they  are  more  reasonable 
and  show  some  restraint  in  their  mode  of  life,  this  nation  of 
ours  will  at  last  have  its  eyes  opened.  It  will  see  how  mis- 
erably it  has  been  misled  and  swindled,  and  will  recognize 
the  deceptions  which  have  been  employed  to  delude  a  free 
people  and  bring  into  contempt  a  brave  and  strong  nation 
with  its  noble  princes.  I  already  notice  that  many  are  begin- 
ning to  talk  freely  and  act  as  if  we  were  about  to  cast  off 
this  yoke. 

Ernhold.  God  grant  that  we  may  soon  cease  to  be  the 
victims  of  foreigners ! l 

The  above  was  written  probably  in  15 19,  before  Hut-   Hutten 
ten  had  become  interested  in  Luther,  and  shows  how  the   interested 
Germans  might  have  been  led  to  revolt  against  the  papal   in  Luthen 
supremacy  on  other  than   religious  grounds.    Early  in 
1520  Hutten  was  attracted  by  Luther's  utterances  and 
wrote  a  letter  to  him  beginning  "  Long  live  liberty,"  and 
offering  him  the  protection  of  the  German  knights.    He 
then  began  translating  his  own  earlier  dialogues  into  Ger- 
man, and  added  others  of  a  more  serious  nature,  in  which 
he  introduced  Luther.    In  September,  1520,  he  appealed 
to  some  of  the  German  princes,  urging  them  to  reduce 
the  exactions  of  the  curia.    His  letter  to  the  elector  of 
Saxony  is  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  its  description  of 

1  Some  idea  of  Hutten's  dialogue  called  "The  Onlookers,"  may  be 
obtained  from  the  extract  given  by  Whitcomb,  Source  Book  of  the  Ger- 
man Renaissance,  pp.  62  sq. 


72 


Readings  in  European  History 


245.  Hutten 
appeals  to 
the  elector 
of  Saxony. 


the  economic  forces  then  at  work  in  Germany  may  prof- 
itably be  compared  with  Luther's  treatment  of  the  same 
matters  in  his  Address  to  the  German  Nobility. 

.  .  .  We  see  that  there  is  no  gold  and  almost  no  silver  in 
our  German  land.  What  little  may  perhaps  be  left  is  drawn 
away  daily  by  the  new  schemes  invented  by  the  council  of 
the  most  holy  members  of  the  Roman  curia.  What  is  thus 
squeezed  out  of  us  is  put  to  the  most  shameful  uses.  Would 
you  know,  dear  Germans,  what  employment  I  have  myself 
seen  that  they  make  at  Rome  of  our  money  ?  It  does  not 
lie  idle  ! 

Leo  the  Tenth  gives  a  part  of  it  to  his  nephews  and  rela- 
tives (these  are  so  numerous  that  there  is  a  proverb  at 
Rome,  "  As  thick  as  Leo's  relations  ").  A  portion  is  con- 
sumed by  a  host  of  most  reverend  cardinals  (of  which  the 
holy  father  created  no  less  than  one  and  thirty  in  a  single 
day),  as  well  as  in  supporting  innumerable  referendaries, 
auditors,  prothonotaries,  abbreviators,  apostolic  secretaries, 
chamberlains,  and  a  variety  of  officials  forming  the  elite  of 
the  great  head  church. 

These  in  turn  draw  after  them,  at  untold  expense,  copyists, 
beadles,  messengers,  servants,  scullions,  mule  drivers,  grooms, 
and  an  innumerable  army  of  prostitutes  and  of  the  most  de- 
graded followers.  They  maintain  dogs,  horses,  monkeys, 
long-tailed  apes,  and  many  more  such  creatures  for  their 
pleasure.  They  construct  houses  all  of  marble.  They  have 
precious  stones,  are  clothed  in  purple  and  fine  linen,  and 
dine  sumptuously,  frivolously  indulging  themselves  in  every 
species  of  luxury.  In  short,  a  vast  number  of  the  worst  of 
men  are  supported  in  Rome  in  idle  indulgence  by  means  of 
our  money.  .  .  . 

Does  not  your  Grace  now  clearly  perceive  how  many  bold 
robbers,  how  many  cunning  hypocrites,  are  engaged  con- 
stantly in  committing  the  greatest  crimes  under  cover  of  the 
monk's  cowl,  and  how  many  crafty  hawks  feign  the  simplicity 
of  doves,  and  how  many  ravening  wolves  simulate  the  inno- 
cence of  lambs  ?    And  although  there  be  a  few  truly  pious 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     73 

among  them,  even  they  cling,  to  superstition,  and  pervert  the 
law  of  life  which  Christ  laid  down  for  us. 

Now  if  all  these  who  devastate  Germany,  and  continue  to 
devour  everything,  might  once  be  driven  out,  and  an  end 
made  of  the  unbridled  plundering,  swindling,  and  deception 
with  which  the  Romans  have  overwhelmed  us,  we  should 
again  have  gold  and  silver  in  sufficiency,  and  should  be  able 
to  keep  it. 

And  then  this  money,  in  such  quantities  as  might  be  avail- 
able, might  be  put  to  better  uses,  as,  for  example :  to  put  on 
foot  great  armaments  and  extend  the  boundaries  of  the 
empire;  also  to  conquer  the  Turks,  if  this  seems  desirable; 
to  enable  many  who,  because  of  poverty,  now  steal  and  rob, 
to  earn  honestly  their  living  once  more  ;  and  to  give  to  those 
who  otherwise  must  starve  contributions  from  the  state  to 
mitigate  their  need;  to  help  scholars,  and  to  advance  the 
study  of  the  arts  and  sciences  and  of  good  literature ;  above 
all,  to  make  it  possible  that  every  virtue  receive  its  reward, 
want  be  relieved  at  home,  indolence  banished,  and  deceit 
killed. 

Then,  too,  the  Bohemians,  when  they  come  to  know  this, 
will  make  common  cause  with  us  ;  for  it  was  material  obstacles 
alone  that  kept  them  back,  in  earlier  times,  from  dealing 
with  the  avarice  of  their  priests.  The  Greeks  would  do  the 
same,  for  they,  unable  to  bear  the  Romish  tyranny,  have  for 
a  long  time,  at  the  instigation  of  the  popes,  been  regarded 
as  heretics. 

The  Russians  would  also  become  Christians  and  join  us, 
—  they  who,  when  recently  they  proposed  to  embrace  Chris- 
tianity, were  repelled  by  the  demand  of  his  Holiness  for  a 
yearly  tribute  to  be  levied  upon  them  of  four  hundred  thou- 
sand ducats.  Even  the  Turks  would  thereby  hate  us  less ; 
and  no  heathen,  as  formerly,  would  have  occasion  to  molest 
us.  For  up  to  the  present  day  the  shameful  lives  of  the 
heads  of  the  Church  have  made  the  name  of  Christian  hate- 
ful to  all  strangers. 

Ebernburg,  September  11,  1520. 


74 


Readings  in  European  History 


Luther's 
Address  to 
the  German 
Nobility. 


246.  Luther 
defends  the 
right  of  the 
secular 
rulers  to 
reform  the 
Church. 


VII.    Luther's  "  Address  to  the  German 
Nobility  "  (1520) 

Not  long  after  the  disputation  at  Leipzig,  Luther  began, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  attract  the  attention  of  Hutten  and 
other  German  knights,  especially  Franz  von  Sickingen, 
who  offered  to  protect  him  if  he  was  in  danger.  This  led 
Luther,  who  heard  that  the  pope  was  about  to  excom- 
municate him  for  his  protests  against  the  current  teach- 
ing and  practices  of  the  Church,  to  appeal  to  the  German 
rulers,  with  the  hope  that  they  might  carry  out  the  reforms 
which  the  pope  and  prelates  seemed  bent  on  opposing. 
No  English  translation  can  do  justice  to  the  vigor  of 
Luther's  German,  but  some  notion  of  the  contents  of  the 
address  may  be  had  from  the  following  extracts. 

Dr.  Martin  Luther,  to  his  Most  Serene  and  Mighty  Imperial 
Majesty,  a?id  to  the  Christian  Nobility  of  the  German  Nation  : 

The  grace  and  might  of  God  be  with  you,  Most  Serene 
Majesty  !    And  you,  most  gracious  and  well-beloved  lords  ! 

It  is  not  out  of  mere  arrogance  and  perversity  that  I,  one 
poor,  insignificant  man,  have  taken  it  upon  me  to  address 
your  lordships.  The  distress  and  misery  which  oppress  all 
ranks  of  Christendom,  especially  in  Germany,  have  moved 
not  me  alone,  but  everybody,  to  cry  aloud  for  help ;  this  it 
is  that  now  compels  me  to  cry  out  and  call  upon  God  to 
send  down  his  spirit  upon  some  one  who  shall  reach  out  a 
hand  to  this  wretched  people.  Councils  have  often  put  for- 
ward some  remedy,  which  has  always  been  promptly  frus- 
trated by  the  cunning  of  certain  men,  so  that  the  evils  have 
only  grown  worse  ;  which  malice  and  wickedness  I  now 
intend —  God  helping  me  ! —  to  expose,  so  that,  being  known, 
they  may  cease  to  work  such  hindrance  and  injury.  God  has 
given  us  a  young  and  noble  sovereign1  for  our  leader,  thereby 

1  Charles  V  had  just  been  elected  emperor.  Luther  was  soon  to 
learn  how  hopeless  it  was  to  appeal  to  him.    See  below,  pp.  83  sqq. 


Martin  Luther  a?id  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     75 


awakening  fresh  hopes  in  many  hearts  ;  it  is  our  part  to  do 
what  we  can  to  aid  him  and  to  make  good  use  of  the  oppor- 
tunity and  of  his  gracious  favor. 

The  Romanists  have  with  great  dexterity  built  themselves 
about  with  three  walls,  which  hitherto  have  protected  them 
against  reform  ;  and  thereby  is- Christianity  fearfully  fallen. 

In  the  first  place,  when  the  temporal  power  has  pressed 
them  hard,  they  have  affirmed  and  maintained  that  the  tem- 
poral power  has  no  jurisdiction  over  them,  —  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  spiritual  is  above  the  temporal. 

Secondly,  when  it  was  proposed  to  admonish  them  from 
the  Holy  Scriptures  they  said,  "  //  beseems  no  one  but  the  pope 
to  ifiterpret  the  Scriptures.'''' 

And,  thirdly,  when  they  were  threatened  with  a  council, 
they  invented  the  idea  that  no  one  but  the  pope  can  call  a 
council. 

Thus  have  they  secretly  stolen  our  three  rods,  that  they 
may  go  unpunished  ;  and  intrenched  themselves  safely  behind 
these  three  walls  in  order  to  carry  on  all  the  knavery  and 
wickedness  that  we  now  see. 

And  whenever  they  have  been  compelled  to  call  a  council, 
they  have  made  it  of  no  avail,  by  binding  the  princes  before- 
hand with  an  oath  to  let  them  alone.  Besides  this  they  have 
given  .the  pope  full  power  over  the  ordering  of  the  council, 
so  that  it  is  all  one,  whether  we  have  many  councils  or  no 
councils,  for  in  any  case  they  deceive  us  with  pretenses  and 
false  tricks,  so  grievously  do  the  Romanists  tremble  for  their 
skirts  before  a  true,  free  council;  and  thus  they  have  over- 
awed kings  and  princes,  so  that  these  believe  that  they  would 
be  offending  God  if  they  refused  to  believe  in  all  their  knavish 
tricks. 

Now  may  God  help  us,  and  give  us  one  of  those  trumpets 
that  overthrew  the  walls  of  Jericho,  so  that  we  may  also 
blow  down  these  walls  of  straw  and  paper,  and  that  we  may 
regain  possession  of  our  Christian  rods  for  the  chastisement 
of  sin,  and  expose  the  craft  and  deceit  of  the  devil  ;  thus 
may  we  amend  ourselves  by  punishment  and  again  obtain 
God's  favor. 


The  "  three 
walls  "  of  the 
Romanists. 


Fruitlessness 
of  reform 
through 
councils 
controlled 
by  the  pope. 


76 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  first 
wall:  the 
fiction  of  a 
priestly  caste 


characters. 


Let  us,  in  the  first  place,  attack  the  first  wall. 

It  has  been  discovered  that  the  pope,  bishops,  priests, 
and  monks  should  be  called  the  "  spiritual  estate,"  while 
princes,  lords,  artisans,  and  peasants  form  the  "  temporal 
estate,"  —  a  very  fine  hypocritical  invention.  But  let  no  one 
be  made  afraid  by  it ;  and  that  for  this  reason  :  All  Christians 
are  truly  of  the  spiritual  estate,  and  there  is  no  difference 
among  us,  save  of  office  alone.  As  St.  Paul  says  (i  Cor.  xii), 
we  are  all  one  body,  though  each  member  has  its  own  work 
to  do,  whereby  it  may  serve  the  others.  This  is  because  we 
have  one  baptism,  one  gospel,  one  faith,  and  are  all  Christians 
alike ;  for  baptism,  gospel,  and  faith,  these  alone  make 
spiritual  and  Christian  folk.  .   .   . 

Therefore  a  priest  should  be  nothing  in  Christendom  but 
a  functionary.  So  long  as  he  holds  his  office  he  takes  pre- 
cedence ;  if  he  is  deprived  of  it,  he  is  but  a  peasant  or  a 
burgher,  like  the  rest.  Therefore  a  priest  is  verily  no  priest 
The  indelible  when  he  is  deprived  of  his  office.  But  now  they  have  invented 
their  "  indelible  characters,"  and  pretend  that  a  priest  after 
deprivation  is  still  something  different  from  a  simple  layman. 
They  even  imagine  that  a  priest  can  never  be  anything  but  a 
priest,  —  that  is,  that  he  can  never  become  a  layman  again. 
But  all  this  is  nothing  but  mere  talk  and  ordinance  of  human 
invention.    • 

We  see  then  that  those  we  call  churchmen,  be  they  priests, 
bishops,  or  popes,  are  not  set  apart  from  or  above  other 
Christians,  except  in  so  far  as  they  have  to  do  with  the  word 
of  God  and  the  sacraments,  for  that  is  their  calling  and  office. 
And  moreover  the  temporal  authorities  wield  the  sword  and 
the  rod  to  chastise  the  wicked  and  protect  the  good.  A 
cobbler,  a  smith,  a  peasant  —  every  man  has  his  own  calling 
and  office,  just  like  the  consecrated  priests  and  bishops  : 
and  every  one  in  his  office  or  calling  must  help  and  serve 
the  rest,  so  that  all  may  work  together  for  the  common  good, 
as  the  various  members  of  the  body  all  serve  each  other. 

See  now  what  sort  of  a  Christian  doctrine  is  this, — that 
the  temporal  power  is  not  above  the  spiritual,  and  may  not 
punish  it.    That  is  like  saying  the  hand  shall  do  nothing  to 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     J  J 

help,  however  grievously  the  eye  may  suffer.  Is  it  not 
unnatural,  not  to  say  unchristian,  that  one  member  may  not 
help  another,  even  to  shield  it  from  destruction  ?  Nay,  the 
nobler  the  member,  the  more  the  others  are  bound  to  help  it. 
Therefore  I  say,  forasmuch  as  the  temporal  power  has  been 
ordained  by  God  for  the  chastisement  of  the  wicked  and  the 
protection  of  the  good,  therefore  we  must  let  it  exercise  its 
functions,  unhampered,  throughout  the  whole  Christian  body 
without  respect  of  persons,  whether  it  strikes  popes,  bishops, 
priests,  monks,  nuns,  or  whatever.  .  .  . 

It  must  indeed  have  been  the  archfiend  himself  who  said, 
as  we  read  in  the  canon  law,  "  Were  the  pope  so  perniciously 
wicked  as  to  be  dragging  souls  in  crowds  to  the  devil,  yet  he 
could  not  be  deposed."  x  This  is  the  accursed,  devilish  foun- 
dation on  which  they  build  at  Rome,  and  think  the  whole 
world  may  go  to  the  devil  rather  than  that  they  should  be 
opposed  in  their  knavery.  Tf  a  man  were  to  escape  punish- 
ment simply  because  he  was  above  his  fellows,  then  no 
Christian  might  punish  another,  since  Christ  has  commanded 
that  each  of  us  esteem  himself  the  lowest  and  humblest  of 
all  (Matt,  xviii.  4;  Luke  ix.  48). 

The  second  wall  is  even  more  flimsy  and  tottering  than    The  second 
the  first,  —  namely,  the  claim  that  they  alone  are  masters  of    ™all.:  th(;  e.x' 

elusive  claim 

the   Scriptures.     Although  they  learn   nothing   in   them  all    of  the  pope 
their  life  long,  they  assume  the  sole  authority,  juggle  impu-    to  interpret 
dently  with  empty  words,  saying  the  pope  cannot  err,  be  he    ScnPture- 
pious  or  wicked  ;    albeit  they  cannot    show  so  much  as  a 
single   letter   in  proof  of   it.    That   is  why  the   canon   law 

1  This  is  the  substance  of  a  passage  attributed  to  St.  Boniface,  the 
apostle  to  the  Germans,  and  included  by  Gratian  in  his  Decretu7ii  (Prima 
Pars,  Dist.  XL,  c.  6  :  Si  papa).  "  If  indeed  the  pope  be  found  neglect- 
ing his  own  and  his  brethren's  salvation  ;  lax  and  remiss  in  his  duties, 
and  silent  as  to  the  good  which  most  concerns  himself  and  all ;  and 
should  he,  moreover,  hell's  chief  slave,  be  dragging  after  him  innumer- 
able hosts  and  peoples  to  suffer  manifold  and  eternal  pains,  —  yet  may 
no  mortal  presume  to  reprove  him,  for  he  is  set  as  judge  over  all,  and 
is  judged  by  none,  —  unless  mayhap  he  be  taken  straying  from  the  way 
of  faith."  Luther  knew  the  canon  law  well  enough  to  use  it  as  a  weapon 
against  his  opponents. 


78 


Readings  in  European  History 


Lso  ] 
has 
not 


The  third 
wall :  the 
exclusive 
right  of  the 
pope  to 
summon  a 
council. 


contains  so  many  heretical  and  unchristian  —  nay,  unnatural 
—  laws  ;  but  of  them  we  need  not  speak  at  present.  For 
since  the  Romanists  claim  that  the  Holy  Ghost  never  leaves 
them,  however  wicked  and  ignorant  they  may  be,  they  grow 
bold  enough  to  decree  whatever  they  like.  But  were  this 
true,  where  were  the  need  or  use  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  ? 
Let  us  burn  them  and  content  ourselves  instead  with  the 
unlearned  gentlemen  at  Rome  in  whom  dwells  the  Holy 
Ghost,  who  nevertheless  is  wont  to  dwell  only  in  pious  souls! 
If  I  had  not  read  about  it,  I  would  never  have  believed  that 
the  devil  could  do  such  stupid  things  in  Rome  and  still  find 
a  following  ! 

But  that  we  fight  not  with  our  own  words,  let  us  bring 
forth  the  Scriptures.  St.  Paul  says  :  "  If  any  thing  be  re- 
vealed to  another  that  sitteth  by,  let  the  first  hold  his  peace" 
(i  Cor.  xiv.  30).  What  would  be  the  use  of  this  command- 
ment if  we  were  to  believe  him  alone  who  speaks  first  or  sits 
in  the  highest  seat  ?  ^Christ  himself  says  that  all  Christians 
shall  be  taught  of  God  (John  vi.  45).  But  it  may  come  to 
pass  that  the  pope  and  his  followers  are  wicked  men,  with- 
out true  understanding,  neither  true  Christians  nor  taught 
of  God,  whereas  some  common  man  may  have  true  under- 
standing. Why,  then,  should  we  not  follow  him?  Has  not 
the  pope  often  been  in  error  ?  Who  is  to  help  Christianity 
when  the  pope  errs  if  we  are  not  to  believe  another  who  has 
the  Scriptures  for  him  ?  .  .  .  In  olden  times  Abraham  was 
forced  to  listen  to  Sarah,  though  she  was  far  more  strictly 
subject  to  him  than  we  are  now  to  any  one  on  earth.  Even 
so  Balaam's  ass  was  wiser  than  the  prophet  himself.  If  God 
has  spoken  against  a  prophet  through  an  ass,  why  should  he 
_not  still  speak  through  a  good  man  against  the  pope  ? 

The  third  wall  falls  of  itself  as  soon  as  the  first  two  have 
fallen;  for  if  the  pope  acts  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  we 
are  bound  to  stand  by  the  Scriptures  and  to  punish  and 
restrain  him,  in  accordance  with  Christ's  commandment 
(Matt,  xviii.  15).  .  .  .  Moreover  there  is  nothing  in  the  Scrip- 
tures to  show  that  the  pope  has  the  sole  right  to  summon 
and  confirm  a  council ;  the  Romanists  have  nothing  but  their 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  tJie  Church     79 

own  laws,  and  these  hold  good  only  so  long  as  they  are  not 
opposed  to  Christianity  and  the  laws  of  God  ;  but  when  the 
pope  deserves  punishment  these  laws  cease  to  exist,  since 
Christianity  would  suffer  if  he  were  not  punished  by  means 
of  a  council.  .   .   . 

And  now  I  hope  we  have  laid  the  false  and  lying  specter 
by  means  of  which  the  Romanists  have  kept  our  timid  con- 
sciences in  subjection.  We  have  shown  that  they  are  sub- 
ject, like  all  the  rest  of  us,  to  the  temporal  sword';  that  they 
have  no  authority  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  by  force  and 
without  knowledge;  and  that  they  have  no  right  either  to 
prevent  a  council,  or  to  pledge  and  bind  it  in  advance  to 
suit  their  pleasure  and  thus  deprive  it  of  its  freedom.  And 
when  they  do  this  they  are  verily  of  the  fellowship  of  Anti- 
christ and  the  devil. and  have  nothing  from  Christ  but  the 
name.^Z 

1 

Luther  next  invites  the  attention  of  the  German  rulers 
to  the  pomp  of  the  pope  and  cardinals  for  which  the  Ger- 
mans must  pay.  This  was  a  theme  which  appealed  espe- 
cially to  those  for  whom  he  was  writing.  "  The  pope 
wears  a  triple  crown,  whereas  the  mightiest  kings  only 
wear  one:"  Yet  his  office  "should  be  nothing  else  than 
to  weep  and  pray  continually  for  Christendom  and  to  be 
an  example  of  humility." 

What  is  the  use  in  Christendom  of  those  who  are  called    246a.  The 

"  cardinals  "  ?    I  will  tell  you.      In  Italy  and  Germany  there    expense 

,  ,11-  1  1  r  t0  German} 

are  many  rich  convents,  endowments,  holdings,  and  benefices;    0f  the 

and  as  the  best  way  of  getting  these  into  the  hands  of  Rome  cardinals, 
they  created  cardinals,  and  gave  to  them  the  bishoprics,  con- 
vents, and  prelacies,  and  thus  destroyed  the  service  of  God. 
That  is  why  Italy  is  almost  a  desert  now  :  the  convents  are 
destroyed,  the  sees  consumed,  the  revenues  of  the  prelacies 
and  of  all  the  churches  drawn  to  Rome  ;  towns  are  decayed, 
and  the  country  and  the  people  ruined  because  there  is  no 
more  any  worship  of  God  or  preaching.    Why  ?    Because  the 


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Readings  in  European  History 


246b.  Ex- 
ample of 
Luther's 
vigorous 
German. 


cardinals  must  have  all  the  wealth.  The  Turk  himself  could 
not  have  so  desolated  Italy  and  so  overthrown  the  worship 
of  God. 

Now  that  Italy  is  sucked  dry,  they  come  to  Germany 
and  begin  very  quietly,  but  we  shall  soon  see  Germany 
brought  into  the  same  state  as  Italy.  We  have  a  few  car- 
dinals already.  What  the  Romanists  really  mean  to  do 
the  "  drunken  Germans  "  are  not  to  see  until  they  have  lost 
everything.1  .  .  . 

Now  this  devilish  state  of  things  is  not  only  open  rob- 
bery and  deceit  and  the  prevailing  of  the  gates  of  hell, 
but  it  is  destroying  the  very  life  and  soul  of  Christianity; 
therefore  we  are  bound  to  use  all  our  diligence  to  ward  off 
this  misery  and  destruction.  If  we  want  to  fight  Turks,  let 
us  begin  here, — we  cannot  find  worse  ones.  If  we  rightly 
hang  thieves  and  behead  robbers,  why  do  we  leave  the  greed 
of  Rome  unpunished  ?  for  Rome  is  the  greatest  thief  and 
robber  that  has  ever  appeared  on  earth,  or  ever  will ;  and 
all  in  the  holy  names  of  Church  and  St.  Peter. 

But  here  is  a  sample  of  the  original  German,2  which 
shows  how  Luther  could  compel  men  to  him  by  his  fiery 
appeals  to  German  national  feeling.  He  is  speaking  of 
papal  dispensations  from  vows  and  obligations. 

Wenn  keine  andere  bose  Tiicke  ware,  die  da  bewahrte, 
dass  der  Papst  der  rechte  Antichrist  sei,  so  ware  eben  dieses 
Stiick  genugsam,  das  zu  bewahren.  Horst  du,  Papst,  nicht 
der  Allerheiligste,  sondern  der  Allersiindigste  !  dass  Gott 
deinen  Stuhl  von  Himmel  auf's  schierste  zerstore  und  in  den 
Abgrund  der  Holle  senke  !  Wer  hat  dir  Gewalt  gegeben, 
dich  zu  erheben  iiber  deinen  Gott  ?  das  zu  brechen  und 
losen,  das  er  geboten  hat,  und  die  Christen,  sonderlich  die 
deutsche  Nation,  die  von  edler  Natur,  bestandig  und  treu 


1  This  is  naturally  to  be  taken  with  the  same  reservations  with  which 
modern  campaign  documents  are  read  by  the  judicious. 

2  Somewhat  modernized. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     8 1 

in  alien  Historien  gelobt  sind,  zu  lehren  unbestandig,  mein-    How  the 
eidig,  Verrater,  Bosewichte,  treulos  sein  ?  P°Pe  had 

Gott  hat  geboten,  man  soil  Eid  und  Treue  halten  auch  den  thTGennans 
Feinden  !  und  du  unterwindest  dich  solches  Gebot  zu  losen, 
setzest  in  deinen  ketzerischen,  antichristlichen  Dekretalen, 
du  habest  Macht  daruber,  und  liigt  durch  deinen  Hals  und 
Feder  der  bose  Satan,  als  er  nie  gelogen  hat,  zwingst  und 
dringst  die  Schrift  nach  deinen  Mutwillen  !  Ach  Christe, 
mein  Herr,  sieh  herab,  lass  herbrechen  deinen  jiingsten  Tag 
und  zerstore  des  Teufels  Nest  zu  Rom  ! 

After  proving,  as  he  hoped,  that  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope  was  all  a  terrible  mistake  and  that  the  secular 
rulers  were  free  and  in  duty  bound  to  correct  the  evils 
in  the  Church,  Luther  sketches  a  plan  for  preventing 
money  from  going  to  Italy,  for  reducing  the  number  of 
idle,  begging  monks,  of  harmful  pilgrimages,  and  inex- 
pedient holidays.  Luxury  and  drinking  were  to  be  re- 
pressed, the  universities,  especially  the  divinity  schools, 
reorganized,  etc. 

VIII.   Luther  rejects  the  Doctrine  of  the  Seven 

Sacraments 

In  his  Address  to  the  German  Nobility  Luther  had   247.  Lu- 
said  little  or  nothing  of  theology  or  religious  doctrine.    ]0^ShCap- 
But  three  months  later  (September,  1520)  he  attacked   ^j^6 
the  whole  sacramental  system  of  the  mediaeval  Church  in 
his  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the  Church.    Many  reformers 
like  Glapion,  the  Franciscan  confessor  of  Charles  V,  who 
had  read  the  Address  with  equanimity  if  not  approval, 
were    shocked   by    Luther's    audacity   in   rejecting  the 
ancient  conceptions  of  the  Church. 

To  begin.  I  must  deny  that  there  are  seven  sacraments, 
and  must  lay  it  down  for  the  time  being  that  there  are 


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only  three,  —  baptism,  penance,  and  the  bread  [i.e.  the  com- 
munion], and  that  by  the  court  of  Rome  all  these  have  been 
brought  into  miserable  bondage,  and  the  Church  despoiled 
of  all  her  liberty.  And  yet,  if  I  were  to  speak  according  to 
the  usage  of  Scripture,  I  should  hold  that  there  was  only 
one  sacrament,  and  three  sacramental  signs.  I  shall  speak 
on  this  point  more  at  length  at  the  proper  time  ;  but  now 
I  speak  of  the  sacrament  of  the  bread,  the  first  of  all 
sacraments. 


The  mass  not 
a  good  work 
or  sacrifice. 


Luther 
realizes  the 
difficulty  of 
his  task. 


After  considering  the  question  of  the  communion 
under  both  kinds  advocated  both  by  Wycliffe  and  Huss, 
and  of  transubstantiation,  Luther  turns  to  the  mass  as 
a  good  work. 

The  third  bondage  of  this  same  sacrament  is  that  abuse 
of  it  —  and  by  far  the  most  impious  —  by  which  it  has  come 
about  that  at  this  day  there  is  no  belief  in  the  Church  more 
generally  received  or  more  firmly  held  than  that  the  mass 
is  a  good  work  and  a  sacrifice.  This  abuse  has  brought 
in  an  infinite  flood  of  other  abuses,  until  faith  in  the  sacra- 
ment has  been  utterly  lost,  and  they  have  made  this  divine 
sacrament  a  mere  subject  of  traffic,  huckstering,  and  money- 
getting  contracts.  Hence  communions,  brotherhoods,  suf- 
frages, merits,  anniversaries,  memorials,  and  other  things  of 
that  kind  are  bought  and  sold  in  the  Church,  and  made  the 
subjects  of  bargains  and  agreements  ;  and  the  entire  main- 
tenance of  priests  and  monks  depends  upon  these  things. 

I  am  entering  on  an  arduous  task,  and  it  may  perhaps 
be  impossible  to  uproot  an  abuse  which,  strengthened  by 
the  practice  of  so  many  ages,  and  approved  by  universal 
consent,  has  fixed  itself  so  firmly  among  us  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  books  which  have  influence  at  the  present  day 
must  needs  be  done  away  with,  and  almost  the  entire  aspect 
of  the  churches  be  changed,  and  a  totally  different  kind  of 
ceremonies  be  brought  in,  or  rather,  brought  back.  But  my 
Christ  lives,  and  we  must  take  heed  to  the  word  of  God 
with  greater  care   than  to   all   the   intellects   of    men    and 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     83 

angels.  I  will  perform  my  part,  I  will  bring  forth  the  sub- 
ject into  the  light,  and  will  impart  the  truth  freely  and 
ungrudgingly  as  I  have  received  it.  For  the  rest,  let  every 
one  look  to  his  own  salvation  ;  I  will  labor,  as  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Christ,  my  judge,  in  order  that  no  man  may  be  able 
to  throw  upon  me  the  blame  of  his  own  unbelief  and  igno- 
rance of  the  truth. 


IX.   The  Edict  of  the  Diet  of  Worms  (May,  152 i) 

1.  We,  Charles  V,  by  God's  grace  Roman  emperor  elect,    248.  The 
ever  august,  king  of  Germany,  Spain,  the  two  Sicilies,  Jeru-    Edict  of 
salem,  Hungary,  Dalmatia,  Croatia,  etc.,  archduke  of  Aus-    condemning 
tria,  duke  of  Burgundy,  etc.,  count  of  Hapsburg,  Flanders,    Luther 
and  Tyrol,  salute  and  tender  our  gracious  good  wishes  to    aJjj!hls  + 
each  and  all  of  the  electors,  princes,  —  both  spiritual  and  sec- 
ular,—  prelates,   counts,   barons,  knights,   nobles,   captains, 
governors,   burgomasters,   councilors,   judges,  citizens,   and 
communities,  also  rectors  and  officers  of  all  universities,  and 

all  other  beloved  and  faithful  subjects  of  ours,  or  of  the  Em- 
pire, of  whatsoever  rank  they  may  be,  to  whom  these  our 
imperial  letters,  or  a  credible  copy  certified  by  a  spiritual 
prelate  or  a  public  notary,  may  come  or  be  announced. 

2.  Most  reverend,  honorable,  and  illustrious  friends  and    Charles  V 
relatives,  devoted  and  loyal:   as  it  pertains  to  our  office  of    hddsittobe 
Roman  emperor,  not  only  to  enlarge  the  bounds  of  the  Holy    extirpate 
Roman    Empire,   which   our  fathers  of  the  German  nation    heresy, 
founded  for  the  defense  of  the  Holy  Roman  and  Catholic 
Church,   subduing  unbelievers   by  the   sword,  through   the 

divine  grace,  with  much  shedding  of  blood,  but  also,  adher- 
ing to  the  rule  hitherto  observed  by  the  Holy  Roman  Church, 
to  take  care  that  no  stain  or  suspicion  of  heresy  should  con- 
taminate our  holy  faith  within  the  Roman  Empire,  or,  if  heresy 
had  already  begun,  to  extirpate  it  with  all  necessary  diligence, 
prudence,  and  discretion,  as  the  case  might  demand ; 

3.  Therefore  we  hold  that  if  it  was  the  duty  of  any  of 
our  ancestors  to  defend  the  Christian  name,  much  greater 
is  the  obligation  on  us,  inasmuch  as  the  unparalleled  goodness 


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Readings  in  European  History 


of  Almighty  God  has,  for  the  protection  and  increase  of 
his  holy  faith,  endowed  us  with  more  kingdoms  and  lands 
and  greater  power  in  the  Empire  than  any  of  our  ancestors 
for  many  years.  Moreover  we  are  also  sprung  from  the 
paternal  stock  of  the  emperors  and  archdukes  of  Austria, 
and  dukes  of  Burgundy,  and  from  the  maternal  stock  of  the 
most  faithful  kings  of  Spain,  the  Sicilies,  and  Jerusalem,  — 
the  memory  of  whose  illustrious  deeds,  wrought  for  the 
Christian  faith,  will  never  pass  away. 

4.  Whereas,  certain  heresies  have  sprung  up  in  the  Ger- 
man nation  within  the  last  three  years,  which  were  formerly 
condemned  by  the  holy  councils  and  papal  decrees,  with  the 
consent  of  the  whole  Church,  and  are  now  drawn  anew 
from  hell,  should  we  permit  them  to  become  more  deeply 
rooted,  or,  by  our  negligence,  tolerate  and  bear  with  them, 
our  conscience  would  be  greatly  burdened,  and  the  future 
glory  of  our  name  would  be  covered  by  a  dark  cloud  in  the 
auspicious  beginnings  of  our  reign. 

5.  Since  now  without  doubt  it  is  plain  to  you  all  how  far 
these  errors  and  heresies  depart  from  the  Christian  way, 
which  a  certain  Martin  Luther,  of  the  Augustinian  order, 
has  sought  violently  and  virulently  to  introduce  and  dis- 
seminate within  the  Christian  religion  and  its  established 
order,  especially  in  the  German  nation,  which  is  renowned 
as  a  perpetual  destroyer  of  all  unbelief  and  heresy;  so  that, 
unless  it  is  speedily  prevented,  the  whole  German  nation, 
and  later  all  other  nations,  will  be  infected  by  this  same  dis- 
order, and  mighty  dissolution  and  pitiable  downfall  of  good 
morals,  and  of  the  peace  and  the  Christian  faith,  will  result. 


Luther's 

wicked 

arrogance. 


9.  And  although,  after  the  delivery  of  the  papal  bull  and 
final  condemnation  of  Luther,  we  proclaimed  the  bull  in 
many  places  in  the  German  nation,  as  well  as  in  our  Bur- 
gundian  lands,  and  especially  its  execution  at  Cologne, 
Treves,  Mayence,  and  Liege,  nevertheless  Martin  Luther 
has  taken  no  account  of  it,  nor  lessened  nor  revoked  his 
errors,  nor  sought  absolution  from  his  Papal  Holiness  or 
grace  from  the  holy  Christian  Church ;  but  like  a  madman 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     85 

plotting  the  manifest  destruction  of  the  holy  Church,  he 
daily  scatters  abroad  much  worse  fruit  and  effect  of  his 
depraved  heart  and  mind  through  very  numerous  books, 
both  in  Latin  and  German,  composed  by  himself,  or  at  least 
under  his  name,  which  are  full  of  heresies  and  blasphemies, 
not  only  new  ones  but  also  those  formerly  condemned  by 
holy  councils. 

10.  Therein  he  destroys,  overturns,  and  abuses  the  num-    Luther's 
ber,  arrangement,  and  use  of  the  seven  sacraments,  received    heresies 
and  held  for  so  many  centuries  by  the  holy  Church,  and  in    enumerated 
astonishing  ways  shamefully  pollutes  the  indissoluble  bonds 

of  holy  matrimony  ;  and  says  also  that  holy  unction  is  a 
mere  invention.  He  desires  also  to  adapt  our  customs  and 
practice  in  the  administration  of  the  most  holy  sacrament  of 
the  holy  eucharist  to  the  habit  and  custom  of  the  condemned 
Bohemians.  And  he  begins  to  attack  confession,  —  most 
wholesome  for  the  hearts  that  are  polluted  or  laden  with  sins, 
—  declaring  that  no  profit  or  consolation  can  be  expected 
from  it.  Finally,  he  threatens  to  write  so  much  more  fully 
of  confession  that  (if  it  be  allowed)  not  only  will  all  who  read 
his  mad  writings  venture  to  say  that  confession  is  useless, 
but  most  of  them  declare  that  one  should  not  confess  at  all, 

11.  He  not  only  holds  the  priestly  office  and  order  in 
contempt,  but  also  urges  secular  and  lay  persons  to  bathe 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  priests  ;  and  he  uses  scurrilous 
and  shameful  words  against  the  chief  priest  of  our  Christian 
faith,  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  and  true  vicar  of  Christ  on 
earth,  and  pursues  him  with  manifold  and  unprecedented 
attacks  and  invectives.  He  demonstrates  also  from  the  hea- 
then poets  that  there  is  no  free  will,  because  all  things  are 
determined  by  an  immutable  decree. 

12.  And  he  writes  that  the  mass  confers  no  benefit  on 
him  for  whom  it  is  celebrated.  Moreover  he  overthrows  the 
custom  of  fasting  and  prayer,  established  by  the  holy  Church 
and  hitherto  maintained.  Especially  does  he  impugn  the 
authority  of  the  holy  fathers,  as  they  are  received  by  the 
Church,  and  would  destroy  obedience  and  authority  of  every 
kind.    Indeed,  he  writes  nothing  which  does  not  arouse  and 


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Readings  in  Europeati  History 


Luther 
summoned 
to  Worms. 


promote  sedition,  discord,  war,  murder,  robbery,  and  arson, 
and  tend  toward  the  complete  downfall  of  the  Christian 
faith.  For  he  teaches  a  loose,  self-willed  life,  severed  from 
all  laws  and  wholly  brutish ;  and  he  is  a  loose,  self-willed 
man,  who  condemns  and  rejects  all  laws ;  for  he  has  shown 
no  fear  or  shame  in  burning  publicly  the  decretals  and  canon 
law.  And  had  he  feared  the  secular  sword  no  more  than  the 
ban  and  penalties  of  the  pope,  he  would  have  committed 
much  worse  offenses  against  the  civil  law. 

13.  He  does  not  blush  to  speak  publicly  against  holy 
councils,  and  to  abuse  and  insult  them  at  will.  Especially 
has  he  everywhere  bitterly  attacked  the  Council  of  Constance 
with  his  foul  mouth,  and  calls  it  a  synagogue  of  Satan,  to 
the  shame  and  disgrace  of  the  whole  Church  and  of  the 
German  nation.  .  .  .  And  he  has  fallen  into  such  madness 
of  spirit  as  to  boast  that  if  Huss  were  a  heretic  then  he  is 
ten  times  a  heretic. 

14.  But  all  the  other  innumerable  wickednesses  of  Luther 
must,  for  brevity's  sake,  remain  unreckoned.  This  fellow  ap- 
pears to  be  not  so  much  a  man  as  the  wicked  demon  in  the 
form  of  a  man  and  under  a  monk's  cowl.  He  has  collected 
many  heresies  of  the  worst  heretics,  long  since  condemned 
and  forgotten,  together  with  some  newly  invented  ones,  in 
one  stinking  pool,  under  pretext  of  preaching  faith,  which 
he  extols  with  so  great  industry  in  order  that  he  may  ruin 
the  true  and  genuine  faith,  and  under  the  name  and  appear- 
ance of  evangelical  doctrine  overturn  and  destroy  all  evan- 
gelical peace  and  love,  as  well  as  all  righteous  order  and  the 
most  excellent  hierarchy  of  the  Church.   .  .   . 

16.  And  now,  particularly  on  account  of  these  things,  we 
have  summoned  here  to  Worms  the  electors,  princes,  and 
estates  of  this  our  Holy  Empire,  and  carefully  examined  the 
aforesaid  matters  with  great  diligence,  as  evident  necessity 
demands,  and  with  unanimous  advice  and  consent  of  all,  we 
decree  what  follows. 

17.  Although  one  so  condemned  and  persisting  in  his 
obstinate  perversity,  separated  from  the  rites  of  the  Christian 
Church  and  a  manifest  heretic,  is  denied  a  hearing  under 


the  ban. 


Martin  LntJier  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     87 

all  laws;  nevertheless,  to  prevent  all  unprofitable  dispute, 
.  .  .  we,  through  our  herald,  gave  him  a  safe-conduct  to 
come  hither,  in  order  that  he  might  be  questioned  in  our 
own  presence  and  in  that  of  the  electors,  princes,  and  estates 
of  the  Empire ;  whether  he  had  composed  the  books  which 
were  then  laid  before  his  eyes.  .  .   . 

18.  And  as  soon  as  these  books  were  enumerated,  he 
acknowledged  them  as  his  own,  and  moreover  declared  that 
he  would  never  deny  them.  And  he  also  says  that  he  has 
made  many  other  books,  which  we  have  not  mentioned 
herein  because  we  have  no  knowledge  of  them. 

25.  Accordingly,  in  view  of  all  these  considerations  and  Luther 
the  fact  that  Martin  Luther  still  persists  obstinately  and  {J^J^f" 
perversely  in  maintaining  his  heretical  opinions,  and  conse- 
quently all  pious  and  God-fearing  persons  abominate  and 
abhor  him  as  one  mad  or  possessed  by  a  demon,  ...  we 
have  declared  and  made  known  that  the  said  Martin  Luther 
shall  hereafter  be  held  and  esteemed  by  each  and  all  of  us 
as  a  limb  cut  off  from  the  Church  of  God,  an  obstinate 
schismatic  and  manifest  heretic.  .  .  . 

27.  And  we  publicly  attest  by  these  letters  that  we  order 
and  command  each  and  all  of  you,  as  you  owe  fidelity  to  us 
and  the  Holy  Empire,  and  would  escape  the  penalties  of  the 
crime  of  treason,  and  the  ban  and  over-ban  of  the  Empire, 
and  the  forfeiture  of  all  regalia,  fiefs,  privileges,  and  immu- 
nities, which  up  to  this  time  you  have  in  any  way  obtained 
from  our  predecessors,  ourself,  and  the  Holy  Empire;  — 
commanding,  we  say,  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  and  impe- 
rial majesty,  we  strictly  order  that  immediately  after  the 
expiration  of  the  appointed  twenty  days,  terminating  on  the 
fourteenth  day  of  May,  you  shall  refuse  to  give  the  aforesaid 
Martin  Luther  hospitality,  lodging,  food,  or  drink ;  neither 
shall  any  one,  by  word  or  deed,  secretly  or  openly,  succor  or 
assist  him  by  counsel  or  help ;  but  in  whatever  place  you 
meet  him,  you  shall  proceed  against  him ;  if  you  have  suffi- 
cient force,  you  shall  take  him  prisoner  and  keep  him  in  close 
custody;  you  shall  deliver  him,  or  cause  him  to  be  delivered, 


88  Readings  in  European  History 

to  us  or  at  least  let  us  know  where  he  may  be  captured. 
In  the  meanwhile  you  shall  keep  him  closely  imprisoned  until 
you  receive  notice  from  us  what  further  to  do,  according  to 
the  direction  of  the  laws.  And  for  such  holy  and  pious  work 
we  will  indemnify  you  for  your  trouble  and  expense. 

28.  In  like  manner  you  shall  proceed  against  his  friends, 
adherents,  patrons,  maintainers,  abettors,  sympathizers,  emu- 
lators, and  followers.  And  the  property  of  these,  whether 
personal  or  real,  you  shall,  in  virtue  of  the  sacred  ordinances 
and  of  our  imperial  ban  and  over-ban,  treat  in  this  way; 
namely,  you  shall  attack  and  overthrow  its  possessors  and 
wrest  their  property  from  them  and  transfer  it  to  your  own 
custody  and  uses ;  and  no  one  shall  hinder  or  impede  these 
measures,  unless  the  owner  shall  abandon  his  unrighteous 
way  and  secure  papal  absolution. 
No  one  to  29.   Consequently  we  command  you,  each  and  all,  under 

print,  sell,        the   penalities  already  prescribed,  that  henceforth   no  one 
Luther's  shall  dare  to  buy,  sell,  read,  preserve,  copy,  print,  or  cause 

writings.  to  be  copied  or  printed,  any  books  of  the  aforesaid  Martin 

Luther,  condemned  by  our  holy  father  the  pope  as  afore- 
said, or  any  other  writings  in  German  or  Latin  hitherto 
composed  by  him,  since  they  are  foul,  harmful,  suspected, 
and  published  by  a  notorious  and  stiffnecked  heretic.  Nei- 
ther shall  any  dare  to  approve  his  opinions,  nor  to  proclaim, 
defend,  or  assert  them,  in  any  other  way  that  human  inge- 
nuity can  invent,  notwithstanding  he  may  have  put  some 
good  in  them  to  deceive  the  simple  man. 

•  •*••••••••• 

38.  And  in  order  that  all  this  may  be  done  and  credit 
given  to  this  document,  we  have  sealed  it  with  our  imperial 
seal,  which  has  been  affixed  in  our  imperial  city  of  Worms, 
on  the  eighth  day  of  May,  after  the  birth  of  Christ  1521,  in 
the  second  year  of  our  reign  over  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
over  our  other  lands  the  sixth. 1 

By  our  lord  the  emperor's  own  command. 

1  The  German  version  of  the  edict  is  given  by  Walch,  Luthers 
Werke,  Vol.  XV,  columns  2264  sqq.  There  are  two  Latin  versions,  seem- 
ingly independent  translations  from  the  German,  and  both  attributed  to 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church     89 

X.   Erasmus'  Distrust  of  Luther 

Erasmus  had  good  reason  to  fear  that  he  was  regarded 
as  one  of  Luther's  sympathizers  and  supporters,  for  in 
the  opinion  of  many  of  his  enemies  he  had  really  laid  the 
egg  that  Luther  had  hatched.  Just  after  the  close  of  the 
diet  of  Worms  he  wrote  to  an  English  friend,  Richard 
Pace,  as  follows  : 

Brussels,  July  5,  1521. 

...   I  fear  that  the  Dominicans  and  some  of  the  theolo-    249.  The 

gians  will  use  their  victory  intemperately,  especially  those  of    Prudent 
?  -ii  ■  i-  ii  policy  of 

Louvain,  who  have  some  private  grudge  against  me  and  have    Erasmus. 

discovered  in  Jerome  Aleander  a  person  admirably  adapted 
to  their  purposes.  This  man  is  mad  enough  anyway,  with- 
out any  one  to  stir  him  up ;  but  as  it  is,  he  has  instigators 
enough  to  drive  even  the  most  moderate  to  madness.  The 
most  virulent  pamphlets  are  flying  about  on  all  sides,  and 
Aleander  ascribes  them  all  to  me,  though  I  was  ignorant  of 
the  very  existence  of  many  of  them  before  he  called  my 
attention  to  them.  Luther  has  acknowledged  his  own  books 
in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  and  yet  The  Babylonish  Cap- 
tivity, which  is  one  of  them,  is  ascribed  to  me.  A  prolific 
author  indeed  I  must  be,  seeing  that  I  was  able  to  write  so 
many  pamphlets  while  I  was  meantime  revising  the  text  of 
the  New  Testament,  and  editing  the  works  of  Augustine,  not 
to  speak  of  other  undertakings. 

Cochlaeus,  Luther's  well-known  opponent.  These  differ  in  their  wording, 
and  slightly  in  their  contents,  from  one  another  and  from  the  German. 
One  may  be  found  in  Goldast,  Constitutiones,  Vol.  II,  pp.  142  sqq.,  and 
is  reproduced  by  Le  Plat  in  his  Monnmentorum  ColUctio,  Vol.  II,  pp. 
115  sqq.  Raynaldus,  Annates,  s.  d.  1521,  and  Gerdes,  Historia  Refor- 
mationis,  Vol.  II,  Appendix,  pp.  34  sqq.,  give  the  other.  I  do  not  know 
whether  or  not  the  original  draft  by  the  papal  representative  Aleander, 
which  we  may  presume  was  in  Latin,  has  ever  been  published.  The 
translation  here  given  follows  Walch's  German  text,  with  some  modifi- 
cations suggested  by  the  text  in  Raynaldus.  I  have  availed  myself  of 
the  translation  in  the  Crozer  Historical  Leaflets,  No.  3,  amending  it  to 
bring  it  into  closer  accord  with  the  originals. 


90  Readings  in  European  Histoiy 

May  I  be  lost  if  in  all  of  Luther's  works  there  is  a  single 
syllable  of  mine,  or  if  any  calumnious  book  was  ever  pub- 
lished by  me ;  on  the  contrary,  I  do  all  I  can  to  deter  others 
from  issuing  such  works.  Now,  however,  they  are  taking  a 
new  tack,  and  assert  that  Luther  has  borrowed  some  of  his 
doctrines  from  my  works,  as  if  he  had  not  borrowed  more 
from  Paul's  epistles.  I  now  see  clearly  at  last  that  it  has  been 
the  policy  of  the  Germans  to  implicate  me,  whether  I  would 
or  no,  in  this  business  of  Luther,  —  a  most  unwise  policy 
indeed,  since  nothing  would  sooner  have  alienated  me  from 
them.  What  aid  indeed  could  I  have  rendered  Luther  even 
had  I  chosen  to  share  his  danger  ?  The  only  result  would 
have  been  that  two  must  perish  instead  of  one.  I  can  never 
sufficiently  wonder  at  the  violent  spirit  which  he  has  dis- 
played in  his  writings,  by  which  he  has  certainly  brought 
immense  discredit  on  all  the  friends  of  good  literature. 
Many  indeed  of  his  teachings  and  exhortations  are  excellent, 
but  I  wish  that  he  had  not  vitiated  the  good  in  his  writings 
by  his  intolerable  faults. 

But  even  if  he  had  always  written  in  the  most  reverent 
spirit,  still  I  should  have  had  no  inclination  to  risk  my  life 
for  the  truth.  It  is  not  every  one  who  has  strength  for 
martyrdom,  and  I  am  afraid  that  if  any  outbreak  should 
take  place  I  should  imitate  St.  Peter.  When  the  popes  and 
emperors  decree  what  is  right  I  obey,  —  which  is  the  course 
of  true  piety  ;  but  when  they  command  what  is  wrong,  I  sub- 
mit, —  and  that  is  the  safe  course.  I  think  that  all  good 
men  are  justified  in  acting  thus  when  there  is  no  hope  of 
successful  opposition.  .  .  . 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refer-  Luther's  Early  Years  :   Kostlin,  Life  of  Luther, -pp.  10-56;  Hen- 

ences.  DERSON,  Short  History   of  Germany,  Vol.  I,  pp.  251-273;    Dyer   and 

Hassall,  Modern  Europe,  Vol.  I,  pp.  400-415;  Walker,  The  Refor- 
mation, pp.  77-108. 

The  Theses:  Kostlin,  pp.  82-107. 

The  Diet  of  Worms:  Henderson,  Vol.  I,  pp.  275-284;  Kostlin, 
pp.  222-245;  Walker,  pp.  108-123. 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  against  the  Church 


91 


The  student  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  must  always  remember  that 
almost  all  accounts  of  the  period  are  partisan;  most  of  them,  especially 
the  older  ones,  are  so  biased  as  to  be  wholly  unreliable.1  Even  apart 
from  religious  bias,  Luther's  character  strangely  fascinates  many  writers, 
but  is  utterly  repellent  to  others.  The  works  mentioned  below  are 
all  of  them  either  Protestant  or  Catholic  in  sympathy,  but  they  are 
scholarly  and  in  the  main  accurate. 

Seebohm,  The  Era  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  (Epochs  of  Modern 
History),  is  an  admirable  little  book,  which  deals  briefly  with  the  whole 
course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  the  various  countries  of  western 
Europe. 

Beard,  Martin  Luther.  The  best  life  in  English.  Chapter  IV, 
"Luther's  life  prior  to  his  Revolt";  Chapter  VII,  "Luther's  appeal 
to  the  Nation  in  1520";  Chapter  IX,  "The  Diet  of  Worms."  The 
work  was  never  completed,  owing  to  the  death  of  the  writer.  The 
Reformation  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  in  its  Relation  to  Modem  Thought 
and  Knowledge  (Hibbert  Lectures,  1883),  by  the  same  author,  is  very 
suggestive  and  valuable. 

Creighton,  History  of  the  Papacy,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  III,  "Luther's 
Life  before  1521,"  and  Chapter  V,  "  The  Diet  of  Worms."     Excellent. 

Janssen,  History  of  the  Ger?nan  People,  Vol.  III.  The  most  cele- 
brated modern  Catholic  work  in  this  field.  Very  valuable,  especially  to 
those  who  know  only  the  traditional  Protestant  views. 

Spalding  (archbishop  of  Baltimore),  The  History  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation,  in  a  Series  of  Essays,  2  vols.  This  work  is  not  a  system- 
atic history,  and  is  chiefly  concerned  with  the  alleged  misrepresentations 
and  errors  of  the  less  judicious  Protestant  writers. 

Ranke,  History  of  the  Reformation,  Vol.  I,  Book  II. 

Bax,  German  Society  at  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  1894.  A  rather 
slight  work,  but  clear  and  brief.  See  especially  Chapters  I,  V,  and  VII, 
on  the  conditions  in  town  and  country. 

First  Principles  of  the  Reformation,  or  the  Three  Primary  Works  of 
Dr.  Martin  Luther,  edited  by  Wace  and  Buchheim,  Philadelphia, 
contains  a  correct,  if  rather  lifeless,  translation  of  Luther's  "  Theses," 
his  letter  of  1520  to  Leo  X,  his  "Address  to  the  German  Nobility," 
"Babylonish  Captivity  of  the  Church,"  and  "  Liberty  of  the  Christian." 
Very  valuable  to  one  who  cannot  read  German  and  Latin. 

Luther,  Table  Talk,  translated  by  Hazlitt  (Bohn  Library).  See 
under  C,  below,  p.  93. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 

Partisan 
character  of 
the  books  on 
the  Protes- 
tant Revolt. 


1  See  my  paper  in  the  American  Historical  Review,  January,  1903,  on  "  The 
Study  of  the  Protestant  Revolt." 


92 


Readings  in  Europea7i  History 


study. 


C.  Materials  KoSTLlN,  Martin    Luther,  sein  Leben  und  seine  Schriften,    2   vols. 

for  advanced  The  ]^es^  0f  the  innumerable  lives  of  the  reformer.  The  English  edition 
cited  above  under  A  is  a  translation  of  an  abridged  popular  edition 
of  the  complete  work. 

Berger,  A.  E.,  Die  Kulturaufgaben  der  Reformation,  Einleitung  in 
eine  Luther biograp hie,  1895.  An  elaborate  review  of  the  conditions 
leading  up  to  Luther's  revolt.  The  same  writer  is  issuing  a  new  biog- 
raphy of  Luther,  —  Martin  Luther  in  kulturgeschichtlicher  Darstellung. 
Vol.  I,  1483-1525  (1895),  and  Vol.  II,  Part  I,  have  appeared. 

Hefele,  Conciliengeschichte,  Vol.  IX,  by  Cardinal  Hergenrother. 
Useful  Catholic  view  of  Luther's  teachings. 

Bezold,  Lamprecht,  and  Egelhaaf  (see  above,  pp.  51  sq.)  are  all 
admirable  for  the  opening  of  the  Lutheran  revolt. 

Maurenbrecher,  Studien  und  Skizzen  zur  Geschichte  der  Refor- 
mationzeit,  1874.  A  very  fair-minded  writer.  See  especially  his  essay  on 
the  sources  for  the  Lutheran  period,  pp.  205  sq. 

Dollinger,  Die  Reformation,  ihre  innere  Entwicklung  und  ihre  Wir- 
kungen,  3  vols.,  1846-1848.  A  remarkable  collection  of  extracts  chosen 
to  illustrate  the  hostility  Luther  aroused  among  educated  men. 

Lea,  History  of  Confession  and  Indulgences,  3  vols. ;  especially 
Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  VII,  "  The  Reformation."      " 

Harnack,  History  of  Dogma,  Vol.  VII.  The  outcome  of  the  Prot- 
estant Revolt  from  a  theological  standpoint. 


The  sources. 


Luther's 
works 
(Weimar 
edition). 


Walch's 
edition. 

Erlangen 
edition. 


Luther's 
Table  Talk. 


Luther,  Briefwechsel,  edited  by  Enders,  1884  sq.  Ten  volumes 
have  so  far  appeared,  coming  down  to  1 536.  Admirably  annotated,  and 
includes  not  only  Luther's  Latin  correspondence  but  important  letters 
addressed  to  him  by  others. 

Of  Luther's  works  by  far  the  best  edition  is  that  now  in  course  of 
publication  at  Weimar.  Some  25  volumes  have  appeared.  This  collec- 
tion has  great  advantages  for  historical  students,  since  the  works,  both 
the  Latin  and  the  German,  are  published  in  chronological  order  and 
admirably  edited.  In  the  old  edition  of  Luther's  works  (1745)  edited  by 
Walch,  the  Latin  works  are  translated  into  German.  Walch  devotes 
Vols.  XV-XVII  to  documents  relating  to  the  history  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Besides  these  two  editions  there  is  the  so-called  Erlangen  edition 
in  small  volumes,  comprising  a  Latin  series  (1 829-1836),  a  German 
series  (2d  ed.,  1862  sqq.),  and  7  useful  volumes,  Opera  varii  argumenti, 
containing  pamphlets,  etc. 

Luther's  views  and  sayings,  as  uttered  freely,  not  to  say  recklessly, 
in  familiar  conversation  with  his  friends,  were  carefully  treasured  up  by 
his  admirers  and  recorded  in  the  form  of  Table  Talk.    The  first  collection 


Martin  Luther  and  his  Revolt  agaiitst  the  Church     93 

of  these  scraps  of  conversation  was  published  by  Aurifaber  in  1566, 
twenty  years  after  Luther's  death.  The  best  modern  edition  is  edited 
by  Forstemann,  Luther's  Tischreden  nach  Aurifabers  erste  Ausgabe 
(showing  the  additions  and  alterations  made  by  later  editors),  4  parts, 
1844-1848.  There  is  an  English  translation  of  Aurifaber's  Table  Talk  by 
Hazlitt  (Bohn  Library).  Another  sixteenth-century  editor,  Rebenstock, 
issued  a  collection  of  Latin  conversations  of  Luther.  This  is  republished 
by  Bindseil,  Lutheri  Colloquia,  3  vols.,  1863-1866.  The  sayings  are 
classified  under  headings:  "Of  God's  Works,"  "Of  the  Devil,"  "Of 
Antichrist,"  "  Of  Magic,"  etc.  For  examples  of  the  original  notes  which 
underlie  the  Table  Talk,  see  Lauterbach,  Tagebuch  auf  das  Jahr  1538, 
edited  by  Seidemann,  1872  ;  Tischreden  aus  den  Jahren  fjji  und  JJJ2 
nach  den  Aufzeichnungen  von  Schlaginhaufen,  edited  by  Preger,  1888  ; 
and  Analecta  Lutherana,  edited  by  Loesche,  1892,  based  on  the  notes 
of  Mathesius.  Cf.  Meyer,  Wilh.,  Uber  Lauterbachs  und  Aurifabers 
Samtnlungen  der  Tischreden  Luthers,  Konig.  Gesellschaft  d.  Wissen- 
schaft  Gottingen,  Abhandl.  Philol-hist.  Kl.,  N.F.,  Vol.  I,  No.  2. 

CoCHL^US,  Historia  de  actis  et  scriptis  M.  Luther.  An  account  of 
Luther  by  one  of  his  better  opponents.  Formerly  much  used  by 
Catholic  writers. 

Brieger,  Aleatider  und  Luther,  152 1,  Gotha,  1884.  An  admirable 
edition  of  the  remarkable  dispatches  in  which  Aleander,  one  of  the 
pope's  representatives  at  Worms,  describes  the  conditions  in  Germany. 


CHAPTER    XXVI 

COURSE  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLT  IN  GERMANY 

(1521-1555) 

I.   The  Peasant  War  * 

The  Edict  of  Worms  denounced  Luther  as  an  oppo- 
nent of  law  and  a  breeder  of  sedition.  This  view  was 
substantiated  in  the  eyes  of  many  by  the  revolt,  first  of 
the  knights,  and  then  of  the  peasants,  for  in  both  cases 
the  malcontents  had  much  to  say  of  evangelical  truth 
and  liberty.  The  following  manifesto  of  the  peasants, 
drawn  up  in  1524,  clearly  shows  the  influence  of  Luther's 
teachings.  Yet  the  revolt  cannot  be  attributed  to  him, 
but  rather  to  the  general  social  and  economic  conditions 
which  had  produced  a  number  of  similar  disturbances 
earlier.  Much  had  been  said  by  the  popular  leaders  of 
"God's  justice"  and  of  the  vices  of  the  clergy  before 
ever  Luther  was  heard  of. 

250.  The        Peace  to  the  Christian  reader  and  the  grace  of  God  through 
fundamental         Christ: 

chief  articles  There  are  many  evil  writings  put  forth  of  late  which  take 

of  the  peas-  occasion,  on  account  of  the  assembling  of  the  peasants,  to 

ants,  r^at"  cast  scorn  upon  the  gospel,  saying,  "  Is  this  the  fruit  of  the 

matters  in  new  teaching,  that  no  one  should  obey  but  that  all  should 

which  they  everywhere  rise  in  revolt,  and  rush  together  to  reform,  or 

selves601"  perhaps  destroy  altogether,  the  authorities,  both  ecclesiastic 

*»**  '  l  The  amount  of  space  devoted  in  this  chapter  to  the  Peasant  War 

will  not  seem  excessive  to  one  who  considers  how  admirably  the  mate- 
rial here  given  illustrates  the  extreme  intricacy  of  the  movements  for 
religious,  social,  economic,  and  political  reform. 

94 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany        95 

and  lay  ? "  The  articles  below  shall  answer  these  godless 
and  criminal  fault-finders,  and  serve,  in  the  first  place,  to 
remove  the  reproach  from  the  word  of  God  and,  in  the  sec- 
ond place,  to  give  a  Christian  excuse  for  the  disobedience 
or  even  the  revolt  of  the  entire  peasantry. 

In  the  first  place,  the  gospel  is  not  the  cause  of  revolt  and 
disorder,  since  it  is  the  message  of  Christ,  the  promised 
Messiah  ;  the  word  of  life,  teaching  only  love,  peace,  patience, 
and  concord.  Thus  all  who  believe  in  Christ  should  learn 
to  be  loving,  peaceful,  long-suffering,  and  harmonious.  This 
is  the  foundation  of  all  the  articles  of  the  peasants  (as  will 
be  seen),  who  accept  the  gospel  and  live  according  to  it. 
How  then  can  the  evil  reports  declare  the  gospel  to  be  a 
cause  of  revolt  and  disobedience  ?  That  the  authors  of  the 
evil  reports  and  the  enemies  of  the  gospel  oppose  themselves 
to  these  demands  is  due,  not  to  the  gospel,  but  to  the  devil, 
the  worst  enemy  of  the  gospel,  who  causes  this  opposition 
by  raising  doubts  in  the  minds  of  his  followers,  and  thus  the 
word  of  God,  which  teaches  love,  peace,  and  concord,  is 
overcome. 

In  the  second  place,  it  is  clear  that  the  peasants  demand 
that  this  gospel  be  taught  them  as  a  guide  in  life,  and  they 
ought  not  to  be  called  disobedient  or  disorderly.  Whether 
God  grant  the  peasants  (earnestly  wishing  to  live  according 
to  his  word)  their  requests  or  no,  who  shall  find  fault  with 
the  will  of  the  Most  High  ?  Who  shall  meddle  in  his  judg- 
ments or  oppose  his  majesty  ?  Did  he  not  hear  the  children 
of  Israel  when  they  called  upon  him  and  save  them  out  of 
the  hands  of  Pharaoh  ?  Can  he  not  save  his  own  to-day  ? 
Yea,  he  will  save  them  and  that  speedily.  Therefore,  Chris- 
tian reader,  read  the  following  articles  with  care  and  then 
judge.    Here  follow  the  articles  : 

The  First  Article.    First,  it  is  our  humble   petition   and    Pastors  to  be 
desire,  as  also  our  will  and  resolution,  that  in  the  future  we    ^°s^   [e 
should  have  power  and  authority  so  that  each  community 
should  choose  and  appoint  a  pastor,   and  that  we  should 
have  the  right  to  depose  him  should  he  conduct  himself 
improperly.    The  pastor  thus  chosen   should  teach  us  the 


96 


Readi7igs  in  European  History 


The  tithe. 


Protest 
against 
serfdom. 


gospel  pure  and  simple,  without  any  addition,  doctrine,  or 
ordinance  of  man. 

The  Secotid  Article.  According  as  the  just  tithe  is  estab- 
lished by  the  Old  Testament  and  fulfilled  in  the  New,  we 
are  ready  and  willing  to  pay  the  fair  tithe  of  grain.  The 
word  of  God  plainly  provides  that  in  giving  rightly  to  God 
and  distributing  to  his  people  the  services  of  a  pastor  are 
required.  We  will  that  for  the  future  our  church  provost, 
whomsoever  the  community  may  appoint,  shall  gather  and 
receive  this  tithe.  From  this  he  shall  give  to  the  pastor, 
elected  by  the  whole  community,  a  decent  and  sufficient 
maintenance  for  him  and  his,  as  shall  seem  right  to  the 
whole  community.  What  remains  over  shall  be  given  to  the 
poor  of  the  place,  as  the  circumstances  and  the  general 
opinion  demand.  Should  anything  farther  remain,  let  it  be 
kept,  lest  any  one  should  have  to  leave  the  country  from 
poverty.  The  small  tithes,1  whether  ecclesiastical  or  lay,  we 
will  not  pay  at  all,  for  the  Lord  God  created  cattle  for  the 
free  use  of  man.  We  will  not,  therefore,  pay  farther  an 
unseemly  tithe  which  is  of  man's  invention. 

The  Third  Article.  It  has  been  the  custom  hitherto  for 
men  to  hold  us  as  their  own  property,  which  is  pitiable 
enough,  considering  that  Christ  has  delivered  and  redeemed 
us  all,  without  exception,  by  the  shedding  of  his  precious 
blood,  the  lowly  as  well  as  the  great.  Accordingly  it  is  con- 
sistent with  Scripture  that  we  should  be  free  and  should 
wish  to  be  so.  Not  that  we  would  wish  to  be  absolutely 
free  and  under  no  authority.  God  does  not  teach  us  that 
we  should  lead  a  disorderly  life  in  the  lusts  of  the  flesh,  but 
that  we  should  love  the  Lord  our  God  and  our  neighbor. 
We  would  gladly  observe  all  this  as  God  has  commanded  us 
in  the  celebration  of  the  communion.  He  has  not  com- 
manded us  not  to  obey  the  authorities,  but  rather  that  we 
should  be  humble,  not  only  towards  those  in  authority,  but 
towards  every  one.  We  are  thus  ready  to  yield  obedience 
according  to  God's  law  to  our  elected  and  regular  authorities 

1  That  is,  tithes  of  other  products  than  the  staple  crops,  — for  exam- 
ple, tithes  of  pigs  or  lambs. 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany        97 


in  all  proper  things  becoming  to  a  Christian.  We  therefore 
take  it  for  granted  that  you  will  release  us  from  serfdom  as 
true  Christians,  unless  it  should  be  shown  us  from  the  gospel 
that  we  are  serfs. 

The  Fourth  Article.  In  the  fourth  place,  it  has  been  the 
custom  heretofore  that  no  poor  man  should  be  allowed  to 
touch  venison  or  wild  fowl,  or  fish  in  flowing  water,  which 
seems  to  us  quite  unseemly  and  unbrotherly  as  well  as  self- 
ish and  not  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God.  In  some  places 
the  authorities  preserve  the  game  to  our  great  annoyance 
and  loss,  recklessly  permitting  the  unreasoning  animals  to 
destroy  to  no  purpose  our  crops,  which  God  suffers  to  grow 
for  the  use  of  man;  and  yet  we  must  submit  quietly.  This 
is  neither  godly  nor  neighborly ;  for  when  God  created  man 
he  gave  him  dominion  over  all  the  animals,  over  the  birds  of 
the  air  and  over  the  fish  in  the  water.  Accordingly  it  is  our 
desire,  if  a  man  holds  possession  of  waters,  that  he  should 
prove  from  satisfactory  documents  that  his  right  has  been 
unwittingly  \_unwissenlich~\  acquired  by  purchase.  We  do  not 
wish  to  take  it  from  him  by  force,  but  his  rights  should  be 
exercised  in  a  Christian  and  brotherly  fashion.  But  whoso- 
ever cannot  produce  such  evidence  should  surrender  his 
claim  with  good  grace. 

The  Fifth  Article.  In  the  fifth  place,  we  are  aggrieved  in 
the  matter  of  woodcutting,  for  the  noble  folk  have  appropri- 
ated all  the  woods  to  themselves  alone.  If  a  poor  man 
requires  wood,  he  must  pay  two  pieces  of  money  for  it.  It 
is  our  opinion  in  regard  to  a  wood  which  has  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  a  lord,  whether  spiritual  or  temporal,  that  unless  it 
was  duly  purchased  it  should  revert  again  to  the  commu- 
nity. It  should,  moreover,  be  free  to  every  member  of  the 
community  to  help  himself  to  such  firewood  as  he  needs  in 
his  home. 

The  Sixth  Article.  Our  sixth  complaint  is  in  regard  to  the 
excessive  services  which  are  demanded  of  us  and  which  are 
increased  from  day  to  day.  We  ask  that  this  matter  be 
properly  looked  into,  so  that  we  shall  not  continue  to  be 
oppressed  in  this  way,  but  that  some  gracious  consideration 


Hunting 
and  fishing 
rights. 


Restrictions 
on  wood- 
cutting. 


Excessive 
services 
demanded  of 
the  peasants. 


98 


Readings  in  European  History 


Readjust- 
ment of  rents. 


Protest 
against  the 
new  Roman 
law  then 
being  intro- 
duced into 
Germany. 


Loss  of 
common  land. 


The  heriot. 


be  given  us,  since  our  forefathers  were  required  only  to 
serve  according  to  the  word  of  God. 

The  Seventh  Article.  Seventh,  we  will  not  hereafter  allow 
ourselves  to  be  farther  oppressed  by  our  lords,  but  will  let 
them  demand  only  what  is  just  and  proper  according  to  the 
word  of  the  agreement  between  the  lord  and  the  peasant. 
The  lord  should  no  longer  try  to  force  more  services  or 
other  dues  from  the  peasant  without  payment,  but  permit 
the  peasant  to  enjoy  his  holding  in  peace  and  quiet.  The 
peasant  should,  however,  help  the  lord  when  it  is  necessary, 
and  at  proper  times,  when  it  will  not  be  disadvantageous  to 
the  peasant,  and  for  a  suitable  payment. 

The  Eighth  Article.  In  the  eighth  place,  we  are  greatly 
burdened  by  holdings  which  cannot  support  the  rent  exacted 
from  them.  The  peasants  suffer  loss  in  this  way  and  are 
ruined  ;  and  we  ask  that  the  lords  may  appoint  persons  of 
honor  to  inspect  these  holdings,  and  fix  a  rent  in  accordance 
with  justice,  so  that  the  peasant  shall  not  work  for  nothing, 
since  the  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  hire. 

The  Ninth  Article.  In  the  ninth  place,  we  are  burdened 
with  a  great  evil  in  the  constant  making  of  new  laws.  We 
are  not  judged  according  to  the  offense,  but  sometimes  with 
great  ill-will,  and  sometimes  much  too  leniently.  In  our 
opinion,  we  should  be  judged  according  to  the  old  written 
law,  so  that  the  case  shall  be  decided  according  to  its  merits, 
and  not  with  partiality. 

The  Tenth  Article.  In  the  tenth  place,  we  are  aggrieved 
by  the  appropriation  by  individuals  of  meadows  and  fields 
which  at  one  time  belonged  to  a  community.  These  we  will 
take  again  into  our  own  hands.  It  may,  however,  happen 
that  the  land  was  rightfully  purchased.  When,  however,  the 
land  has  unfortunately  been  purchased  in  this  way,  some 
brotherly  arrangement  should  be  made  according  to  circum- 
stances. 

The  Eleventh  Article.  In  the  eleventh  place,  we  will  entirely 
abolish  the  due  called  "  heriot,"  and  will  no  longer  endure 
it,  nor  allow  widows  and  orphans  to  be  thus  shamefully 
robbed  against  God's  will. 


Course  of  tJie  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany        99 


Conclusion.  In  the  twelfth  place,  it  is  our  conclusion  and 
final  resolution  that  if  any  one  or  more  of  the  articles  here 
set  forth  should  not  be  in  agreement  with  the  word  of  God, 
as  we  think  they  are,  such  article  we  will  willingly  retract  if 
it  is  proved  really  to  be  against  the  word  of  God  by  a  clear 
explanation  of  the  Scripture.  Or  if  articles  should  now  be 
conceded  to  us  that  are  hereafter  discovered  to  be  unjust, 
from  that  hour  they  shall  be  dead  and  null  and  without  force. 
Likewise,  if  more  complaints  should  be  discovered  which 
are  based  upon  truth  and  the  Scriptures  and  relate  to  offenses 
against  God  and  our  neighbor,  we  have  determined  to  reserve 
the  right  to  present  these  also,  and  to  exercise  ourselves  in 
all  Christian  teaching.  For  this  we  shall  pray  to  God,  since 
he  can  grant  our  demands,  and  he  alone.  The  peace  of  Christ 
abide  with  us  all.      

The  demands  of  the  peasants  seem  moderate  and 
reasonable  enough  to  us,  but  nearly  three  hundred  years 
elapsed  before  they  were  met  by  the  reforms  of  the 
early  nineteenth  century.  Luther's  comments  on  the 
"Twelve  Articles'  are  very  instructive.  Article  II,  on 
the  tithe,  he  declares  to  be  downright  highway  robbery, 
for  the  peasants  would  appropriate  a  source  of  revenue 
which  belongs  to  the  authorities,  not  to  them.  As  to 
Article  III,  on  serfdom,  he  says  : 

There  should  be  no  serfs,  because  Christ  has  freed  us 
all !  What  is  that  we  hear  ?  That  is  to  make  Christian  free- 
dom wholly  bodily.  Did  not  Abraham  and  the  other  patri- 
archs and  prophets  have  serfs  ?  Read  what  St.  Paul  says 
of  servants,  who  in  all  times  have  been  serfs.  So  this  arti- 
cle is  straight  against  the  gospel,  and  moreover  it  is  rob- 
bery, since  each  man  would  take  his  person  from  his  lord  to 
whom  it  belongs.  A  serf  can  be  a  good  Christian  and  enjoy 
Christian  liberty,  just  as  a  prisoner  or  a  sick  man  may  be  a 
Christian  although  he  is  not  free.  This  article  would  make 
all  men  equal  and  convert  the  spiritual  kingdom  of  Christ 


All  claims 
to  be  tested 
by  the 
Scriptures. 


251.  Luther 
on  the 
"Twelve 
Articles  " 
(May,  1525). 


ioo  Readings  in  European  History 

into  an  external  worldly  one  ;  but  that  is  impossible,  for  a 
worldly  realm  cannot  stand  where  there  is  no  inequality; 
some  must  be  free,  others  bond  ;  some  rulers,  others  sub- 
jects. .  .  . 

My  counsel  would  be  that  a  few  counts  and  lords  should 
be  chosen  from  the  nobles,  and  from  the  towns  a  few  coun- 
cilors, who  should  settle  the  matter  peacefully.  You  lords 
should  unbend  your  stiff  minds  a  bit,  —  for  you  will  have  to 
do  that  sooner  or  later  whether  you  will  or  no,  —  and  give  up 
a  little  of  your  oppression  and  tyranny,  so  that  the  poor  man 
can  have  a  little  space  and  air.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
peasants  will  have  to  let  a  few  of  their  articles  go,  which  are 
screwed  up  too  high.  In  this  way  the  matter,  even  if  it  can- 
not be  treated  in  a  Christian  spirit,  can  at  least  be  adjusted 
according  to  human  laws  and  agreements. 

If  you  will  not  follow  this  advice,  which  God  would 
approve,  I  must  leave  you  to  yourselves.  But  I  am  guiltless 
of  your  souls,  your  blood,  and  your  goods.  I  have  told  you 
that  you  are  both  wrong  and  are  fighting  for  the  wrong. 
You  nobles  are  not  fighting  against  Christians,  for  Christians 
would  not  oppose  you,  but  would  suffer  all.  You  are  fighting 
against  robbers  and  blasphemers  of  Christ's  name ;  those 
that  die  among  them  shall  be  eternally  damned.  But  neither 
are  the  peasants  fighting  Christians,  but  tyrants,  enemies  of 
God,  and  persecutors  of  men,  murderers  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Those  of  them  who  die  shall  also  be  eternally  damned.  And 
this  is  God's  certain  judgment  on  you  both — that  I  know. 
Do  now  what  you  will  so  long  as  you  care  not  to  save  either 
your  bodies  or  souls. 

The  following  is  a  condensation  of  the  account  given 
by  Michael  Eisenhart,  a  citizen  of  Rothenburg  on  the 
Tauber,  of  the  conduct  of  the  peasantry  during  the  spring 
of  1525.  The  revolt  had  begun  near  the  lake  of  Con- 
stance, late  in  the  previous  December,  and  had  spread  from 
Swabia  into  Alsace,  Franconia,  Wurttemberg,  Thuringia, 
and  Saxony.    The  towns  also  joined  in  the  movement. 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      101 


Through  the  preachers  here  in  Rothenburg, — namely, 
Caspar  Cristian,  a  priest,  and  Brother  Melchoir,  who 
married  the  blind  monk's  sister  and  held  the  wedding  in 
Schwarzman's  house,  —  also  especially  through  the  efforts 
of  Hans  Rotfuchs,  the  blind  monk  himself,  and  another 
fellow  who  gave  himself  out  for  a  peasant,  and  through  cer- 
tain citizens  here  in  Rothenburg  who  adhere  to  the  heresy 
of  Luther  and  Carlstadt,  it  has  come  about  that  bad,  false 
teaching  has  greatly  got  the  upper  hand,  owing  also  to  the 
dissimulation  and  concessions  of  some  of  the  town  authorities. 
Dr.  Andreas  Carlstadt  has  appeared  in  person,  preached 
here,  and  asked  to  be  received  as  a  burgher. 

On  March  21,  a  Tuesday,  thirty  or  forty  peasants  got 
together  in  a  mob  in  Rothenburg,  bought  a  kettledrum,  and 
marched  about  the  town,  a  part  going  to  Pretheim  and  a  part 
toward  Orenbach.  They  got  together  again  on  Thursday 
and  on  Friday,  as  many  as  four  hundred. 

The  working  classes  in  the  towrn  now  begin  to  revolt. 
They  cease  to  obey  the  authorities  and  form  a  committee  of 
thirty-six  to  manage  affairs.  Cunz  Eberhardt  and  George 
Bermeter  are  meanwhile  dispatched  to  learn  what  the  peasants 
are  doing  ;  but  the  peasants  will  give  no  reply,  for  they  say 
that  they  have  not  all  got  together  yet.  A  letter  is  received 
from  Margrave  Casimir  [of  Brandenburg].  This  is  read  to 
the  community.  He  offers  to  aid  the  town  authorities  and  if 
necessary  come  in  person  to  reestablish  peace  and  harmony. 
The  community  and  their  committee  of  thirty-six  treat  this 
scornfully  and  do  not  accept  the  offer. 

March  24.  This  evening  between  five  and  six  o'clock 
some  one  knocked  off  the  head  of  Christ's  image  on  a  cruci- 
fix and  struck  off  the  arms. 

March  25.  The  town  councils  are  in  great  danger  and 
anxiety,  for  they  are  oppressed  by  the  community  and  its 
committee  of  thirty-six. 

March  27.  The  councilors  are  forced  to  pledge  their  obedi- 
ence to  the  community,  for  they  are  taken  out  one  by  one, 
guarded  by  members  of  the  committee  of  thirty-six.  Each 
thought   he   was   going   to  be   killed,  but   after   taking  the 


252.  The 
revolt  of  the 
peasants 
and  the 
artisans. 
(From 
Eisenhart 
of  Rothen- 
burg; con- 
densed.) 


The  working 
classes  in 
Rothenburg 
revolt  and 
form  a 
provisional 
government. 


102 


Readings  in  European  History 


Demands  of 
the  artisans. 


Religious 
revolution. 


pledge  he  was  secretly  sent  home  without  his  companions' 
knowledge. 

March  26.  Chrischainz,  the  baker,  knocked  the  missal 
out  of  the  priest's  hand  in  the  chapel  of  our  Lady  and  drove 
away  the  priest  from  mass.  To-day  the  peasants  let  them- 
selves be  seen  in  the  field  outside  the  Galgenthor. 

The  following  Monday,  while  the  priest  was  performing 
service  in  the  parish  church  and  chanting  "  Adjuva  nos,  deus 
salutaris  noster,"  Ernfried  Kumpf  addressed  him  rudely, 
saying  that  if  he  washed  to  save  himself  he  would  better 
leave  the  altar.  Kumpf  then  knocked  the  missal  on  to  the 
floor  and  drove  the  scholars  out  of  the  choir. 

On  Tuesday  eight  hundred  peasants  came  together. 
Those  who  would  not  join  them  willingly  they  forced  to  do  so 
or  took  their  property,  as  happened  to  a  peasant  at  Wettring. 

On  Friday  the  peasants  all  gathered,  as  many  as  two 
thousand  strong,  and  camped  near  Neusitz.  Lorenz  Knob- 
loch  went  out  to  them,  and  they  promised  to  make  him  a 
captain.  The  same  day  some  of  the  peasants  were  sent  into 
the  town  to  give  a  report  of  their  demands  and  plans.  Mean- 
while representatives  of  the  emperor  and  of  the  Swabian 
League  arrive  with  a  hope  of  making  peace,  but  they  ride 
away  without  accomplishing  anything,  as  did  those  from 
Nuremberg. 

On  this  same  day  all  the  artisans  were  to  lay  all  their 
complaints  and  demands  before  a  committee.  The  taxes, 
wages,  and  methods  of  weighing  were  discussed.  The  peas- 
ants encamped  near  Santhof.  Friday,  April  7,  Kueplein, 
during  the  sermon,  threw  the  lighted  oil  lamps  about  the 
church.  Some  of  the  peasants  came  into  Rothenburg  and 
the  neighboring  towns,  everywhere  plundering  cupboards 
and  cellars. 

On  Good  Friday  all  services  were  suspended  in  the 
churches  of  Rothenburg,  for  there  was  neither  chanting  nor 
preaching  except  that  Dr.  John  Teuschel  preached  against 
emperor,  kings,  princes,  and  lords,  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  with 
foul  abuse  and  slander,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  hinder- 
ing God's  word. 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      1 03 

On  Saturday  the  blind  monk,  Hans  Rotfuchs,  spoke  con- 
temptuously of  the  holy  sacrament,  calling  it  idolatry  and 
heresy. 

On  holy  Easter  there  was  neither  singing  nor  preaching. 
Monday  Dr.  Andreas  Carlstadt  again  attacked  the  holy  sacra- 
ment with  abusive  words.  In  the  night  some  millers  attacked 
the  church  at  Cobenzell  and  threw  the  pictures  and  images 
into  the  Tauber. 

April  18.  The  reforms  of  the  committee  are  proclaimed. 
The  younger  priests  may,  and  should,  marry,  and  may  enjoy 
their  benefices  for  three  years.  The  old  priests  shall  have 
theirs  for  life.  There  is  a  struggle  between  Kueplein  and 
his  followers,  on  the  one  hand,  who  want  to  destroy  a  picture 
of  the  Virgin,  and  the  pious  old  Christians,  on  the  other,  who 
wish  to  protect  it.     Some  knives  are  drawn. 

April  ig.    The  peasants   take  three  casks  of  wine  from    Crimes  of 
the  priest  at  Scheckenpach  and  drink  it  up.  the  Peasanta 

April  20.  The  women  here  in  Rothenburg  take  eleven 
measures  of  grain  from  the  house  of  Conrad  Volemar. 
George  Bermeter  [one  of  the  revolutionists]  is  chosen  bur- 
gomaster. 

On  the  same  day,  Thursday  after  Easter,  the  women  run 
up  and  down  Hafengasse  with  forks  and  sticks,  declaring 
that  they  will  plunder  all  the  priests'  houses,  but  are  pre- 
vented. 

Friday.  All  priests  are  forced  to  become  citizens,  other- 
wise they  would  have  lost  all  their  goods.  They  are  to  take 
their  share  of  guard  duty  and  work  on  the  fortifications. 

On  Wednesday  (April  26)  Lorenz  Knobloch  was  hewn 
to  pieces  by  the  peasants  at  Ostheim,  and  then  they  pelted 
one  another  with  the  fragments.  They  said  he  was  a  traitor 
and  that  he  wanted  to  mislead  them.  Divine  retribution ! 
He  had  said  he  would  not  die  until  he  had  killed  three 
priests,  but,  thank  God,  not  one  fell  into  his  hands. 

April  30.  The  monastery  of  Anhausen  was  plundered 
and  burned  in  the  night,  also  that  near  Dinkelsbuhl.  The 
peasants  also  attacked  the  monastery  of  Schwarzach,  and 
the  castle  of  Reichelsberg  was  burned. 


104 


Readings  in  European  History 


Rothenburg 
deserts  the 
empire  and 
joins  the 
peasants. 


Further 
attack  of  the 
peasants  on 
the  castle  of 
Wiirzburg. 


Casimir's 
revenge. 


Defeat  of  the 
peasants  by 
the  Swabian 
League. 


May  6.  Early  in  the  morning  the  great  bell  rang  three 
times,  summoning  the  people  to  hear  a  message  from  Mar- 
grave Casimir,  brought  by  three  noblemen,  and  inviting  all 
to  take  refuge  in  Rothenburg  under  his  protection.  The 
greater  part  refused,  and  some  were  noted  by  the  margrave's 
representative,  and  afterward  lost  their  heads. 

Monday.  The  peasants  approach  Neuhaus,  and  next  day 
plunder  and  burn. 

In  Rothenburg  the  citizens  are  summoned  to  decide 
whether,  like  the  neighboring  towns  of  Heilbronn,  Dinkels- 
biihl,  and  Wimfen,  they  will  aid  the  peasants.  The  majority 
decide  to  send  them  guns  and  pikes,  powder  and  lead. 

May  12.  The  clergy  forced  to  take  arms  like  the  rest 
All  monks  are  compelled  to  lay  aside  their  cowls  and  the 
nuns  their  veils. 

May  15.  The  bell  summoned  the  community.  In  spite 
of  the  protests  of  the  old  Christians,  they  are  forced  to  obey 
the  majority,  and  Rothenburg  that  day  fell  away  from  the 
empire  and  joined  the  peasants.  In  the  meantime  a  gallows 
was  erected  in  the  market  place  as  a  warning,  according  to 
their  ideas  of  brotherhood.    Supplies  were  sent  to  the  camp. 

May  15.  The  peasants  attack  the  castle  of  Wiirzburg 
and  scale  the  walls,  but  are  all  killed.  The  peasants  attempt 
to  get  possession  of  Rothenburg  by  conspiracy,  but  are 
ejected  without  bloodshed. 

May  21.  Certain  Hohenlohe  peasants  burn  their  lord's 
castle. 

On  the  next  Monday  Margrave  Casimir  proceeds  with 
his  forces  to  subdue  and  punish  the  peasants.  Hans  Krelein 
the  older,  priest  at  Wernitz,  was  beheaded,  with  four  peas- 
ants, at  Leutershausen.  Seven  have  their  ringers  cut  off. 
Likewise  at  Neuenstat  eighteen  burghers  and  peasants  are 
beheaded.  At  Kitzingen  fifty-eight  have  their  eyes  put  out 
and  are  forbidden  to  enter  the  town  again. 

On  Friday  before  Whitsuntide  the  forces  of  the  Swabian 
League  slay  four  thousand  peasants  at  Konigshofen. 

On  Monday  after  Whitsunday  eight  thousand  peasants 
are  slaughtered  by  the  troops  of  the  League  near  Biittart 


Course  of  the  Protestci7it  Revolt  in  Germany      1 05 

and  Sulzdorf.    In  all  these  battles  the  League  lost  not  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

On  June  6  messengers  are  sent  from  Rothenburg  to 
Casimir  to  ask  for  pardon.  Next  day  others  are  sent  to 
the  League,  but  they  are  told  that  they  must  surrender 
unconditionally. 

On  Thursday  following,  after  the  League  had  retaken  the 
town  of  Wiirzburg,  they  beheaded  sixty-two. 

After  the  League  had  attacked  Bamberg  they  beheaded 
twenty-one. 

On  Friday  after  Corpus  Christi,  mass  was  once  more 
chanted  in  Rothenburg,  as  formerly. 

June  17.  Vespers,  complines,  and  matins  are  once  more 
sung. 

On  June  23  Dr.  John  Teuschel  and  the  blind  monk 
Hans  are  taken  and  shut  up,  but  several  others,  including 
Dr.  Andreas  Carlstadt,  who  had  done  most  to  stir  up  trouble, 
secretly  escape. 

On  the  eve  of  Peter  and  Paul's  day  Margrave  Casimir    Entrance 
rides  into  Rothenburg  with  four  hundred  horsemen,  a  thou-    of  Margrave 

,  ,111  r    11       r  i     Casimir  into 

sand  footmen,  and  two  hundred  wagons  lull  or  arms  and    R0thenburg. 

equipments. 

Next  day  four   hundred   foot  soldiers  belonging  to   the    Atrocities 

margrave  and  the  League  divide  into  two  parts.    One  went    of  ^ 

soldiers. 
to  the  village  of  Orenbach,  which  they  plundered,  and  burned 

the  church  to  the  ground.    The  other  went  to  Pretheim,  a 

fine  village.    This  they  plundered,  killing  a  number  of  people, 

including  the  innkeeper,  behind  a  table.    They  burned  the 

village,  including  the  church,   and  carried  off  six  hundred 

head  of  cattle  and  thirty  carts  full  of  plunder. 

June  30.  The  citizens  of  Rothenburg  are  summoned  to 
the  market  place  by  a  herald  and  surrounded  by  pikemen. 
They  are  accused  of  deserting  the  empire  and  joining 
the  peasants,  and  are  threatened  with  the  vengeance  they 
deserve. 

The  names  of  a  number  of  citizens  are  read  off,  and  they 
are  beheaded  on  the  spot.  Their  bodies  are  left  on  the 
market  place  all  day.    Some  got  away  through  the  ring  of 


io6 


Readings  in  European  History 


soldiers  :  Lorenz  Diem,  the  sexton,  Joseph  Schad,  a  tanner, 
Fritz  Dalck,  a  butcher,  and  others,  but  were  nevertheless 
executed. 

July  i.  Fifteen  more  are  beheaded  in  the  market  place, 
including  the  blind  monk.  All  the  bodies  are  left  on  the 
market  place  all  day,  then  buried.  All  of  these  died  with- 
out confession  or  the  last  sacrament,  and  did  not  even  ask 
for  it. 

253.  Luther,  Luther,  distracted  by  the  fearful  work  of  the  peasants 
Mu^derine  &  an<^  ^e  boundless  discredit  which  they  were  bringing 
and  Robbing   upon  the  name  of  the  gospel,  could  find  no  words  too 

Bands  of  the  .......  .  .  ..... 

Peasants."     terrible  in  which  to  urge  the  princes  to  annihilate  the 
rebels. 

In  my  preceding  pamphlet  [on  the  "  Twelve  Articles  "]  1 
I  had  no  occasion  to  condemn  the  peasants,  because  they 
promised  to  yield  to  law  and  better  instruction,  as  Christ 
also  demands  (Matt.  vii.  i).  But  before  I  can  turn  around, 
they  go  out  and  appeal  to  force,  in  spite  of  their  promises, 
and  rob  and  pillage  and  act  like  mad  dogs.  From  this  it 
is  quite  apparent  what  they  had  in  their  false  minds,  and 
that  what  they  put  forth  under  the  name  of  the  gospel  in 
the  "  Twelve  Articles  "  was  all  vain  pretense.  In  short,  they 
practice  mere  devil's  work,  and  it  is  the  arch-devil  himself 
who  reigns  at  Miihlhausen,2  indulging  in  nothing  but  rob- 
bery, murder,  and  bloodshed ;  as  Christ  says  of  the  devil 
in  John  viii.  44,  "he  was  a  murderer  from  the  beginning." 
Since,  therefore,  those  peasants  and  miserable  wretches 
allow  themselves  to  be  led  astray  and  act  differently  from 
what  they  declared,  I  likewise  must  write  differently  con- 
cerning them  ;  and  first  bring  their  sins  before  their  eyes, 
as  God  commands  (Isa.  lviii.  1  ;  Ezek.  ii.  7),  whether  per- 
chance some  of  them  may  come  to  their  senses ;  and,  fur- 
ther, I  would  instruct  those  in  authority  how  to  conduct 
themselves  in  this  matter. 

1  See  above,  p.  99. 

2  Miinzer,  the  most  fanatical,  perhaps,  of  the  leaders. 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      ioj 

With  threefold  horrible  sins  against  God  and  men  have    Three 
these    peasants    loaded    themselves,    for    which    they    have    horrible  sins 
deserved  a  manifold  death  of  body  and  soul.  peasants 

First,  they  have  sworn  to  their  true  and  gracious  rulers  to 
be  submissive  and  obedient,  in  accord  with  God's  command 
(Matt.  xxii.  21),  "Render  therefore  unto  Caesar  the  things 
which  are  Caesar's,"  and  (Rom.  xiii.  1),  "Let  every  soul 
be  subject  unto  the  higher  powers."  But  since  they  have 
deliberately  and  sacrilegiously  abandoned  their  obedience, 
and  in  addition  have  dared  to  oppose  their  lords,  they 
have  thereby  forfeited  body  and  soul,  as  perfidious,  per- 
jured, lying,  disobedient  wretches  and  scoundrels  are  wont  to 
do.  Wherefore  St.  Paul  judges  them,  saying  (Rom.  xiii.  2), 
"And  they  that  resist  shall  receive  to  themselves  damna- 
tion." The  peasants  will  incur  this  sentence,  sooner  or 
later ;  for  God  wills  that  fidelity  and  allegiance  shall  be 
sacredly  kept. 

Second,  they  cause  uproar  and  sacrilegiously  rob  and  The  princes 
pillage  monasteries  and  castles  that  do  not  belong  to  them,  cannot  be 
for  which,  like  public  highwaymen  and  murderers,  they  de- 
serve the  twofold  death  of  body  and  soul.  It  is  right  and 
lawful  to  slay  at  the  first  opportunity  a  rebellious  person, 
who  is  known  as  such,  for  he  is  already  under  God's  and  the 
emperor's  ban.  Every  man  is  at  once  judge  and  execu- 
tioner of  a  public  rebel;  just  as,  when  a  fire  starts,  he  who 
can  extinguish  it  first  is  the  best  fellow.  Rebellion  is  not 
simply  vile  murder,  but  is  like  a  great  fire  that  kindles  and 
devastates  a  country ;  it  fills  the  land  with  murder  and 
bloodshed,  makes  widows  and  orphans,  and  destroys  every- 
thing, like  the  greatest  calamity.  Therefore,  whosoever  can, 
should  smite,  strangle,  and  stab,  secretly  or  publicly,  and 
should  remember  that  there  is  nothing  more  poisonous,  per- 
nicious, and  devilish  than  a  rebellious  man.  Just  as  one 
must  slay  a  mad  dog,  so,  if  you  do  not  fight  the  rebels,  they 
will  fight  you,  and  the  whole  country  with  you. 

Third,  they  cloak  their  frightful  and  revolting  sins  with 
the  gospel,  call  themselves  Christian  brethren,  swear  alle- 
giance, and  compel  people  to  join  them  in  such  abominations. 


108  Readings  in  European  History 

Thereby  they  become  the  greatest  blasphemers  and  violators 
of  God's  holy  name,  and  serve  and  honor  the  devil  under 
the  semblance  of  the  gospel,  so  that  they  have  ten  times 
deserved  death  of  body  and  soul,  for  never  have  I  heard 
of  uglier  sins.  And  I  believe  also  that  the  devil  foresees 
the  judgment  day,  that  he  undertakes  such  an  unheard-of 
measure ;  as  if  he  said,  "  It  is  the  last  and  therefore  it 
shall  be  the  worst ;  I  '11  stir  up  the  dregs  and  knock  the 
very  bottom  out."  May  the  Lord  restrain  him  !  Lo,  how 
mighty  a  prince  is  the  devil,  how  he  holds  the  world  in 
his  hands  and  can  put  it  to  confusion :  who  else  could 
so  soon  capture  so  many  thousands  of  peasants,  lead  them 
astray,  blind  and  deceive  them,  stir  them  to  revolt,  and 
make  them  the  willing  executioners  of  his  malice.  .  .  . 

And  should  the  peasants  prevail  (which  God  forbid!), — 
for  all  things  are  possible  to  God,  and  we  know  not  but 
that  he  is  preparing  for  the  judgment  day,  which  cannot 
be  far  distant,  and  may  purpose  to  destroy,  by  means  of  the 
devil,  all  order  and  authority  and  throw  the  world  into  wild 
chaos,  — yet  surely  they  who  are  found,  sword  in  hand,  shall 
perish  in  the  wreck  with  clear  consciences,  leaving  to  the 
devil  the  kingdom  of  this  world  and  receiving  instead  the 
eternal  kingdom.  For  we  are  come  upon  such  strange  times 
that  a  prince  may  more  easily  win  heaven  by  the  shedding 
of  blood  than  others  by  prayers. 

II.   The  Augsburg  Confession  (1530) 

254.  The  The  Augsburg  Confession  would  fill  some  thirty  pages 

Augsburg      Q£  ^    volume.1    The  extracts  here  given  relate  to  some 

Confession.  & 

of  the  most  important  contentions  of  the  Protestants. 
They  illustrate,  too,  the  moderate  and  conciliatory  tone 
of  the  document  —  which  was  drawn  up  by  Melanchthon 
—  as  compared  with  Luther's  fervid  denunciations  of  the 
old  Church. 

1  A  complete  English  translation  is  published  by  the  Lutheran  Pub- 
lication Society  (Philadelphia)  and  sold  for  10  cents. 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      109 
Most  Invincible  Emperor,  Ccesar  Augustus,  Most  Clemefit  Master:    Preface, 


addressed  to 
Charles  V. 


Inasmuch  as  your  Imperial  Majesty  has  summoned  a 
diet  of  the  empire  at  Augsburg  to  deliberate  in  regard  to  (Condensed.) 
resistance  to  the  Turk,  the  most  atrocious  hereditary  and 
ancient  enemy  of  the  Christian  name  and  religion  ;  and 
moreover  to  treat  of  the  dissensions  in  the  matter  of  our 
holy  religion  and  Christian  faith,  and  in  order  that,  in  this 
matter  of  religion,  the  opinions  and  judgments  of  the  vari- 
ous parties  may  be  considered  in  each  other's  presence, 
in  mutual  charity,  meekness,  and  gentleness,  so  that  those 
things  which  in  the  writings  of  either  side  have  been  under- 
stood amiss,  being  corrected,  all  things  may  be  harmonized 
and  brought  back  to  the  or\e  simple  truth  and  Christian 
concord,  and  that  hereafter  the  one  unfeigned  and  true  reli- 
gion may  be  embraced  and  preserved  by  us,  so  that,  as  we 
are  subjects  and  soldiers  of  the  one  Christ,  so  also,  in  unity 
and  concord,  we  may  live  in  the  one  Christian  Church  ;  .  .  . 
therefore,  in  order  that  we  may  do  homage  to  the  will  of 
your  Imperial  Majesty,  we  now  offer  in  the  matter  of  reli- 
gion the  "  Confession  "  of  our  preachers  and  of  ourselves, 
the  doctrine  of  which,  derived  from  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  the  pure  word  of  God,  they  have  hitherto  set  forth  in 
our  lands,  dukedoms,  domains,  and  cities,  and  have  taught 
in  the  churches. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  Confession  the  Protestants 
seek  to  prove  that  there  is  nothing  in  their  doctrines  at 
variance  with  those  of  the  universal  Church,  "or  even  of 
the  Roman  Church,  so  far  as  that  church  is  known  in  the 
writings  of  the  fathers."  In  the  second  part  they  justify 
themselves  for  not  including  in  the  Confession  certain 
beliefs  and  practices  which  they  hold  to  be  abuses  that 
had  crept  into  the  Church  by  the  fault  of  the  times,  as, 
for  example,  the  monastic  vows. 


What  is  taught  amongst  us  touching  the  vows  of  monks 


Of  perpetual 
monastic 


will  be  better  understood  if  one  call  to  mind  what  has  been    vows. 


no  Readings  in  European  History 

the  condition  of  the  monasteries,  and  how  many  things  have 
every  day  been  committed  in  them  contrary  to  the  rules. 
In  Augustine's  time  monastic  brotherhoods  were  free  ;  but 
afterward,  when  discipline  was  corrupted,  vows  were  every- 
where laid  upon  them,  in  order  that,  by  establishing  a  new 
kind  of  prison,  the  discipline  might  be  restored  again. 
Besides  vows,  many  other  observances  were  added  little  by 
little.  And  these  bonds  and  snares  were  cast  upon  many 
before  they  came  to  ripe  years,  contrary  to  the  rules  ;  many 
through  error  fell  into  this  kind  of  life  unawares,  who,  though 
they  wanted  not  years,  yet  wanted  discretion  to  judge  of 
their  strength  and  ability  to  lead  the  monastic  life.  They 
who  were  once  got  within  these  nets  were  constrained  to 
abide  in  them,  though,  by  exceptions  provided  for  in  the 
rules,  some  might  be  set  at  liberty.  Conditions  were  even 
worse  in  the  monasteries  of  nuns  than  in  those  of  monks, 
although  the  weaker  sex  ought  more  to  have  been  spared. 
The  monastic  This  rigor  and  severity  have  displeased  many  good  men  in 
the  past,  when  they  saw  young  maids  and  young  men  thrust 
into  monasteries  merely  with  a  view  of  having  them  sup- 
ported there.  ...  To  all  these  evils  there  was  added  such 
an  exalted  esteem  of  vows  as,  is  well  known,  did  in  former 
times  displease  even  the  monks  themselves,  —  if  any  of  them 
perchance  were  somewhat  wiser  than  the  rest.  The  advo- 
cates of  monasticism  taught  that  vows  were  equal  to  bap- 
tism ;  they  taught  that  by  this  kind  of  life  they  merited 
remission  of  sins  and  justification  before  God  ;  yea,  they 
added  that  the  monk's  life  did  not  only  merit  righteousness 
before  God,  but  more  than  that,  because  it  observed  not 
only  the  commandments  but  also  the  counsels  of  the  gospel. 
And  thus  they  taught  that  the  monk's  profession  was  better 
than  baptism,  that  the  monk's  life  did  merit  more  than  the 
life  of  magistrates,  of  pastors,  and  such  like,  who,  in  obedi- 
ence to  God's  commandment,  followed  their  calling,  without 
any  such  religion  of  man's  making.  .  .  . 

The  people  do  also  conceive  many  pernicious  opinions 
from  these  false  commendations  of  the  monastic  lite.  They 
hear   celibacy  praised   above   measure ;    therefore    they  do 


life  overrated. 


Course  of  tlie  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germaity      1 1 1 

violence  to  their  conscience  if  they  live  in  marriage.  They 
hear  that  mendicants  only  are  perfect ;  therefore  they  outrage 
their  conscience  if  they  keep  their  possessions  and  buy  and 
sell.  Others  think  that  all  magistracy  and  civil  offices  are  un- 
worthy a  Christian  man.  We  read  of  examples  of  men  who, 
forsaking  wedlock  and  leaving  the  government  of  the  com- 
monwealth, have  hid  themselves  in  monasteries.  This  they 
called  flying  from  the  world  and  seeking  a  kind  of  life  which 
is  more  acceptable  to  God ;  neither  do  they  see  that  God  is 
to  be  served  in  those  commandments  which  he  himself  hath 
delivered,  not  in  the  commandments  which  are  devised  by 
men.  That  is  a  good  and  perfect  kind  of  life  which  hath 
the  commandment  of  God  for  it.  .  .  . 


There  have  been  great  controversies  touching  the  power 
of  bishops  ;  in  which  many  have  improperly  mingled  to- 
gether the  ecclesiastical  power  and  the  power  of  the  sword. 
And  out  of  this  confusion  there  have  sprung  very  great  wars 
and  tumults  ;  while  that  the  pontiffs,  trusting  in  the  power 
of  the  keys,  have  not  only  appointed  new  kinds  of  service, 
and  burdened  men's  consciences  by  reserving  of  cases  and 
by  violent  excommunications,  but  have  also  endeavored  to 
transfer  worldly  kingdoms  from  one  to  another,  and  to  de- 
spoil emperors  of  their  power  and  authority. 

These  several  faults  did  godly  and  learned  men  long  since 
reprehend  in  the  Church  ;  and  for  that  cause  our  teachers 
were  compelled,  for  the  comfort  of  men's  consciences,  to 
show  the  difference  between  the  ecclesiastical  power  and 
the  power  of  the  sword.  And  they  have  taught  that  both  of 
them,  because  of  God's  commandment,  are  dutifully  to  be 
reverenced  and  honored  as  the  chiefest  blessings  of  God 
upon  earth.   .  .   . 

Wherefore  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  powers  are  not  to  be 
confounded.  The  ecclesiastical  power  hath  its  own  com- 
mandment to  preach  the  gospel  and  administer  the  sacra- 
ments. Let  it  not  by  force  enter  into  the  office  of  another; 
let  it  not  transfer  worldly  kingdoms ;  let  it  not  abrogate  the 
magistrates'  laws ;  let   it    not  withdraw    from   them   lawful 


Of  the 
temporal 
power  of 
the  clergy. 


The  Protes- 
tants demand 
that  civil  and 
ecclesiastical 
concerns  be 
carefully  dis 
tinguished. 


112 


Readings  in  European  History 


Conclusion 
of  the 
Augsburg 
Confession. 


obedience ;  let  it  not  hinder  judgments  touching  any  civil 
ordinances  or  contracts;  .  .  .  for  Christ  saith,  "My  kingdom 
is  not  of  this  world  "  (John  xviii.  36). 

After  similar  criticisms  of  various  practices  in  the  old 
Church,  the  Protestant  princes  conclude  as  follows : 

These  are  the  principal  articles  which  seem  to  be  matters 
of  controversy  ;  for  although  we  might  speak  of  more  abuses, 
yet,  that  we  may  avoid  undue  length,  we  have  mentioned 
a  few  only,  from  which  it  is  easy  to  judge  of  the  others. 
Great  have  been  the  complaints  about  indulgences,  about 
pilgrimages,  about  the  abuse  of  excommunication.  The 
parishes  have  been  vexed  in  manifold  ways  by  the  stationarii. 
Endless  contentions  have  arisen  between  the  pastors  and 
the  monks  about  parochial  law,  about  confession,  about 
burials,  about  sermons  on  extraordinary  occasions,  and 
about  other  things  without  number.  Things  of  this  sort  we 
pass  over,  that  the  matters  of  greatest  consequence,  being 
briefly  set  forth,  may  more  easily  be  noted.  Nor  has  any- 
thing been  here  said  or  adduced  for  the  purpose  of  casting 
reproach  on  any  one.  Those  things  also  have  been  enumer- 
ated which  it  seemed  necessary  to  say,  in  order  that  it  might 
be  understood  that  in  doctrine  and  ceremonials  among  us 
there  is  nothing  received  contrary  to  Scripture  or  to  the 
Catholic  [i.e.  universal]  Church,  inasmuch  as  it  is  manifest 
that  we  have  diligently  taken  heed  that  no  new  and  godless 
doctrines  should  creep  into  our  churches.  .  .  . 

Your  Imperial  Majesty's  most  faithful  and  humble  servants, 

John,  Duke  of  Saxony,  Elector. 
George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg. 
Ernest,  Duke  of  Liineburg. 
Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse. 
John  Frederick,  Duke  of  Saxony. 
Francis,  Duke  of  Liineburg. 
Wolfgang,  Prince  of  Anhalt. 
Senate  and  Magistracy  of  Nuremberg. 
Senate  of  Reutlingen. 


Course  of  tlie  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      1 1 3 

III.   The  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg  (1555) 

Charles  V  delegated   to   Ferdinand,  his  brother  and   255.  Ex- 
successor  on   the  imperial  throne,  the  tedious  task  of   the°Reii-0m 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  the  Lutheran  party  in   £ious  Peace 
Germany.     The   outcome   of  the  negotiations   was   the 
Peace  of  Augsburg,  a  diffuse  document,  of  which  the 
chief  provisions  are  given  below. 

Constitution  of  the  "Peace  between  their  Imperial  and  Royal 
Majesties,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  electors  a?id  estates  of  the 
realm,  o?i  the  other  : 

We,  Ferdinand,  by  God's  grace  king  of  the  Romans  and 
at  all  times  widener  of  the  empire,  king  of  Germany,  Hun- 
gary, Bohemia,  Dalmatia,  Croatia,  and  Slavonia,  infanta  of 
Spain,  archduke  of  Austria,  etc.,  etc.,  —  Whereas,  at  all  the 
diets  held  during  the  last  thirty  years  and  more,  and  at  sev- 
eral special  sessions  besides,  there  have  often  been  negotia- 
tions and  consultations  to  establish  between  the  estates  of 
the  Holy  Empire  a  general,  continuous,  and  enduring  peace 
in  regard  to  the  contending  religions ;  and  several  times 
terms  of  peace  were  drawn  up,  which,  however,  were  never 
sufficient  for  the  maintenance  of  peace,  but  in  spite  of  them 
the  estates  of  the  Empire  remained  continually  in  bitterness 
and  distrust  toward  each  other,  from  which  not  a  little  evil 
has  had  its  origin  ;  .  .  .  to  secure  again  peace  and  confi- 
dence, in  the  minds  of  the  estates  and  subjects  toward  each 
other,  and  to  save  the  German  nation,  our  beloved  father- 
land, from  final  dissolution  and  ruin;  we,  on  the  one  hand, 
have  united  and  agreed  with  the  electors,  the  princes  and 
estates  present,  and  with  the  deputies  and  embassies  of 
those  absent,  as  they,  on  the  other  hand,  with  us. 

1.  We  therefore  establish,  will,  and  command  that  from    General 
henceforth  no  one,  whatsoever   his  rank  or  character,  for    Peace  , 

throughout 

any  cause,  or  upon  any  pretense  whatsoever,  shall  engage    the  land 
in  feuds,  or  make  war  upon,  rob,  seize,  invest,  or  besiege    proclaimed, 
another.    Nor  shall   he,   in   person   or  through   any  agent, 


H4 


Readings  in  European  History 


The 

emperor 
engages  not 
to  trouble 
the  adher- 
ents of  the 
Augsburg 
Confession. 


descend  upon  any  castle,  town,  manor,  fortification,  villages, 
estates,  hamlets,  or  against  the  will  of  that  other  seize  them 
wickedly  with  violence,  or  damage  them  by  fire  or  in  other 
ways.  Nor  shall  any  one  give  such  offenders  counsel  or 
help,  or  render  them  aid  and  assistance  in  any  other  way. 
Nor  shall  one  knowingly  or  willingly  show  them  hospitality, 
house  them,  give  them  to  eat  or  drink,  keep  or  suffer  them. 
But  every  one  shall  love  the  other  with  true  friendship  and 
Christian  love.  It  is  provided  also  that  no  estate  or  mem- 
ber of  the  Holy  Empire  shall  deprive  or  cut  off  any  other 
estate  from  free  access  to  provisions  and  food,  or  interfere 
with  its  trade,  rents,  money,  or  income;  for  justice  should 
be  administered  not  irregularly  but  in  suitable  and  fixed 
places.  In  every  way  shall  his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  we, 
and  all  the  estates,  mutually  adhere  to  all  the  contents  of 
this  present  religious  and  general  constitution  for  securing 
the  peace  of  the  land. 

2.  And  in  order  that  such  peace,  which  is  especially 
necessary  in  view  of  the  divided  religions,  as  is  seen  from 
the  causes  before  mentioned,  and  is  demanded  by  the  sad 
necessity  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  of  the  German  nation, 
may  be  the  better  established  and  made  secure  and  enduring 
between  his*  Roman  Imperial  Majesty  and  us,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  electors,  princes,  and  estates  of  the  Holy 
Empire  of  the  German  nation  on  the  other,  therefore  his 
Imperial  Majesty,  and  we,  and  the  electors,  princes,  and 
estates  of  the  Holy  Empire  will  not  make  war  upon  any  estate 
of  the  empire  on  account  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  the 
doctrine,  religion,  and  faith  of  the  same,  nor  injure  nor  do 
violence  to  those  estates  that  hold  it,  nor  force  them,  against 
their  conscience,  knowledge,  and  will,  to  abandon  the  religion, 
faith,  church  usages,  ordinances,  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  where  these  have  been  established, 
or  may  hereafter  be  established,  in  their  principalities, 
lands,  and  dominions.  Nor  shall  we,  through  mandate  or 
in  any  other  way,  trouble  or  disparage  them,  but  shall  let 
them  quietly  and  peacefully  enjoy  their  religion,  faith, 
church  usages,  ordinances,  and  ceremonies,  as  well  as  their 


Course  of  the  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germany      1 1 5 


possessions,  real  and  personal  property,  lands,  people,  domin- 
ions, governments,  honors,  and  rights.  .  .  . 

3.  On  the  other  hand,  the  estates  that  have  accepted  the 
Augsburg  Confession  shall  suffer  his  Imperial  Majesty,  us, 
and  the  electors,  princes,  and  other  estates  of  the  Holy  Em- 
pire, adhering  to  the  old  religion,  to  abide  in  like  manner 
by  their  religion,  faith,  church  usages,  ordinances,  and  cere- 
monies. They  shall  also  leave  undisturbed  their  possessions, 
real  and  personal  property,  lands,  people,  dominions,  govern- 
ment, honors,  and  rights,  rents,  interest,  and  tithes.  .  .  . 

5.  But  all  others  who  are  not  adherents  of  either  of  the 
above-mentioned  religions  are  not  included  in  this  peace, 
but  shall  be  altogether  excluded. 

6.  And  since,  in  the  negotiation  of  this  peace,  there  has 
been  disagreement  about  what  should  be  done  when  one  or 
more  of  the  spiritual  estates  should  abandon  the  old  religion, 
on  account  of  the  archbishoprics,  bishoprics,  prelacies,  and 
benefices  that  were  held  by  them,  about  which  the  adherents 
of  both  religions  could  not  come  to  an  agreement ;  therefore, 
by  the  authority  of  the  revered  Roman  Imperial  Majesty, 
fully  delegated  to  us,  we  have  established  and  do  hereby 
make  known,  that  where  an  archbishop,  bishop,  prelate,  or 
other  spiritual  incumbent  shall  depart  from  our  old  religion, 
he  shall  immediately  abandon,  without  any  opposition  or 
delay,  his  archbishopric,  bishopric,  prelacy,  and  other  bene- 
fices, with  the  fruits  and  incomes  that  he  may  have  had  from 
it,  —  nevertheless  without  prejudice  to  his  honor. 

7.  But  since  certain  estates  or  their  predecessors  have  con- 
fiscated certain  foundations,  monasteries,  and  other  spirit- 
ual possessions,  and  have  applied  the  income  of  these  to 
churches,  schools,  charitable  institutions,  and  other  pur- 
poses, such  confiscated  property,  which  does  not  belong  to 
them,  shall  (if  the  holders  are  immediately  subject  to  the 
empire  and  are  estates  of  the  empire,  and  if  the  clergy  did 
not  have  possession  of  the  said  property  at  the  time  of  the 
convention  of  Passau  1  or  since  that  time)  be  included  in  this 

1  A  preliminary  peace  concluded  in  1552  at  the  close  of  Charles  V's 
last  and  unsuccessful  war  with  the  Protestant  princes. 


The  Luther- 
ans not  to 
trouble  the 
Catholics. 


All  Protes- 
tants except 
Lutherans 
excluded 
from  the 
peace. 


The  "  eccle- 
siastical 
reservation." 


Church 
property 
secularized 
before  1552 
by  Protestant 
princes  to  be 
regarded  as 
confiscated. 


n6 


Readings  in  European  History 


agreement  of  peace,  shall  be  considered  as  confiscated,  and 
shall  be  regulated  by  the  rules  governing  each  estate  in 
dealing  with  confiscated  properties.  .  .  . 


The  prince 
to  establish 
either  of  the 
two  religions 
and  his 
subjects  to 
be  free  to 
emigrate. 


Both  reli- 
gions to  be 
tolerated 
in  the  free 
towns. 


10.  No  estate  shall  urge  another  estate,  or  the  subjects 
of  the  same,  to  embrace  its  religion. 

ii.  But  when  our  subjects  and  those  of  the  electors, 
princes,  and  estates,  adhering  to  the  old  religion  or  to  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  wish,  for  the  sake  of  their  religion, 
to  go  with  wife  and  children  to  another  place  in  the  lands, 
principalities,  and  cities  of  the  electors,  princes,  and  estates  of 
the  Holy  Empire,  and  settle  there,  such  going  and  coming, 
and  the  sale  of  property  and  goods,  in  return  for  reasonable 
compensation  for  serfdom  and  arrears  of  taxes,  .  .  .  shall  be 
everywhere  unhindered,  permitted,  and  granted.  .   .  . 

13.  And  in  such  peace  the  free  knights  who  are  imme- 
diately subject  to  his  Imperial  Majesty  and  us,  shall  also 
be  included  ;  and  it  is  further  provided  that  they  shall  not 
be  interfered  with,  persecuted,  or  troubled  by  any  one  on 
account  of  either  of  the  aforesaid  religions. 

14.  But  since  in  many  free  and  imperial  cities  both 
religions  —  namely,  our  old  religion  and  that  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession  —  have  hitherto  come  into  existence  and 
practice,  the  same  shall  remain  hereafter  and  be  held  in  the 
same  cities ;  and  citizens  and  inhabitants  of  the  said  free 
and  imperial  cities,  whether  spiritual  or  secular  in  rank, 
shall  peacefully  and  quietly  dwell  with  one  another;  and  no 
party  shall  venture  to  abolish  the  religion,  church  customs,  or 
ceremonies  of  the  other,  or  persecute  them  therefor.  .  .  . 


The  imperial 
courts  to  do 
justice  to 
Catholics  and 
Protestants 
alike. 


19.  Also  herewith,  and  by  the  authority  of  this  our  im- 
perial edict,  we  command  and  order  the  judges  of  the 
imperial  courts,  and  their  colleagues,  to  hold  and  conduct 
themselves  in  conformity  with  this  treaty  of  peace,  as  well 
as  to  give  fitting  and  necessary  relief  of  the  law  to  the 
appealing  suitors  themselves,  no  matter  to  which  of  the 
aforesaid  religions  they  belong,  and  against  all  such  to 
recognize  and  decree  no  citation,  mandate,  or  process.  .  .  . 


\ 


Course  of  tJie  Protestant  Revolt  in  Germa?ty      1 1 7 

Given  in  the  imperial  city  of  Augsburg  belonging  to  us 
[namely,  Charles  V],  King  Ferdinand,  and  to  the  Holy  Empire, 
on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  month  of  September,  since  the 
birth  of  Christ  our  dear  Lord  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
fifty-five,  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  our  reign  as  emperor  and 
in  the  twenty-ninth  as  ruler  of  our  other  realms. 

Ferdinand  (. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Revolt  Of  the  Knights  :  Hausse.r,  Period  of  the  Reformation,  pp.  72-    A.  Refer- 
87;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany,  Vol.  I,  pp.  285-307.  ences. 

Peasant  War  :  Hausser,  pp.  92-105  ;  Henderson,  Vol.  I,  pp.  308- 
332  ;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  II,  pp.  174-197  ;  Kostlin,  Life 
of  Luther,  pp.  304-324. 

Progress  of  Protestantism  before  1530 :  Dyer,  Modem  Europe, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  50-67;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  II,  pp.  142-173 
and  197-205. 

Diet  of  Augsburg:  Dyer,  Vol.  II,  pp.  92-99;  Kostlin,  pp.  402-426. 

The  Schmalkaldic  War :  Johnson,  Europe  in  the  Sixteenth  Cen- 
tury, pp.  220-252  ;  Henderson,  Vol.  I,  pp.  363-394 ;  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  Vol.  II,  pp.  232-279. 

Janssen,  History  of  the  German  People,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  121-369,  "  The    B.  Addi- 
Social  Revolution."    Vols.  V-VI  carry  the  history  of  Germany  down    tional  read- 
to  the  "  so-called  «  religious  peace  of  Augsburg.'  "  "eVJiisJi 

Ranke,  History  of  the  Reformation,  Vols.  II  and  III.  The  German 
original  covers  the  period  to  1555,  but  the  English  translation  closes 
with  the  year  1534. 

Armstrong,  History  of  Charles  V,  2  vols.,  1902.    Best  recent  account. 


Bezold,  Lamprecht,  and  Egelhaaf  (see  above,  pp.  51  sq.)  cover    c.  Materials 
this  period.  for  advanced 

Hefele,  Conciliengeschichte.    Vol.  IX,  by   Cardinal   Hergenrbther,    stu  >'• 
comes  down  to  1536. 

Pastor,  Die  kirchlichen  Reunionsbestrebungen  wdhrend  der  Regie- 
rung  Karl  s  V,  Freiburg,  1879. 

SCHADE,  Satiren  und  Pasquille  aus  der  Reformationszeit,  3  vols., 
1863.  A  curious  collection  of  the  popular  verses  and  pamphlets,  often 
humorous  or  semi-humorous,  relating  to  the  topics  of  the  time.  Indis- 
pensable to  an  understanding  of  popular  feeling. 
I  Baumgarten,  Geschichte  Karls  V,  3  vols.,  1885-1892.  Coming  down 
to  1539. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLT  IN  SWITZERLAND  AND 

ENGLAND 

I.    ZWINGLI   AND   THE    REFORMATION    AT  ZURICH 

256.  The  The  teachings  of   Zwingli  were   regarded   by  some, 

first  dispu-  including  the  bishop  of  Constance,  as  dangerous  if  not 

Zurich  in  heretical.    In  the  hope  of  coming  at  the  truth,  the  burgo- 

Zwingii  master  of  Zurich  summoned  the  clergy  of  the  region  to 

defended  his  a  conference   in    January,   1523.     The  discussion  given 

teachings  J  Jf      J    °  & 

(1523).  below  between  Zwingli  and  the  vicar  of  the  bishop  of 

Constance  admirably  illustrates  a  great  contrast  between 
the  Protestant  and  the  Catholic  points  of  view.1 

Zwingli  offers  Then  Master  Ulrich  Zwingli  spoke  as  follows:  "Pious 
to  defend  his  brothers  in  Christ,  you  know  that  now  in  our  time,  as  also 
(Condensed )  f°r  manv  years  heretofore,  the  pure,  clear,  and  bright  light, 
the  word  of  God,  has  been  so  dimmed  and  confused  and 
darkened  with  human  ambitions  and  teachings  that  the 
majority  who  call  themselves  Christians  know  but  little  of 
the  divine  will.  But  by  their  own  invented  service  of  God,  by 
their  own  holiness,  by  external  acts  founded  upon  customs 
and  law,  they  have  gone  astray  ;  and  the  simple-minded  have 
been  so  influenced  by  those  whom  people  consider  learned 
guides  that  they  think  that  such  invented  external  worship 
is  spiritual,  although  all  our  true  happiness,  consolation,  and 
good  consist,  not  in  our  merits,  nor  in  such  external  works, 
but  rather  alone  in  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour.     His  will  and 

1  The  extracts  here  given  are  taken  from  the  report  of  Hegenwald, 
a  schoolmaster  of  Zurich  and  a  friend  of  Zwingli's.  For  the  whole 
document,  see  Selected  Works  of  Huldreich  Zwingli,  edited  by  S.  M. 
Jackson,  New  York,  1901. 

118 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     1 1 9 

true  service  we  can  learn  and  discover  only  from  his  true 
word  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  in  the  trustworthy  writings 
of  his  twelve  apostles,  otherwise  from  no  human  laws  and 
statutes. 

"  And  although  I  know  that  for  the  past  five  years  I 
have  preached  in  this  city  of  Zurich  nothing  but  the  true, 
pure,  and  clear  word  of  God,  the  holy  gospel,  —  the  joyous 
message  of  Christ,  —  still  I  am  maligned  by  many  as  a  here- 
tic, a  liar,  a  deceiver,  and  one  disobedient  to  the  Christian 
Church.  Wherefore  I  offer  here  to  justify  myself  to  all  who 
think  that  my  sermons  or  teachings  are  unchristian  or  heret- 
ical, and  to  answer  kindly  and  without  anger.  Now  let  them 
speak,  in  the  name  of  God.     Here  I  am." 

At  these  remarks  of  Master  Ulrich,  the  vicar  from  Con-  The  bishop's 
stance  arose,  and  answered  as  follows  :  "  My  good  fellow-  vlc^r  rePlies 
brother,  Master  Ulrich,  asserts  that  he  has  always  preached 
the  holy  gospel  here  publicly  in  Zurich,  —  of  which  I  have 
no  doubt,  for  who  would  not  truly  and  faithfully  preach  the 
holy  gospel  and  St.  Paul,  providing  God  had  ordained  him 
as  a  preacher  ?  For  I  am  also  a  preacher,  or  priest,  though 
perhaps  unworthy,  but  nevertheless  I  have  taught  those  in- 
trusted to  me  for  instruction  in  the  word  of  God.  .   .  . 

"  But  if  there  is  a  desire  to  dispute  and  oppose  good  old 
customs,  the  ways  and  usages  of  the  past,  then  in  such  case 
I  say  that  I  shall  not  undertake  to  dispute  anything  here  at 
Zurich.  For,  as  I  think,  such  matters  are  to  be  settled  by 
a  general  Christian  assembly  of  all  nations,  or  by  a  council 
of  bishops  and  other  scholars  such  as  are  found  at  univer- 
sities, just  as  occurred  in  times  past  among  the  holy  apostles 
in  Jerusalem,  as  we  read  in  Acts  xv.  For  if  such  matters 
touching  the  common  customs  and  the  laudable  usages  of 
the  past  were  here  discussed,  and  some  decision  reached 
against  them,  such  changes  would  perhaps  not  please  other 
Christians  dwelling  in  other  places,  who  would  doubtless 
assert  that  they  had  not  consented  to  our  views.  For  what 
would  those  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  France,  and  in  the  North, 
say  about  it  ?  .  .  .  Accordingly,  such  matters  should,  in 
my   opinion,   be   brought  before  the   universities   at  Paris, 


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Readings  in  European  History 


Zwingli 
defends  the 
right  of 
discussion. 


Cologne,  or  Louvain."  (Here  all  laughed,  for  Zwingli  inter- 
rupted by  asking  :  "  How  about  Erfurt  ?  Would  not  Witten- 
berg do  ?  "  Then  the  vicar  said,  "  No,  Luther  is  too  near." 
He  also  said,  "  All  bad  things  come  from  the  North.") 
"  There  one  can  find  many  versed  in  the  Scriptures,  who 
have  ability  to  handle  so  great  subjects."  .  .  . 

Then  Master  Ulrich  Zwingli  spoke  as  follows*:  "  Pious 
brothers  in  Christ,  the  worthy  lord  vicar  seeks  many  eva- 
sions and  subterfuges,  for  he  claims  that  he  does  not  desire 
to  discuss  the  good  old  customs  ;  but  I  say  that  we  should 
not  ask  here  how  long  this  or  that  custom  or  habit  has  pre- 
vailed. Our  aim  is  to  find  out  whether  a  man  is  bound  by 
divine  ordinance  to  keep  that  which  on  account  of  long 
usage  has  been  set  up  as  law  by  men.  For  we  of  course 
think  (as  also  the  pope's  own  decree  says)  that  custom 
should  yield  to  truth.  As  to  claiming  that  such  matters 
should  be  settled  by  a  Christian  assembly  of  all  nations, 
or  by  a  council  of  bishops,  etc.,  I  say  that  here  in  this  room 
there  is  without  doubt  a  Christian  assembly.  For  I  hope 
that  the  majority  of  us  here  desire,  by  the  divine  will  and 
love,  to  hear  and  know  the  truth,  which  Almighty  God  will 
not  deny  us  if  we  desire  it  to  his  honor,  with  right  belief 
and  right  hearts.  For  the  Lord  says,  '  Where  two  or  three 
are  gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am  I  in  the  midst 
of  them.'  .  .  .  There  is  then,  in  spite  of  what  the  vicar  says, 
no  reason  why  we  should  not  discuss  these  matters,  why  we 
should  not  speak  and  decide  as  to  the  truth. 

"  To  the  objection  that  the  other  nations  would  not  con- 
sent, I  answer  that  this  brings  up  just  the  complaint  that 
is  made  every  day  against  the  'bigwigs,'  —  the  bishops  and 
priests,  —  namely,  that  they  undertake  to  keep  the  pure  and 
clear  gospel,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  from  the  common  people. 
For  they  say  that  it  is  not  proper  for  any  but  themselves  to 
expound  the  Scriptures,  just  as  though  other  pious  men  were 
not  Christians  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  spirit  of  God, 
and  must  be  without  knowledge  of  God's  word.  And  there 
are  also  some  of  them  who  might  say  that  it  is  improper  to 
publish  the  secrets  of  the  Divine  Scriptures.    Would  you  rob 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     1 2 1 

these  thirsty  souls  of  the  truth,  let  them  remain  in  doubt, 
frighten  them  by  human  ordinances,  and  leave  them  to  live 
and  die- in  uncertainty  as  to  the  truth?  Really,  my  pious 
brethren,  this  is  no  small  thing.  God  will  not  demand  of 
us  what  pope,  bishop,  and  council  have  established  and 
commanded,  nor  how  long  this  or  that  has  been  a  laudable 
and  ancient  usage ;  but  he  will  find  out  how  his  divine  will, 
word,  and  commandments  have  been  kept." 

At  these  words  of  Zwingli's  every  one  remained  silent  for 
a  time,  and  no  one  wanted  to  say  anything,  till  the  burgo- 
master of  Zurich  arose  and  urged  any  there  present  who 
wished  to  speak  upon  the  matter,  or  knew  anything  to  say, 
to  step  forward.     But  no  one  spoke. 

Meantime  Gutschenkel  [a  buffoon  from  Berne],  standing 
in  front  by  the  door,  cut  a  ridiculous  caper,  and  cried  out : 
"Where  are  now  the  'bigwigs'  that  boast  so  loudly  and 
bravely  on  the  streets  ?  Now  step  forward  !  Here  is  the 
man.  You  can  all  boast  over  your  wine,  but  here  no  one 
stirs."     Everybody  laughed  at  that.  .  .  . 

[The  vicar  then  replied  :]   "  Since  I  have  been  summoned    The  vicar 
by  Master  Ulrich,  I  will  say,  my  dear  sirs,  that  some  hun-    recalls  the 
dreds  of  years  ago  it  happened  that  heresy  and  dissension    gies  of  the 
arose  in  the  Church,  the  causes   and   beginners   of  which    past, 
were  Novatians,  Montanists,  Sabellians,  Ebionites,  Marcion- 
ites,  and  others,  by  whose  false  teachings  and  errors  many 
doctrines  like  these  of  our  times  were  planted  in  men,  and 
many  believing  folk  were  led  astray.    Among  these  heretics 
some  asserted  that  there  was  no  efficacy  in  prayers  to  the 
dear  saints  and  the  Mother  of  God,  or  in  their  intercession ; 
and  that  purgatory,  too,  did  not  exist,  but  that  all  these 
were  man's  invention,  and  the  like.     In  order  to  close  up 
such  ways  of  error  many  pious  bishops  and  fathers  met  in 
many  places,  at  one  time  in  Asia,  then  in  Africa,  then  some- 
where in  Greece,  that  they  might  hold  synods  and  councils, 
to  put  a  stop  to  heresy  and   such  things.    And  afterward 
ordinances   and   decisions  were   made  by  the  holy  fathers 
and  the  popes,  that  such  heretical  views  should  not  be  held, 
having  been  rejected  by  the  Christian  Church. 


122 


Readings  i?i  European  History 


"  And  although  this  was  firmly  and  irrevocably  ratified 
a  long  time  ago  by  decrees  of  the  popes  and  bishops,  still 
later  schisms,  dissenting  parties,  and  sects  have  sprung  up 
in  Europe,  —  for  instance,  the  Bohemians  and  the  Beghards, 
who  were  led  astray  by  such  heretics  as  Wycliffe  and  Huss, 
living  contrary  to  the  decrees  and  ordinances  of  the  holy 
popes,  acting  contrary  to  the  regulations  of  the  Christian 
Church,  and  putting  no  faith  in  the  intercession  of  the  saints 
and  still  less  in  purgatory. 

"  Although  such  heresy  and  error  were  later  rejected  by 
all  men  of  Christian  belief,  and  although  those  who  live  and 
remain  in  such  error  were  considered,  recognized,  and  pro- 
claimed by  the  holy  councils  as  sundered  members  of  the 
mother  of  Christian  churches,  still  one  now  finds  those  who 
stir  up  these  things  anew  and  who  undertake  to  question  that 
which  many  years  ago  was  recognized  and  decided  upon  by 
pope  and  bishop  as  untrue  and  erroneous.  They  undertake 
to  drive  us  from  old  customs  which  have  endured  and  stood 
in  honor  these  seven  hundred  years,  planning  to  overturn 
and  upset  all  things.  For  first  they  went  at  the  pope,  car- 
dinals, and  bishops  ;  then  they  turned  all  the  cloisters  topsy- 
turvy ;  after  that  they  fell  upon  purgatory.  And  finally  they 
ascended  to  heaven  and  attacked  the  saints  and  great  serv- 
ants of  God.  St.  Peter  with  his  keys,  and  even  our  dear 
Lady,  the  Mother  of  God,  have  not  escaped  their  disgraceful 
assaults.  And  I  know  of  some  who  have  gone  so  far  as 
to  attack  even  Christ  himself." 


II.  Calvin  and  his  Work 


Three  phases 
of  Calvin's 
work  and 
influence. 


Perhaps  the  three  most  important  phases  of  Calvin's 
work  are  the  following:  (i)  He  was  ever  the  ardent 
defender  of  the  Protestants,  refuting  the  calumnies  and 
criticisms  of  their  opponents,  denouncing  the  papacy,  and 
exhibiting  what  he  believed  to  be  the  weaknesses  and  fal- 
lacies of  the  Roman  Catholic  teachings  and  traditions  ; 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     123 


(2)  he  furnished  the  Protestants  with  a  text-book  of 
theology, —  his  Institutes  of  the  Christian  Religion, — 
which  for  two  or  three  centuries  enjoyed  unrivaled 
authority  among  a  large  and  influential  class  in  France, 
Scotland,  England,  and  America ;  (3)  lastly,  in  the 
ordinances  drawn  up  under  his  influence  for  the  city 
of  Geneva,  he  established  a  system  of  government,  civil 
and  ecclesiastical,  which  in  its  spirit  became  the  ideal  of 
the  various  English  Puritan  sects,  as  well  as  of  those 
who  migrated  to  Holland  and  New  England. 

As  a  preface  to  the  first  edition  of  his  Institutes,  pub- 
lished at  Basel  shortly  after  his  flight  from  France,  Cal- 
vin prepared  an  address  to  King  Francis  I,  in  which  he 
briefly  states  the  reasons  for  the  Protestant  revolt  and 
exposes  the  slanders  heaped  upon  his  party. 

John  Calvin,  to  the  most  mighty  and  noble  monarch,  Francis, 
the  most  Christian  king  of  the  French,  his  sovereign  prince 
and  lord,  with  peace  and  salvation  in  the  Lord : 

When  I  did  first  set  my  hand  to  this  work  [i.e.  his  Insti- 
tutes^ I  thought  nothing  less,  most  illustrious  King,  than  to 
write  anything  to  be  presented  to  your  Majesty.  My  mind 
was  to  teach  certain  rudiments  whereby  they  that  are  touched 
with  some  zeal  of  religion  might  be  instructed  to  true  godli- 
ness. And  this  travail  I  undertook  principally  for  my  coun- 
trymen, the  French,  of  whom  I  understood  very  many  to 
hunger  and  thirst  for  Christ,  but  few  had  received  so  much 
as  any  little  knowledge  of  him.  That  this  was  my  purpose 
the  book  itself  declareth,  being  framed  to  a  simple  and  plain 
manner  of  teaching. 

But  when  I  perceived  that  the  furious  rage  of  certain 
wicked  men  hath  so  far  prevailed  in  your  realm  that  in  it 
there  is  no  room  for  sound  doctrine,  I  thought  I  should  do 
a  thing  worth  my  travail  if  in  a  single  work  I  should  give 
both  instruction  for  them  whom  I  proposed  to  instruct,  and 


257.  Ex- 
tracts from 
Calvin's 
address  to 
Francis  I 

(1536). 
(Condensed.] 


Aim  of  the 
Institutes. 


Calvin  adds 
to  his  Insti- 
tutes an 
"  Apology  " 
for  the 
Protestants. 


124 


Readings  in  European  History 


Accusations 
brought 
against  the 
Protestants. 


Calvin  main- 
tains that  the 
Protestant 
teachings  are 
not  new. 


send  forth  an  apology  to  you,  whereby  you  may  learn  what 
manner  of  doctrine  that  is  against  which  these  furious  men 
burn  in  so  great  rage,  who  at  this  day  trouble  your  realm 
with  sword  and  fire.  For  I  shall  not  fear  to  confess  that  I 
have  in  this  work  comprehended  in  a  manner  the  substance 
of  that  selfsame  doctrine  against  which  they  cry  out  that  it 
ought  to  be  punished  with  imprisonment,  banishment,  pro- 
scription and  fire.   .  .   . 

You  yourself  can  bear  witness,  most  noble  King,  with  what 
lying  slanders  our  teachings  are  daily  accused  unto  you :  as 
that  they  tend  to  no  other  end  but  to  wrest  from  kings  their 
scepters  out  of  their  hands,  to  throw  down  all  judges'  seats 
and  judgments,  to  subvert  all  orders  and  civil  governments, 
to  trouble  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  people,  to  abolish  all 
laws,  to  undo  all  proprieties  and  possessions;  finally  to  turn 
all  things  upside  down.  And  yet  you  hear  but  the  smallest 
portion,  for  they  spread  among  the  people  horrible  things, 
which  if  they  were  true,  the  whole  world  might  worthily 
judge  our  cause,  with  the  maintainers  thereof,  worthy  of  a 
thousand  fires  and  gallows.  .  .  . 

Wherefore  I  do  not  unjustly  require,  most  victorious  King, 
that  it  may  please  you  to  take  into  your  own  hands  the  whole 
hearing  of  the  cause,  which  hitherto  hath  been  carelessly 
tossed  about  without  any  order  of  law,  more  by  outrageous 
hate  than  judicial  gravity.  Nor  would  I  have  you  think  that 
I  here  go  about  to  make  my  own  private  defense,  whereby 
I  may  procure  to  myself  a  safe  return  into  my  native  coun- 
try, to  which,  while  I  bear  such  affection  of  natural  love  as 
becometh  me,  yet  as  the  case  now  is  I  am  not  miscontent  to 
remain  abroad.  But  I  take  upon  me  the  common  cause  of 
all  the  godly,  yea,  and  the  cause  of  Christ  himself,  which 
at  this  day,  having  been  by  every  means  torn  and  trodden 
down  in  your  kingdom,  lieth  as  it  were  in  despaired  case.  .  .  . 

[Our  detractors  call  our  teaching]  new,  and  lately  forged; 
they  cavil  that  it  is  doubtful  and  uncertain  ;  they  demand 
by  what  miracle  it  is  confirmed  ;  they  ask  whether  it  be 
meet  that  it  should  prevail  against  the  consent  of  so  many 
holy  fathers  and  the  most  ancient  customs;  they  press  upon 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  a?id  England     125 


us  to  confess  it  to  be  schismatical,  which  moveth  war  against 
the  Church,  or  that  the  true  Church  hath  lain  dead  through 
the  many  ages  in  which  no  such  thing  hath  been  heard  of. 
Last  of  all,  they  say  that  they  need  no  arguments,  for  (say 
they)  it  may  be  judged  by  its  fruits  of  what  sort  it  is,  which, 
namely,  hath  bred  so  big  a  heap  of  sects,  so  many  turmoils 
of  sedition,  so  great  licentiousness  of  vices.  Truly,  full  easy 
it  is  for  them  to  triumph  over  a  forsaken  cause  among  the 
credulous  and  ignorant  multitude,  but  if  we  might  also  have 
our  turn  to  speak,  verily  this  sharp  haste  would  soon  be 
cooled  wherewith  they  do,  licentiously  and  with  full  mouth, 
foam  against  us. 

First,  whereas  they  call  it  new,  they  do  great  wrong  to 
God,  whose  holy  word  deserves  not  to  be  accused  of  new- 
ness. To  them  indeed  I  nothing  doubt  that  it  is  new,  to 
whom  Christ  is  new,  and  his  gospel  is  new.  But  they  that 
know  the  preaching  of  Paul  to  be  old,  and  that  Jesus  Christ 
died  for  our  sins  and  rose  again  for  our  justification,  shall 
find  nothing  new  among  us.  Secondly,  that  it  hath  long 
lain  hidden,  unknown,  and  buried,  —  that  is  the  fault  of  the 
ungodliness  of  men.  Sith  it  is  by  the  bountifulness  of  God 
restored  to  us,  it  ought  at  least,  by  right  of  full  restitution, 
to  receive  the  title  of  ancienty. 

They  may  mock  at  the  uncertainty  of  our  teachings,  but 
if  they  were  driven  to  seal  their  own  doctrine  with  their  own 
blood  and  with  the  loss  of  their  lives,  men  might  see  how 
much  they  set  by  it.  Far  other  is  our  faith,  which  dreadeth 
neither  the  terrors  of  death  nor  yet  the  very  judgment  seat 
of  God.  .  .  . 

As  for  the  dilemma  into  which  they  would  drive  us,  to 
compel  us  to  confess  that  either  the  Church  hath  lain  dead 
a  certain  time,  or  that  we  have  controversy  against  the  real 
Church  :  truly  the  Church  of  Christ  hath  lived  and  shall 
live  so  long  as  Christ  shall  reign  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Father.  .  .  .  But  they  err  not  a  little  from  the  truth  when 
they  acknowledge  no  church  but  that  which  they  see  with 
the  present  eye,  and  when  they  affirm  that  the  form  of  the 
Church  is  always  to  be  seen  ;  for  they  set  the  true  form  of  the 


Protestants 
do  not  assert 
that  the  true 
Church 
ceased  to 
exist  during 
the  Middle 
Ages. 


126 


Readings  in  European  History 


258.  Calvin 
on  predes- 
tination. 


Church  in  the  see  of  Rome  and  in  the  order  of  their  prel- 
ates. We,  on  the  contrary  side,  affirm  both  that  the  Church 
may  consist  of  no  visible  form,  and  that  the  form  itself  is 
not  contained  in  that  outward  splendor  which  they  foolishly 
admire,  but  hath  a  far  other  indication,  namely,  the  pure 
teaching  of  the  word  of  God  and  the  right  ministration  of 
the  sacraments.  .  .  . 

Thus,  O  King,  is  the  venomous  injustice  of  slanders  so 
largely  spread  abroad  that  you  should  not  too  easily  believe 
their  reports.  .  .  .  Your  mind,  though  it  be  now  turned 
away  and  estranged  from  us,  yea,  even  inflamed  against 
us,  yet  we  trust  that  we  shall  be  able  to  recover  the  favor 
thereof.  But  if  the  whisperings  of  the  malicious  do  so  pos- 
sess your  ears  that  there  is  no  place  for  accused  men  to 
speak  for  themselves  ;  and  if  those  outrageous  furies  do 
still,  with  your  winking  at  them,  exercise  cruelty,  with  pris- 
oning, tormenting,  mutilating,  and  burning,  — then  shall  we 
indeed,  as  sheep  appointed  to  the  slaughter,  be  brought  to 
all  extremities,  yet  so  that  in  our  patience  we  shall  possess 
our  soul  and  wait  for  the  strong  hand  of  the  Lord,  which 
shall  without  doubt  be  present  in  time  and  stretch  forth 
itself  armed,  both  to  deliver  the  poor  out  of  affliction  and  to 
take  vengeance  on  the  despisers  which  now  triumph  with  so 
great  assuredness. 

The  Lord,  the  King  of  kings,  establish  your  throne  with 
righteousness  and  your  seat  with  equity,  most  noble  King. 

At  Basel,  the  tenth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  September 

[1536]. 

Nothing  in  Calvin's  Institutes  has  made  a  deeper  im- 
pression upon  posterity  than  his  uncompromising  asser- 
tion of  the  doctrine  of  Predestination.1 


1  This  is  based  first  and  foremost  on  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  ix.  n-23.  A  little  over  a  century  after  Calvin  first  issued  his 
Institutes  a  great  conclave  of  Presbyterian  divines  was  summoned  in 
England  by  the  Long  Parliament  to  formulate  the  doctrines  of  the 
Church.  They  held  their  sessions  in  Westminster  Abbev  for  several 
years  (1 643-1 652)  and  produced  the  so-called    Westminster  Confession 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  Englatid     127 

[When  Adam  fell  by  partaking  of  the  forbidden  fruit  his    Adam's  fall 
sin  kindled  the  horrible  vengeance  of  God  upon  all  man-    and"origi- 

.  nal  sin." 

kind.]  After  the  heavenly  image  of  him  was  defaced  he 
did  not  alone  suffer  this  punishment,  that  in  place  of  wis- 
dom, strength,  holiness,  truth,  and  justice  — with  which  orna- 
ments he  had  been  adorned  —  there  came  in  the  most  hor- 
rible pestilences,  blindness,  weakness,  filthiness,  emptiness, 
and  injustice,  —  but  also  he  entangled  and  drowned  his  whole 
offspring  in  the  same  misery.  This  is  the  corruption  that 
cometh  by  inheritance,  which  the  old  writers  called  "ori- 
ginal sin,"  meaning  by  this  word  the  corruption  of  nature, 
which  before  was  good  and  pure.  About  this  matter  there 
has  been  much  contention,  because  there  is  nothing  further 
from  common  reason  than  that  all  men  should  be  made 
guilty  for  one  man's  fault,  and  so  sin  should  become  com- 
mon to  all  ;  which  seemeth  to  have  been  the  cause  why  the 
oldest  doctors  of  the  Church  did  but  darkly  touch  upon  this 
point,  or  at  least  did  not  set  it  out  plainly,  as  would  have 
been  expedient.  .  .  . 

We  must  be  content  with  this, — that  such  gifts  as  it 
pleased  the  Lord  to  have  bestowed  upon  the  nature  of  man 
he  vested  in  Adam  ;  and  therefore  when  Adam  lost  them 
after  he  had  received  them,  he  lost  them  not  only  from 
himself  but  also  from  us  all.  .  .  .  Therefore  from  a  rotten 
root  rose  up  rotten  branches,  which  sent  their  rottenness 
into  the  twigs  that  sprang  out  of  them  ;  for  so  were  the  chil- 
dren corrupted  in  their  father  that  they  in  turn  infected  their 
children.  .  .  . 

And  the  apostle  Paul  himself  expressly  witnesseth  that 
therefore  death  came  upon  all  men,  because  all  men  have 
sinned  and  are  wrapped  in  original  sin  and  defiled  with  the 
spots  thereof.  And  therefore  the  very  infants  themselves, 
since  they  bring  with  them  their  own  damnation  from  their 
mothers'  womb,  are  bound  not  by  another's  but  by  their  own 
fault.    For  although  they  have   not   as    yet  brought   forth 

of  Faith.  While  this  is  based  directly  upon  the  Bible,  it  is  in  close 
harmony  with  Calvin's  teachings,  and  was  the  form  in  which  Calvinism 
was  perpetuated  in  England,  Scotland,  and  America. 


128  Readings  i?i  European  History 

the  fruits  of  their  own  iniquity,  yet  they  have  the  seeds 
thereof  inclosed  within  them ;  yea,  their  whole  nature  is  a 
certain  seed  of  sin,  therefore  it  cannot  but  be  hateful  and 
abominable  to  God.  .  .  .  This  perversity  never  ceaseth  in 
us  but  continually  bringeth  forth  new  fruits,  even  the  same 
works  of  the  flesh,  like  as  a  burning  furnace  bloweth  out 
flame  and  sparkles. 

[By  this  original  corruption  man  is  utterly  indisposed, 
disabled,  and  made  opposite  to  all  good,  and  wholly  inclined 
to  all  evil.  He  is  no  longer  free  even  to  will  to  do  good 
works  unless  he  be  helped  by  God's  grace,  given  only  to  the 
elect  whom  God,  for  the  manifestation  of  his  glory,  has 
elected  and  chosen  unto  everlasting  life.]  1 
Predesti-  Predestination  we  call  the  eternal  decree  of  God,  whereby 

nation.  foe  has  determined  with  himself  what  he  wills  to  become 

of  every  man.  For  all  are  not  created  to  like  estate ;  but 
to  some  eternal  life  and  to  some  eternal  damnation  is  fore- 
ordained. Therefore  as  every  man  is  created  to  the  one  or 
the  other  end,  so  we  say  that  he  is  predestinate  either  to 
life  or  to  death.2  .  .  .  Foolish  men  do  divers  ways  quarrel 
with  God,  as  though  they  had  him  subject  to  their  accusa- 
tions. First,  therefore,  they  ask  by  what  right  is  the  Lord 
angry  with  his  creatures  by  whom  he  hath  not  first  been 
provoked  by  any  offense ;  for  to  condemn  to  destruction 

1  Cf.  Westminster  Confession,  Chapter  VI,  p.  4. 

2  The  English  Presbyterian  divines  at  Westminster  thus  state  the 
doctrine  of  predestination  :  "  By  the  decree  of  God,  for  the  manifesta- 
tion of  his  glory,  some  men  and  angels  are  predestined  unto  everlasting 
death.  These  angels  and  men,  thus  predestined  and  foreordained,  are 
particularly  and  unchangeably  designed,  and  their  number  is  so  certain 
and  definite  that  it  cannot  be  either  increased  or  diminished.  Those  of 
mankind  that  are  predestinated  unto  life,  God,  before  the  foundation  of 
the  world  was  laid,  according  to  his  eternal  and  immutable  purpose  and 
the  secret  counsel  and  good  pleasure  of  his  will,  hath  chosen  in  Christ 
and  unto  everlasting  glory,  out  of  his  mere  free  grace  and  love,  without 
any  foresight  of  faith  or  good  works  or  perseverance  in  either  of  them, 
or  any  other  thing  in  the  creature  as  conditions  or  causes  moving  him 
thereunto,  and  all  to  the  praise  of  his  glorious  grace  "  {Confession  of 
Faith,  Chapter  III,  3-5). 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     1 29 


whom  he  will  agreeth  rather  with  the  willfulness  of  a  tyrant 
than  with  the  lawful  sentence  of  a  judge.  Therefore  they 
say  that  there  is  cause  why  men  should  accuse  God  if  by  his 
forewill,  without  their  own  deserving,  they  be  predestinate 
to  eternal  death.  If  such  thoughts  do  at  any  time  come 
into  the  mind  of  the  godly,  this  shall  suffice  to  break  their 
violent  assaults,  although  they  have  nothing  more,  if  they 
consider  how  great  wickedness  it  is  even  so  much  as  to 
inquire  of  the  causes  of  the  will  of  God.  .  .  .  For  the  will 
of  God  is  the  highest  rule  of  righteousness,  that  whatsoever 
he  willeth,  even  for  this  that  he  willeth  it,  ought  to  be  taken 
for  righteous.1 

It  was  not  Calvin  but  Farel,  another  French  Protes- 
tant, who  first  won  the  city  of  Geneva  from  the  old 
Church.  Farel  (1489-1565)  was  an  ardent  missionary 
of  the  new  faith,  who  had  succeeded  in  converting  sev- 
eral towns  in  French  Switzerland  before  he  went  to 
Geneva  in  1533.  Owing  to  his  preaching,  a  general, 
assembly  of  the  people  proclaimed  (May,  1536)  that 
they  wished  to  live  according  to  the  "  holy  law  of  the 
gospel  and  the  word  of  God"  and  to  desert  "all  masses, 
papal  ceremonies  and  abuses,  images  and  idols." 

Just  before  Calvin's  coming  we  have  the  following 
entry  in  the  city  council's  register  (July  24,  1536) : 

John  Ballard  was  interrogated  wherefore  he  refused  to 
hear  the  word  of  God  ?  He  replied  that  he  believed  in  God, 
who  taught  him  by  his  spirit.  He  could  not  believe  our 
preachers.    He  said  that  we  could  not  compel  him  to  go  to 

1  The  following  is  St.  Paul's  reply  to  the  same  query:  "Thou  wilt 
say  then  unto  me,  Why  doth  he  [God]  yet  find  fault  ?  For  who  hath 
resisted  his  will?  Nay  but,  O  man,  who  art  thou  that  repliest  against 
God  ?  Shall  the  thing  formed  say  to  him  that  formed  it,  Why  hast  thou 
made  me  thus  ?  Hath  not  the  potter  power  over  the  clay,  of  the  same 
lump  to  make  one  vessel  unto  honour  and  another  unto  dishonour  ? " 
(Romans  ix.  iqsqq.) 


Under 
Farel's 
influence 
Geneva 
espouses 
Protestant- 
ism. 


259.  Prot- 
estant 
intolerance 
in  Geneva 
before 
Calvin's 
arrival. 


130 


Readings  in  European  History 


Calvin's 
arrival  in 
Geneva 
(August, 


260.  Calvin's 
project  for 
church  gov- 
ernment 
submitted  to 
the  Geneva 
town  council 
(January, 

1537)- 


the  sermon  against  his  conscience.  .  .  .  We  admonished 
him  that  he  should  within  three  days  obey  the  proclamation 
or  show  just  cause  why  he  should  not.  He  replied,  "  I  wish 
to  live  according  to  the  gospel  of  God,  but  I  do  not  wish  to 
adopt  the  interpretation  of  certain  individuals,  but  to  follow 
that  of  the  Holy  Spirit  through  the  holy  mother  Church 
Universal  in  which  I  believe."  Asked  to  say  whether  he 
would  go  to  the  sermon  or  no,  he  replied  that  his  conscience 
would  not  permit  him  to  go,  and  that  he  would  not  act 
against  its  dictates  ;  for  it  was  directed  by  a  higher  author- 
ity than  that  of  preachers.  Having  heard  these  things,  the 
council  ordered  that  if  he  did  not  obey  the  proclamations, 
and  go  to  the  sermon  as  established,  he  and  his  family  should 
leave  the  city  within  ten  days. 

In  August,  1536,  Calvin  happening  to  pass  through 
Geneva,  expecting  to  spend  but  one  night  there,  was 
seized  upon  by  Farel,  who,  as  Calvin  reports,  "  burning 
with  a  marvelous  zeal  to  advance  the  gospel,  made  every 
effort  to  hold  me."    Calvin  consented  to  remain. 

The  town  records  show  that  the  ministers,  Farel,  Cal- 
vin, and  others,  were  constantly  appearing  before  the 
town  council  to  denounce  sinful  practices  and  suggest 
reforms.  The  following  plan  for  exercising  control  over 
evil  doers  by  means  of  excommunication  and  public 
censors  was  submitted  to  the  town  authorities  by  the 
ministers. 

Our  Lord  established  excommunication  as  a  means  of  cor- 
rection and  discipline,  by  which  those  who  led  a  disordered 
life  unworthy  of  a  Christian,  and  who  despised  to  mend 
their  ways  and  return  to  the  strait  way  after  they  had  been 
admonished,  should  be  expelled  from  the  body  of  the  church 
and  cut  off  as  rotten  members  until  they  come  to  themselves 
and  acknowledge  their  fault.  .  .  .  We  have  an  example 
given  by  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  i  and  1  Cor.  v),  in  a  solemn  warn- 
ing that   we    should   not   keep   company  with   one   who  is 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  Engla?id 


131 


called  a  Christian  but  who  is,  none  the  less,  a  fornicator,  cov- 
etous, an  idolater,  a  railer,  a  drunkard,  or  an  extortioner.  So 
if  there  be  in  us  any  fear  of  God,  this  ordinance  should  be 
enforced  in  our  Church. 

To  accomplish  this  we  have  determined  to  petition  you 
[i.e.  the  town  council]  to  establish  and  choose,  according 
to  your  good  pleasure,  certain  persons  [namely,  the  elders] 
of  upright  life  and  good  repute  among  all  the  faithful,  like- 
wise constant  and  not  easy  to  corrupt,  who  shall  be  assigned 
and  distributed  in  all  parts  of  the  town  and  have  an  eye  on 
the  life  and  conduct  of  every  individual.  If  one  of  these  see 
any  obvious  vice  which  is  to  be  reprehended,  he  shall  bring 
this  to  the  attention  of  some  one  of  the  ministers,  who  shall 
admonish  whoever  it  may  be  who  is  at  fault  and  exhort  him 
in  a  brotherly  way  to  correct  his  ways.  If  it  is  apparent  that 
such  remonstrances  do  no  good,  he  shall  be  warned  that 
his  obstinacy  will  be  reported  to  the  Church.  Then  if  he 
repents,  there  is  in  that  alone  excellent  fruit  of  this  form  of 
discipline.  If  he  will  not  listen  to  warnings,  it  shall  be  time 
for  the  minister,  being  informed  by  those  who  have  the 
matter  in  charge,  to  declare  publicly  to  the  congregation  the 
efforts  which  have  been  made  to  bring  the  sinner  to  amend, 
and  how  all  has  been  in  vain. 

Should  it  appear  that  he  proposes  to  persevere  in  his 
hardness  of  heart,  it  shall  be  time  to  excommunicate  him; 
that  is  to  say,  that  the  offender  shall  be  regarded  as  cast  out 
from  the  companionship  of  Christians  and  left  in  the  power 
of  the  devil  for  his  temporal  confusion,  until  he  shall  give 
good  proofs  of  penitence  and  amendment.  In  sign  of  his 
casting  out  he  shall  be  excluded  from  the  communion,  and 
the  faithful  shall  be  forbidden  to  hold  familiar  converse  with 
him.  Nevertheless  he  shall  not  omit  to  attend  the  sermons  in 
order  to  receive  instruction,  so  that  it  may  be  seen  whether 
it  shall  please  the  Lord  to  turn  his  heart  to  the  right  way. 

The  offenses  to  be  corrected  in  this  manner  are  those 
named  by  St.  Paul  above,  and  others  like  them.  When 
others  than  the  said  deputies  —  for  example,  neighbors  or 
relatives  —  shall  first  have  knowledge  of  such  offenses,  they 


System  of 
censorship 
of  morals. 


Neighbors 
invited  to 
expostulate 
with 
offenders. 


132  Readings  in  European  History 

may  make  the  necessary  remonstrances  themselves.  If  they 
accomplish  nothing,  then  they  shall  notify  the  deputies  to 
do  their  duty. 

This  then  is  the  manner  in  which  it  would  seem  expedient 
to  us  to  introduce  excommunication  into  our  Church  and 
maintain  it  in  its  full  force  ;  for  beyond  this  form  of  correc- 
tion the  Church  does  not  go.  But  should  there  be  insolent 
persons,  abandoned  to  all  perversity,  who  only  laugh  when 
they  are  excommunicated  and  do  not  mind  living  and  dying 
in  that  condition  of  rejection,  it  shall  be  your  affair  to  deter- 
mine whether  you  should  long  suffer  such  contempt  and 
mocking  of  God  to  pass  unpunished.  .  .   . 

If  those  who  agree  with  us  in  faith  should  be  punished  by 
excommunication  for  their  offenses,  how  much  more  should 
the  Church  refuse  to  tolerate  those  who  oppose  us  in  religion  ? 
The  remedy  that  we  have  thought  of  is  to  petition  you  to 
require  all  the  inhabitants  of  your  city  to  make  a  confession 
and  give  an  account  of  their  faith,  so  that  you  may  know  who 
agree  with  the  gospel  and  who,  on  the  contrary,  would  prefer 
the  kingdom  of  the  pope  to  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Genevan  council  was  not  ready,  however,  to  adopt 
and  enforce  Calvin's  plan  of  excommunication  and  his 
system  of  censors.  There  was  a  large  party  which  dis- 
liked Calvin  and  Farel  and  their  puritanical  influences. 
These  "liberals"  2  got  the  upper  hand  in  the  town  coun- 
cil, and  banished  Calvin  and  Farel  (April,  1538)  for  refus- 
ing to  administer  the  communion  in  the  manner  favored 
by  the  council,  and  for  continuing  to  preach  when  for- 
bidden to  do  so.  But  in  two  or  three  years  the  liberals 
became  unpopular  in  their  turn,  and  Calvin,  after  pro- 
longed negotiations,  reluctantly  consented  to  return  to 
Geneva,  in  September,  1 541.    He  was  now  in  a  position 

1  The  French  historians  of  the  seventeenth  century  call  this  party 
libertins,  which  means  nothing  worse  than  "  liberals." 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     133 

to  hold  his  own,  in  spite  of  the  liberals,  who  nevertheless 
continued  to  give  him  much  trouble  for  many  years. 
He  immediately  submitted  his  plan  of  church  govern- 
ment again,  and  this  time  it  was  adopted.  He  held  that 
our  Lord  had  established  four  orders  of  officers  for  gov- 
erning his  Church,  —  namely,  pastors,  teachers,  elders, 
and  deacons.  The  elders  (or  presbyters)  were  laymen 
appointed  to  watch  over  the  morals  of  their  fellows,  and 
are  so  conspicuous  in  Calvin's  plan  of  organization  that 
they  have  given  their  name  to  the  Presbyterian  Church. 
He  thus  describes  them  : 

The  office  of  the  elders  is  to  watch  over  the  conduct  of    261.  The 

every  individual,  to  admonish  lovingly  those  whom  they  see    dutiesofthe 

elders  or 
doing   wrong  or  leading  an   irregular   life.    When  there   is    presbyters. 

need,  they  should  lay  the  matter  before  the  body  deputed 
to  inflict  paternal  discipline  [i.e.  the  consistory],  of  which 
they  are  members.  As  the  Church  is  organized,  it  is  best 
that  the  elders  be  chosen,  two  from  the  small  council,  four 
from  the  council  of  sixty,  and  six  from  the  council  of  two 
hundred1;  they  should  be  men  of  good  life  and  honest, 
without  reproach  and  beyond  suspicion,  above  all  God-fear- 
ing and  endowed  with  spiritual  prudence.  And  they  should 
be  so  chosen  that  they  be  -distributed  in  each  quarter  of  the 
city,  so  that  they  can  have  an  eye  on  everything.2  .  .  . 

The  elders,  who  have  been  described,  shall  assemble  once  Theconsis- 
a  week  with  the  ministers,  namely  Thursday  morning,  to  J2J^ 
see  if  there  be  any  disorders  in  the  Church  and  discuss 
together  such  remedies  as  shall  be  necessary.  ...  If  any 
one  shall  in  contempt  refuse  to  appear  before  them,  it  shall 
be  their  duty  to  inform  the  council,  so  that  it  may  supply  a 
remedy. 


session. 


1  This   refers    to    the   different   bodies  which    constituted    the    city 
government. 

2  It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  conception  of  excommunication 
and  of  government  by  lay  elders  with  the  system  of  the  Catholic  Church. 


134 


Readings  in  European  History 


262.  Ex- 
tracts from 
Calvin's 
regulations 
for  the  vil- 
lages about 
Geneva. 


Persecution 
of  Catholics 


The  rules  made  for  the  villages  under  the  supremacy 
of  Geneva  show  the  actual  scope  of  the  religious  control. 

The  whole  household  shall  attend  the  sermons  on  Sunday, 
except  when  some  one  shall  be  left  at  home  to  tend  the 
children  or  cattle. 

If  there  is  preaching  on  week  days,  all  who  can  must 
come,  —  unless  there  be  some  good  excuse,  —  so  that  at 
least  one  from  each  household  shall  be  present.  Those  who 
have  men-servants  or  maid-servants  shall  bring  them  when 
it  is  possible,  so  that  they  shall  not  live  like  beasts  without 
instruction.  .  .  .  Should  any  one  come  after  the  sermon 
has  begun,  let  him  be  warned.  If  he  does  not  amend,  let 
him  pay  a  fine  of  three  sous.  Let  the  churches  be  closed 
except  during  service,  so  that  no  one  may  enter  them  at 
other  hours  from  superstitious  motives.  If  any  one  be  dis- 
covered engaged  in  some  superstition  within  or  near  the 
church,  let  him  be  admonished.  If  he  will  not  give  up  his 
superstition,  let  him  be  punished. 

Those  who  are  found  to  have  rosaries  or  idols  to  adore, 
let  them  be  sent  before  the  consistory,  and  in  addition  to  the 
reproof  they  receive  there,  let  them  be  sent  before  the  coun- 
cil. Let  the  same  be  done  with  those  who  go  on  a  pilgrim- 
age. Those  who  observe  feasts  or  papistical  fasts  shall  only 
be  admonished.  Those  who  go  to  mass  shall,  besides  being 
admonished,  be  sent  before  the  council,  and  it  shall  consider 
the  propriety  of  punishing  the  offenders  by  imprisonment  or 
special  fines,  as  it  judges  best. 

He  who  blasphemes,  swearing  by  the  body  or  blood  of 
our  Lord,  or  in  like  manner,  shall  kiss  the  earth  for  the  first 
offense,  pay  five  sous  for  the  second  and  ten  for  the  third. 
He  who  contradicts  the  word  of  God  shall  be  sent  before 
the  consistory  for  reproof,  or  before  the  council  for  punish- 
ment, as  the  case  may  require.  If  any  one  sings  indecent, 
licentious  songs,  or  dances  en  virollet  or  otherwise,  he  shall 
be  kept  in  prison  three  days  and  then  sent  to  the  counciL1 

1  There  are  similar  provisions  for  drunkenness,  gambling,  quarreling, 
taking  more  than  five  per  cent  interest,  etc. 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  Engla?id     135 


III.   The  English  Humanists  :  Colet  and  More 

Erasmus  appears  to  have  first  visited  England  in  1499, 
when  he  crossed  the  Channel  with  a  young  English 
nobleman,  Lord  Mount  joy,  to  whom  he  had  been  giving 
private  instruction  in  Paris.    Erasmus  writes  : 

I  was  staying  at  Lord  Mountjoy's  country  house,  when 
Thomas  More  came  to  see  me,  and  took  me  out  with  him  for 
a  walk  as  far  as  the  next  village,  where  the  king's  children 
were  being  educated.  When  we  came  into  the  hall  the 
attendants  of  the  palace  were  assembled,  and  in  the  midst 
stood  Prince  Henry,  then  nine  years  old,  having  already 
something  of  royalty  in  his  demeanor,  in  which  there  was  a 
certain  dignity  combined  with  singular  courtesy.  On  his 
right  was  Margaret,  about  eleven  years  of  age,  afterward 
married  to  James,  king  of  the  Scots. 

Erasmus  determined  to  make  a  short  visit  to  Oxford, 
and  there  received  a  letter  of  welcome  from  Colet.  To 
this  he  graciously  replied  : 

If,  most  courteous  Colet,  I  recognized  in  myself  anything 
worthy  of  the  meanest  praise,  I  should  indeed  rejoice  to  be 
praised  by  you,  who  are  of  all  men  most  praised,  and  whose 
judgment  I  regard  so  highly  that  your  silent  esteem  would 
be  more  agreeable  to  me  than  if  I  were  acclaimed  and 
applauded  by  the  whole  Forum  of  Rome.  .  .   . 

You  will  find  in  me  a  man  of  slender  fortune,  or  rather  of 
none  at  all,  averse  from  ambition,  most  inclined  to  friend- 
ship, little  skilled  indeed  in  letters,  but  a  most  warm  admirer 
of  them  ;  one  that  religiously  venerates  goodness  in  others, 
but  thinks  nothing  of  his  own  ;  who  is  ready  to  yield  to  all 
in  learning,  to  none  in  honesty ;  simple,  open,  free,  ignorant 
alike  of  simulation  and  of  dissimulation  ;  of  a  timid  but 
upright  character,  sparing  of  words ;  a  person,  in  short, 
from  whom,  except  character,  you  have  nothing  to  expect. 
If  you,  Colet,  can  love  such  a  man  ;  if  you  deem  him  worthy 


263.  Eras- 
mus meets 
Sir  Thomas 
More  and 
the  young 
Henry  VIII 
(1499). 
(Slightly 
condensed.) 


264.  Eras- 
mus de- 
scribes 
himself. 
(Slightly 
condensed.) 


136 


Readings  in  European  History 


Erasmus  de- 
scribes Colet. 


265.  More's 
own  account 
of  his  busy 
life  (1516). 
(Slightly- 
condensed.) 


of  your  friendship,  —  then  set  down  Erasmus  as  completely 
your  own. 

Your  England  is  delightful  to  me  for  many  reasons,  but 
most  of  all  because  it  abounds  in  that  which  pleases  me 
more  than  anything  else,  —  I  mean  in  men  most  proficient 
in  good  letters,  among  whom,  by  general  consent,  I  reckon 
you  the  chief.  Such  is  your  learning  that,  even  without 
the  recommendation  of  your  high  character,  you  deserve 
to  be  universally  admired ;  and  such  is  the  holiness  of  your 
life  that,  even  if  you  had  no  learning  to  commend  you, 
you  could  not  fail  to  be  held  in  love,  respect,  and  vener- 
ation by  all. 

More  writes  to  a  friend  of  how  he  spends  his  days. 

Whiles  I  do  daily  bestow  my  time  about  law  matters  .  .  . 
whiles  I  go  one  way  to  see  and  visit  my  friend,  another  way 
about  my  own  private  affairs  ;  whiles  I  spend  all  the  day 
abroad  among  others,  and  the  residue  at  home  among  mine 
own,  —  I  leave  to  myself — I  mean  to  my  book  —  no  time. 
For  when  I  am  come  home,  I  must  commune  with  my  wife, 
chat  with  my  children,  and  talk  with  my  servants. 

All  the  which  things  I  reckon  and  account  among  business, 
forasmuch  as  they  must  of  necessity  be  done;  and  done 
must  they  needs  be,  unless  a  man  will  be  a  stranger  in  his 
own  house.  And  in  any  wise  a  man  must  so  fashion  and 
order  his  condition,  and  so  appoint  and  dispose  himself,  that 
he  be  merry,  jocund,  and  pleasant  among  them  whom  either 
nature  hath  provided,  or  chance  hath  made,  or  he  himself 
hath  chosen,  to  be  the  fellows  and  companions  of  his  life. 

Among  these  things  now  rehearsed  stealeth  away  the  day, 
the  month,  the  year.  When  do  I  write,  then  ?  And  all  this 
while  have  I  spoken  no  word  of  sleep,  neither  yet  of  meat, 
which  among  a  great  number  doth  waste  no  less  time  than 
doth  sleep,  wherein  almost  half  the  lifetime  of  man  creepeth 
away.  I  therefore  do  win  and  get  only  that  time  which  I 
steal  from  sleep  and  meat.  Which  time,  because  it  is  very 
little,  and  yet  somewhat  it  is,  therefore  I  have  at  last,  though 
it  be  long  first,  finished  my  Utopia. 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  Engla?id     137 


IV.    Henry  VIII,  Wolsey,  and  Queen  Catherine 

The  sagacious  Venetian  ambassador,  Giustiniani,  thus 
describes  King  Henry  VIII,  Queen  Catherine,  and  Wol- 
sey, in  1  5 1 9  : 

His  Majesty  is  twenty-nine  years  old  and  extremely  hand- 
some ;  nature  could  not  have  done  more  for  him.  He  is 
much  handsomer  than  any  other  sovereign  in  Christendom  ; 
a  great  deal  handsomer  than  the  king  of  France  ;  very  fair, 
and  his  whole  frame  admirably  proportioned.  On  hearing 
that  Francis  I  wore  a  beard,  he  allowed  his  own  to  grow, 
and,  as  it  is  reddish,  he  has  now  a  beard  that  looks  like  gold. 
He  is  very  accomplished,  a  good  musician,  composes  well, 
is  a  most  capital  horseman,  a  fine  jouster,  speaks  good 
French,  Latin,  and  Spanish  ;  is  very  religious,  —  hears  three 
masses  daily  when  he  hunts,  and  sometimes  five  on  other 
days.  He  hears  the  ofhce  every  day  in  the  queen's  chamber, 
—  that  is  to  say,  vespers  and  compline. 

He. is  very  fond  of  hunting,  and  never  takes  his  diversion 
without  tiring  eight  or  ten  horses,  which  he  causes  to  be 
stationed  beforehand  along  the  line  of  country  he  means  to 
take  ;  and  when  one  is  tired  he  mounts  another,  and  before 
he  gets  home  they  are  all  exhausted.  He  is  extremely  fond 
of  tennis,  at  which  game  it  is  the  prettiest  thing  in  the  world 
to  see  him  play,  his  fair  skin  glowing  through  a  shirt  of 
finest  texture.  He  gambles  with  the  French  hostages,  to  the 
amount  occasionally,  it  is  said,  of  from  six  thousand  to  eight 
thousand  ducats  in  a  day. 

He  is  affable  and  gracious,  harms  no  one,  does  not  covet 
his  neighbor's  goods,  and  is  satisfied  with  his  own  domin- 
ions, having  often  said  to  me,  "  Sir  ambassador,  we  want 
all  potentates  to  content  themselves  with  their  own  terri- 
tories ;  we  are  satisfied  with  this  island  of  ours."  He  seems 
extremely  desirous  of  peace. 

He  is  very  rich.  His  father  left  him  ten  millions  of  ready 
money  in  gold,  of  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  spent  one 
half  in  the  war  against  France,  when  he  had  three  armies 


266.  A 
Venetian 
ambas- 
sador's de- 
scription of 
Henry  VIII, 
Queen 
Catherine, 
and  Wolsey. 


The  king's 

athletic 

tastes. 


138 


Readings  in  Eu?'ofica7i  History 


Queen 
Catherine 


Cardinal 
VVolsey. 


Henry  VIII 
proposes  to 
divorce 
Catherine. 


on  foot :  one  crossed  the  Channel  with  him,  another  was 
in  the  field  against  Scotland,  and  the  third  remained  with 
the  queen  in  reserve.   .  .  . 

The  queen  is  the  sister  of  the  mother  of  the  king  of 
Spain,  now  styled  King  of  the  Romans.  She  is  thirty-five 
years  old  and  not  handsome,  though  she  has  a  very  beau- 
tiful complexion.  She  is  religious,  and  as  virtuous  as  words 
can  express.     I  have  seen  her  but  seldom. 

The  cardinal  of  York  is  of  low  origin,  and  has  two 
brothers,  one  of  whom  holds  an  untitled  benefice,  and  the 
other  is  pushing  his  fortune.  He  rules  both  the  king  and 
the  entire  kingdom.  On  my  first  arrival  in  England  he  used 
to  say  to  me,  "  His  Majesty  will  do  so  and  so."  Subse- 
quently, by  degrees,  he  forgot  himself,  and  commenced  say- 
ing, "We  shall  do  so  and  so."  At  this  present  he  has 
reached  such  a  pitch  that  he  says,  "  I  shall  do  so  and  so." 
He  is  about  forty-six  years  old,  very  handsome,  learned, 
extremely  eloquent,  of  vast  ability,  and  indefatigable.  He 
alone  transacts  as  much  business  as  that  which  occupies 
all  the  magistracies,  offices,  and  councils  of  Venice,  both 
civil  and  criminal;  and  all  state  affairs  likewise  are  managed 
by  him,  let  their  nature  be  what  it  may. 

Early  in  1527  King  Henry  VIII  determined  to  obtain 
a  divorce  from  Catherine,  and  soon  announced  to  her  that 
they  must  separate.  Wolsey  then  reluctantly  induced 
Pope  Clement  VII  to  send  a  legate,  Cardinal  Campeg- 
gio,  to  England,  who,  with  Wolsey,  was  to  hold  a  court 
to  determine  whether  the  dispensation  granted  to  Henry 
to  marry  his  brother's  widow  was  sufficient  and  valid 
under  the  circumstances.  The  trial  was  begun  in  May, 
1529.  When  Queen  Catherine  was  called  upon  in  court 
she  rose  from  her  chair  and  came  to  the  king,  and,  kneel- 
ing down  at  his  feet,  said  : 

"  Sir,  in  what  have  I  offended  you  ?  or  what  occasion  of 
displeasure  have  I  given  you,  intending  thus  to  put  me  from 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  Eiigland     I  39 


you?  I  take  God  to  be  my  judge,  I  have  been  to  you  a 
true  and  humble  wife,  ever  conformable  to  your  will  and 
pleasure  ;  never  contradicting  or  gainsaying  you  in  any- 
thing ;  being  always  contented  with  all  things  wherein  you 
had  any  delight  or  took  any  pleasure,  without  grudge,  or 
countenance  of  discontent  or  displeasure.  I  loved,  for  your 
sake,  all  them  whom  you  loved,  whether  I  had  cause  or  no ; 
whether  they  were  my  friends  or  my  enemies. 

"  I  have  been  your  wife  these  twenty  years  or  more,  and 
you  have  had  by  me  divers  children  ;  and  when  you  had 
me  first,  I  take  God  to  be  my  judge,  that  I  was  a  maid. 
Whether  it  be  true  or  no,  I  put  it  to  your  own  conscience. 
If  there  be  any  just  cause  that  you  can  allege  against  me, 
either  of  dishonesty,  or  matter  lawful  to  put  me  from  you, 
I  am  content  to  depart,  to  my  shame  and  confusion ;  and 
if  there  be  none,  then  I  pray  you  to  let  me  have  justice  at 
your  hands. 

"The  king,  your  father,  was,  in  his  time,  of  such  an  excel- 
lent wit,  that  he  was  accounted  amongst  all  men  for  wisdom 
to  be  a  second  Solomon  ;  and  the  king  of  Spain,  my  father, 
Ferdinand,  was  accounted  one  of  the  wisest  princes  that 
had  reigned  in  Spain  for  many  years.  It  is  not,  therefore, 
to  be  doubted,  but  that  they  had  gathered  as  wise  counselors 
unto  them,  of  every  realm,  as  in  their  wisdom  they  thought 
meet.  And  I  conceive  that  there  were  in  those  days  as  wise 
and  well-learned  men,  in  both  the  realms,  as  be  now  at  this 
day,  who  thought  the  marriage  between  you  and  me  good 
and  lawful.  Therefore  it  is  a  wonder  to  me  what  new  inven- 
tions are  now  invented  against  me.  And  now  to  put  me  to 
stand  to  the  order  and  judgment  of  this  court  seems  very 
unreasonable.  ...  I  humbly  pray  you  to  spare  me  until 
I  may  know  what  counsel  my  friends  in  Spain  will  advise  me 
to  take  ;  and  if  you  will  not,  then  your  pleasure  be  fulfilled." 
And  with  that  she  rose  up  and  departed,  nevermore  appear- 
ing in  any  court. 

Catherine's  friends,  however,  induced  the  pope  to 
evoke  the  case  to   Rome,  and  so  quite  removed  the 


267.  Queen 
Catherine's 
protest 
against 
Henry's 
plan  to  rid 
himself  of 
her  (1529). 


140  Readings  in  Europe an  History 

whole  matter  from  Wolsey's  control.  He  thereby  forfeited 
the  king's  favor,  and  Sir  Thomas  More  was  appointed 
chancellor  in  his  stead.  A  few  months  after  the  trial 
(October,  1529)  we  find  Wolsey  writing  piteously  to  the 
disappointed  monarch. 

268..W0I-       Most  gracious  and  merciful  Sovereign  Lord  : 

aeyeaiPtoe°US        Though  that  I,  your  poor,  heavy,  and  wretched  priest,  do 

Henry  Vlll      daily  pursue,  cry,  and  call  upon  your  Royal  Majesty  for  grace, 

(October,         mercy,  remission,  and  pardon,  yet  in  most  humble  wise  I 

1  beseech  your  Highness  not  to  think  that  it  proceedeth  of 

any  mistrust  that  I  have  in  your  merciful  goodness,  nor  that 

I  would  encumber  or  molest  your  Majesty  by  any  indiscreet 

or  inopportune  suit ;  but  that  the  same  only  cometh  of  an 

inward  and  ardent  desire  that  I  have  continually  to  declare 

unto  your  Highness  how  that,  wot  unto  God,  I  neither  desire 

nor  covet  anything  in  this  world  but  the  attaining  of  your 

gracious  favor  and  forgiveness  of  my  trespass. 

And  for  this  cause  I  cannot  desist  nor  forbear,  but  to 

be   a   continual  and   most   lowly  suppliant   to  your   benign 

grace.     For  surely,  most  gracious  king,  the  remembrance  of 

my  folly,  with  the  sharp  word  of  your  Highness'  displeasure, 

hath  so  penetrated  my  heart  that  I  cannot  but  lamentably 

cry   and   say,  "  It   is   sufficient."     Now  withhold  thy  hand, 

most  merciful  king.     Forgive  and  ye  shall  be  forgiven.  .   .   . 

Your  Grace's  most  prostrate,  poor  chaplain, 

creature,  and  beadsman, 

Thomas,  Cardinal  York,  most  unhappy. 

V.   Henry  VIII  repudiates  the  Headship  of  the  Pope 

The  pope  excommunicated  Henry  in  1533  for  repu- 
diating Catherine.  The  king  replied  by  extorting  from 
the  English  bishops,  abbots,  and  priests  written  acknowl- 
edgments that  the  Roman  pontiff  had  no  more  authority 
than  any  other  foreign  bishop.  In  the  spring  of  1534 
Parliament  passed  an  act  regulating  the  succession  to 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     141 


the  crown.  This  declared  Henry's  marriage  with  Cath- 
erine void  and  against  the  laws  of  Almighty  God  ;  his 
marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn  was  pronounced  good  and 
consonant  with  God's  laws.  The  crown  was  to  descend 
to  Anne's  daughter,  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  unless  she 
should  have  sons  by  the  king.  Then  follows  a  harsh 
provision. 

...  If  any  person  or  persons,  of  what  estate,  dignity,  or 
condition  soever  they  be,  maliciously,  by  writing,  print,  deed, 
or  act,  procure  or  do  any  thing  or  things  to  the  prejudice, 
slander,  or  derogation  of  the  said  lawful  matrimony  solem- 
nized between  your  Majesty  and  the  said  Queen  Anne,  or 
to  the  peril  or  slander  of  any  of  the  heirs  of  your  Highness, 
being  limited  by  this  act  to  inherit  the  crown  of  this  realm, 
every  such  person  and  persons,  and  their  aiders  and  abet- 
tors, shall  be  adjudged  high  traitors,  and  every  such  offense 
shall  be  adjudged  high  treason,  and  the  offenders,  and  their 
aiders  and  abettors,  being  lawfully  convicted,  shall  suffer 
pain  of  death,  as  in  cases  of  high  treason. 

[All  are  to  be  sworn]  truly,  firmly,  and  constantly,  with- 
out fraud  or  guile,  to  observe,  fulfill,  maintain,  and  keep,  to 
their  cunning,  wit,  and  the  utmost  of  their  powers,  the  whole 
effects  and  contents  of  this  present  act. 

The  Act  of  Supremacy,  given  below  in  full,  was  passed 
by  Parliament  in  November,  1534.  It  does  little  more 
than  sum  up  briefly  what  had  already  been  done. 

Albeit  the  king's  Majesty  justly  and  rightfully  is  and 
ought  to  be  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  so  is  recognized  by  the  clergy  of  this  realm  in  their 
convocations,  yet  nevertheless,  for  corroboration  and  con- 
firmation thereof,  and  for  increase  of  virtue  in  Christ's 
religion  within  this  realm  of  England,  and  to  repress  and 
extirpate  all  errors,  heresies,  and  other  enormities  and  abuses 
heretofore  used  in  the  same,  be  it  enacted,  by  authority  of 
this  present  Parliament,  that  the  king,  our  sovereign  lord, 


269.  Ex- 
tract from 
the  first 
Act  of 
Succession 

(1534). 
(Condensed.) 


Treason  to 
question  the 
lawfulness 
of  Henry's 
marriage 
with  Anne. 


270.  The 
Act  of 
Supremacy 
(November, 

1534). 


142  Readings  in  European  History 

his  heirs  and  successors,  kings  of  this  realm,  shall  be  taken, 
accepted,  and  reputed  the  only  supreme  head  in  earth  of 
the  Church  of  England,  called  Anglica?ia  Ecdesia ;  and 
shall  have  and  enjoy,  annexed  and  united  to  the  imperial 
crown  of  this  realm,  as  well  the  title  and  style  thereof,  as 
all  honors,  dignities,  preeminences,  jurisdictions,  privileges, 
authorities,  immunities,  profits,  and  commodities  to  the  said 
dignity  of  the  supreme  head  of  the  same  Church  belong- 
ing and  appertaining ;  and  that  our  said  sovereign  lord,  his 
heirs  and  successors,  kings  of  this  realm,  shall  have  full  power 
and  authority  from  time  to  time  to  visit,  repress,  redress, 
record,  order,  correct,  restrain,  and  amend  all  such  errors, 
heresies,  abuses,  offenses,  contempts,  and  enormities,  what- 
soever they  be,  which  by  any  manner  of  spiritual  authority 
or  jurisdiction  ought  or  may  lawfully  be  reformed,  repressed, 
ordered,  redressed,  corrected,  restrained,  or  amended,  most 
to  the  pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  the  increase  of  virtue  in 
Christ's  religion,  and  for  the  conservation  of  the  peace, 
unity,  and  tranquillity  of  this  realm  ;  any  usage,  foreign  law, 
foreign  authority,  prescription,  or  any  other  thing  or  things 
to  the  contrary  hereof  notwithstanding. 

271.  Exe-  Numbers  of  conscientious  persons  were  now  arrested 

Fisher  and      f°r  declining  to  swear  that  the  king's  first  marriage  was 
More.  (From  void,  and  for  refusing  to  adjure  the  supremacy  of  the  pope. 
chronicle.)       The  most  distinguished  victims  were  Bishop  Fisher,  who 
had  supported  Catherine,   and    Sir  Thomas  More,  who 
refused  to  pronounce  on  the  matter.    Accordingly  : 

John  Fisher         The  twenty-second  day  of  the  same  month  John  Fisher, 
beheaded  for    biSn0p  of  Rochester,  was  beheaded,  and  his  head  set  upon 

treason  . 

(i535).  London     Bridge.    This    bishop    was    of    very    many    men 

lamented  ;  for  he  was  reported  to  be  a  man  of  great  learn- 
ing, and  a  man  of  very  good  life,  but  therein  wonderfully 
deceived,  for  he  maintained  the  pope  to  be  supreme  head 
of  the  Church,  and  very  maliciously  refused  the  king's  title 
of  supreme  head.  It  was  said  that  the  pope,  for  that  he 
held  so  manfully  with  him  and  stood  so  stiffly  in  hi?  cause, 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     143 

did  elect  him  cardinal,  and  sent  the  cardinal's  hat  as  far  as 
Calais,  but  the  head  it  should  have  stood  on  was  as  high 
as  London  Bridge  before  the  hat  could  come  to  Bishop 
Fisher.  .   .   . 

Also  the  sixth  day  of  July  was  Sir  Thomas  More  beheaded    Execution  of 
for  the  like  treason  before  rehearsed,  which,  as  you  have    Sir  Thomas 

More 

heard,  was  for  the  denying  of  the  king's  Majesty's  suprem- 
acy. This  man  was  also  counted  learned,  and,  as  you  have 
heard  before,  he  was  lord  chancellor  of  England,  and  in  that 
time  a  great  persecutor  of  such  as  detested  the  supremacy 
of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  which  he  himself  so  highly  favored 
that  he  stood  to  it  until  he  was  brought  to  the  scaffold  on 
the  Tower  Hill,  where  on  a  block  his  head  was  stricken  from 
his  shoulders  and  had  no  more  harm. 

I  cannot  tell  whether  I  should  call  him  a  foolish  wise  man 
or  a  wise  foolish  man,  for  undoubtedly  he,  beside  his  learn- 
ing, had  a  great  wit,  but  it  was  so  mingled  with  taunting  and 
mocking,  that  it  seemed  to  them  that  best  knew  him  that  he 
thought  nothing  to  be  well  spoken  except  he  had  ministered 
some  mock  in  the  communication,  insomuch  as  at  his  com- 
ing to  the  Tower  one  of  the  officers  demanded  his  upper 
garment  for  his  fee,  meaning  his  gown,  and  he  answered  he 
should  have  it  and  took  him  his  cap,  saying  that  it  was  the 
uppermost  garment  that  he  had.  Likewise,  even  going  to 
his  death  at  the  Tower  gate,  a  poor  woman  called  unto  him 
and  besought  him  to  declare  that  he  had  certain  evidence  of 
hers  in  the  time  that  he  was  in  office  (which  after  he  was 
apprehended  she  could  not  come  by),  and  that  he  would 
entreat  she  might  have  them  again,  or  else  she  was  undone. 
He  answered,  "  Good  woman,  have  patience  a  little  while, 
for  the  king  is  so  good  unto  me  that  even  within  this  half 
hour  he  will  discharge  me  of  all  business,  and  help  thee 
himself."  Also  when  he  went  up  the  stair  on  the  scaffold 
he  desired  one  of  the  sheriff's  officers  to  give  him  his  hand 
to  help  him  up,  and  said,  "When  I  come  down  again  let  me 
shift  for  myself  as  well  as  I  can." 

Also  the  hangman  kneeled  down  to  him  asking  him  for- 
giveness of  his  death  (as  the  manner  is),  to  whom  he  said, 


144 


Readings  in  European  History 


"I  forgive  thee,  but  I  promise  thee  that  thou  shalt  never 
have  honesty  of  the  striking  of  my  head,  my  neck  is  so  short." 
Also  even  when  he  should  lay  down  his  head  on  the  block 
he,  having  a  great  gray  beard,  struck  out  his  beard,  and  said 
to  the  hangman,  "  I  pray  you  let  me  lay  my  beard  over  the 
block  lest  ye  should  cut  it."  Thus  with  a  mock  he  ended 
his  life. 


VI.   Church  Reforms  of  Henry  VIII 

Henry  VIII  was  no  Protestant.  He  cruelly  enforced 
the  acceptance  by  his  subjects  of  the  old  beliefs  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  except  that  concerning  the 
supremacy  of  the  pope.  Nevertheless,  as  "  supreme 
head "  of  the  English  Church,  he  introduced  some 
momentous  changes  :  (i)  He  brought  the  clergy  com- 
pletely under  his  despotic  control,  and  even  issued  ordi- 
nances relating  to  the  Church  without  submitting  them 
to  the  clergy  at  all.  (2)  He  approved  the  reading  of  the 
Bible  in  English,  and  (3)  ordered  that  the  services  be 
conducted  in  English  instead  of  Latin.  (4)  Lastly,  he 
did  away  with  all  the  monasteries,  great  and  small,  and 
appropriated  their  lands.  Thousands  of  men  and  women 
were  in  consequence  cast  adrift,  and  toward  a  third  of 
all  the  lands  in  England  are  supposed  to  have  been 
involved. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  an  account  of  the 
destruction  of  the  monasteries,  written  about  1591  by 
one  whose  father  and  uncle  witnessed  the  acts  of  the 
visitors  in  some  parts. 


As  soon  as  the  visitors   [i.e.  the  king's  commissioners] 
were  entered  within  the  gates,  they  called  the   abbot  and 


272.  An 

account  of 

tion  of  the       other  officers  of  the  house,  and  caused  them  to  deliver  up  to 
monasteries,   them  all  their  keys,  and  took  an  inventory  of  all  their  goods 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     145 

both  within  doors  and  without ;  for  all  such  beasts,  horses, 
sheep,  and  such  cattle  as  were  abroad  in  pasture  or  grange 
places,  the  visitors  caused  to  be  brought  into  their  presence, 
and  when  they  had  done  so,  turned  the  abbot  with  all  his 
convent  and  household  forth  of  the  doors. 

Which  thing  was  not  a  little  grief  to  the  convent,  and  all 
the  servants  of  the  house  departing  one  from  another,  and 
especially  such  as  with  their  conscience  could  not  break 
their  profession  ;  for  it  would  have  made  a  heart  of  flint  to 
have  melted  and  wept  to  have  seen  the  breaking  up  of  these 
houses  and  their  sorrowful  departing,  and  the  sudden  spoil 
that  fell  the  same  day  of  their  departure  from  the  house. 
And  every  person  had  everything  good  cheap,  except  the 
poor  monks,  friars,  and  nuns,  that  had  no  money  to  bestow 
on  anything.   .   .   . 

Such  persons  as  afterward  bought  their  corn  and  hay,  or 
such  like,  found  all  the  doors  either  open,  the  locks  and 
shackles  plucked  away,  or  the  door  itself  taken  away,  went 
in  and  took  what  they  found,  —  filched  it  away.  Some  took 
the  service  books  that  lied  in  the  church,  and  laid  them  upon 
their  waine  coppes  to  piece  the  same.  Some  took  windows 
of  the  hayleith  and  hid  them  in  their  hay  ;  and  likewise  they 
did  of  many  other  things,  for  some  pulled  forth  the  iron 
hooks  out  of  the  walls  that  bought  none,  when  the  yeomen 
and  gentlemen  of  the  country  had  bought  the  timber  of  the 
church.  For  the  church  was  the  first  thing  that  was  put  to 
the  spoil ;  and  then  the  abbott's  lodging,  dorter,  and  frater, 
with  the  cloister  and  all  the  buildings  thereabout  within  the 
abbey  walls.  ...  It  would  have  pitied  any  heart  to  see 
what  tearing  up  of  lead  there  was  and  plucking  up  of  boards 
and  throwing  down  of  the  spars  ;  when  the  lead  was  torn  off 
and  cast  down  into  the  church  and  the  tombs  in  the  church 
all  broken  (for  in  most  abbeys  were  divers  noble  men  and 
women,  —  yea,  and  in  some  abbeys,  kings,  whose  tombs  were 
regarded  no  more  than  the  tombs  of  all  other  inferior  persons; 
for  to  what  end  should  they  stand  when  the  church  over  them 
was  not  spared  for  their  cause!),  and  all  things  of  Christ 
either  spoiled,  carped  away,  or  defaced  to  the  uttermost. 


146  R&adings  in  European  History 

The  persons  that  cast  the  lead  into  fodders  plucked  up  all 
the  seats  in  the  choir  wherein  the  monks  sat  when  they  said 
service,  —  which  were  like  to  the  seats  in  minsters,  —  and 
burned  them  and  melted  the  lead  therewith  all,  although 
there  was  wood  plenty  within  a  flight  shot  of  them.  .  .  . 


VII.   Protestantism  established  in  England  under 

Edward  VI  (1547-1553) 

It  was  the  task  of  the  advisers  of  Edward  VI  to  deter- 
mine what  should  be  the  doctrines  and  rites  in  the  new 
English  Protestant  state  church.  When  the  beliefs  and 
religious  services  sanctioned  by  the  government  had  been 
duly  established  by  issuing  an  official  book  of  prayer  and 
the  "Articles  of  Religion,"  it  became  necessary  to  enforce 
uniformity  by  punishing,  on  the  one  hand,  "revilers," 
who  went  too  far  to  suit  the  government,  and,  on  the 
other,  Roman  Catholics,  who  refused  to  go  far  enough. 
At  the  opening  of  Edward's  reign  a  statute  was  directed 
against  the  extremists  who  spoke  against  the  Lord's 
Supper. 

273.  Revilers  [Although  the  most  comfortable  sacrament  of  the  body  and 
of  the  Lord's  blood  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  commonly  called  the  Sacra- 
imprisoned  rnent  of  the  Altar,  and  in  Scripture,  the  supper  and  table  of 
(1547).  the  Lord,  was  instituted  of  no  less  author  than  of  our  Saviour,] 

(Slightly  t  tke  g^  sacrament  nas  been  of  late  marvelously  abused 

by  such  manner  of  men  before  rehearsed,  who  of  wickedness, 
or  else  of  ignorance  and  want  of  learning,  for  certain  abuses 
heretofore  committed  by  some,  in  misusing  thereof,  having 
condemned  in  their  hearts  and  speech  the  whole  thing,  and 
contemptuously  depraved,  despised,  or  reviled  the  same  most 
holy  and  blessed  sacrament,  and  not  only  disputed  and  rea- 
soned unreverently  and  ungodly  of  that  most  high  mystery, 
but  also,  in  their  sermons,  preachings,  readings,  lectures, 
communications,  arguments,  talks,  rhymes,  songs,  plays,  or 


condensed.) 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     1 47 

jests,  name  or  call  it  by  such  vile  and  unseemly  words  as 
Christian  ears  do  abhor  to  hear  rehearsed. 

For  reformation  whereof,  be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  High- 
ness, with  the  assent  of  the  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal, 
and  of  the  Commons,  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled, 
that  whatsoever  person  or  persons,  from  and  after  the  first 
day  of  May  next  coming,  shall  deprave,  despise,  or  contemn 
the  said  most  blessed  sacrament,  in  contempt  thereof,  by  any 
contemptuous  words,  or  by  any  words  of  depraving,  despis- 
ing, or  reviling,  contrary  to  the  effects  and  declarations 
abovesaid,  that  then  he  or  they  shall  suffer  imprisonment  of 
his  or  their  bodies,  and  make  fine  and  ransom  at  the  king's 
will  and  pleasure. 

From  the  several  acts  issued  in  the  hope  of  securing 
uniformity,  the  following  is  taken  as  one  example  of  the 
efforts  of  the  government  to  abolish  certain  practices  of 
the  Catholics. 


Penalty 
for  such 
reviling. 


Whereas,  the  king's  most  excellent  Majesty  hath  of  late 
set  forth  and  established  by  authority  of  the  Parliament  an 
uniform,  quiet,  and  godly  order  for  common  prayer  in  a  book 
entitled,  The  Book  of  Com??ion  Prayer  and  Administration  of 
the  Sacraments,  to  be  used  and  observed  in  the  said  Church 
of  England,  agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  primitive  Church, 
much  more  comfortable  unto  his  loving  subjects  than  other 
diversity  of  service,  as  heretofore  of  long  time  hath  been 
used.  ...  Be  it  enacted  therefore  by  the  king,  our  sover- 
eign lord,  the  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  the  Com- 
mons, in  the  present  Parliament  assembled,  that  all  books 
called  antiphonaries,  missals,  grails,  processionals,  manuals, 
legends,  pies,  portuasses,  primers  in  Latin  and  English, 
etc.,  hitherto  used  for  service  of  the  Church,  written  or 
printed  in  the  English  or  Latin  tongue,  other  than  such  as 
are  or  shall  be  set  forth  by  the  king's  Majesty,  shall  be  by 
authority  of  this  present  act  clearly  and  utterly  abolished, 
extinguished,  and  forbidden  forever  to  be  used  or  kept  in 
the  realm. 


274.  An  act 
for  the 
abolishing 
and  putting 
away  of 
diverse 
books  and 
images 

(1547)- 
(Condensed.] 


148  Readings  in  European  History 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  if  any  person  or  persons, 
of  what  estate,  degree,  or  condition  soever,  that  now  have 
or  hereafter  shall  have  in  his,  her,  or  their  custody,  any 
books  or  writings  of  the  sorts  aforesaid,  or  any  images  of 
stone,  timber,  alabaster,  or  earth,  graven,  carved,  or  painted, 
which  heretofore  have  been  taken  out  of  any  church  or 
chapel,  or  yet  stand  in  any  church  or  chapel,  and  do  not 
before  the  last  day  of  June  next  ensuing  deface  and  destroy, 
or  cause  to  be  defaced  and  destroyed,  the  same  images,  and 
deliver  all  and  every  the  same  books  to  the  mayor,  bailiff, 
constable,  or  church  wardens  of  the  town  where  such  books 
then  shall  be,  to  be  by  them  delivered  over  openly  within 
three  months  to  the  archbishop,  bishop,  or  chancellor,  to  the 
intent  the  said  archbishop,  bishop,  or  chancellor  cause  them 
immediately  either  to  be  openly  burned  or  otherwise  defaced 
and  destroyed,  shall  for  every  such  book  or  books  willingly 
retained  in  his,  her,  or  their  hands  or  custody  within  the 
realm,  or  elsewhere  within  any  of  the  king's  dominions,  after 
the  last  day  of  June  (and  be  therefore  lawfully  convict)  for- 
feit and  lose  to  the  king,  our  sovereign  lord,  for  the  first 
offense  twenty  shillings,  and  for  the  second  offense  shall 
forfeit  and  lose  (being  therefore  lawfully  convict)  four 
pounds,  and  for  the  third  offense  shall  suffer  imprisonment 
at  the  king's  will.1 

1  Extracts  from  the  diary  of  the  bishop  of  Worcester  give  a  vivid 
idea  of  the  changes  during  the  first  years  of  Edward  VI : 

1547.  Candlemas  Day :  No  candles  hallowed  or  borne  Ash  Wednes- 
day.   No  ashes. 

154S.  March  25,  Palm  Sunday :  No  palms  or  cross  borne  in  procession. 
Easter  Eve  :  No  fire,  but  the  paschal  taper  and  the  font.  Easter  Day : 
The  pyx,  with  the  sacrament,  taken  out  of  the  sepulcher,  they  singing 
"Christ  is  Risen  "  without  procession.  Good  Friday:  No  creeping  to 
the  cross.  October  20 :  The  cup  and  the  body  of  Christ  was  taken  away 
from  the  altars. 

1549.  Good  Friday :  No  sepulcher,  or  service  of  sepulcher.  Easter 
Eve:  No  paschal  taper,  or  fire,  or  incense,  or  font.  On  April  23:  Mass, 
matins,  evensong,  and  all  other  service  in  English. 

All  mass  books,  graduals,  pies,  portasses,  and  legends  brought  to  the 
bishop  and  burned.  (From  Bishop  Blandford's  diary,  quoted  in  Traill, 
Social  England,  Vol.  Ill,  180  sa.) 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  E7igland     149 
VIII.   The  Catholic  Reaction  under  Queen  Mary 

The  Venetian  ambassador,  Giovanni  Michele,  made  a 
report  to  his  government  in  1557  on  the  state  of  Eng- 
land. He  thus  describes  Queen  Mary  and  her  husband, 
Philip  II  : 

Queen   Mary,  the   daughter  of  Henry  VIII   and  of  his    275.  A 
queen  Catherine,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  king    Venetian 
of  Aragon,  is  a  princess  of  great  worth.    In  her  youth  she    sa(ior's 
was  rendered  unhappy  by  the  event  of  her  mother's  divorce ;    account  of 
by  the  ignominy  and  threats  to  which  she  was  exposed  after    Quee^  Mary 
the  change  of  religion  in  England,  she  being  unwilling  to 
unbend  to  the  new  one  ;  and  by  the  dangers  to  which  she 
was  exposed  by  the  duke  of  Northumberland,  and  the  riots 
among  the  people  when  she  ascended  the  throne. 

She  is  of  short  stature,  well  made,  thin  and  delicate,  and 
moderately  pretty ;  her  eyes  are  so  lively  that  she  inspires 
reverence  and  respect,  and  even  fear,  wherever  she  turns 
them ;  nevertheless  she  is  very  shortsighted.  Her  voice  is 
deep,  almost  like  that  of  a  man.  She  understands  five  lan- 
guages,—  English,  Latin,  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian,  in 
which  last,  however,  she  does  not  venture  to  converse.  She 
is  also  much  skilled  in  ladies'  work,  such  as  producing  all 
sorts  of  embroidery  with  the  needle.  She  has  a  knowledge 
of  music,  chiefly  on  the  lute,  on  which  she  plays  exceedingly 
well.  As  to  the  qualities  of  her  mind,  it  may  be  said  of  her 
that  she  is  rash,  disdainful,  and  parsimonious  rather  than 
liberal.  She  is  endowed  with  great  humility  and  patience, 
but  withal  high-spirited,  courageous,  and  resolute,  having  dur- 
ing the  whole  course  of  her  adversity  not  been  guilty  of  the 
least  approach  to  meanness  of  deportment;  she  is,  moreover, 
devout  and  stanch  in  the  defense  of  her  religion. 

Some  personal  infirmities  under  which  she  labors  are  the 
causes  to  her  of  both  public  and  private  affliction;  to  remedy 
these  recourse  is  had  to  frequent  bloodletting,  and  this  is 
the  real  cause  of  her  paleness  and  the  general  weakness  of 


150  Readings  in  European  History 

her  frame.  These  have  also  given  rise  to  the  unfounded 
rumor  that  the  queen  is  in  a  state  of  pregnancy.  The  cabal 
she  has  been  exposed  to,  the  evil  disposition  of  the  people 
toward  her,  the  present  poverty  and  the  debt  of  the  crown, 
and  her  passion  for  King  Philip,  from  whom  she  is  doomed 
to  live  separate,  are  so  many  other  causes  of  the  grief  with 
which  she  is  overwhelmed.  She  is,  moreover,  a  prey  to 
the  hatred  she  bears  my  Lady  Elizabeth,  and  which  has  its 
source  in  the  recollection  of  the  wrongs  she  experienced  on 
account  of  her  mother,  and  in  the  fact  that  all  eyes  and 
hearts  are  turned  towards  my  Lady  Elizabeth  as  successor 
to  the  throne.  .  .  . 
Description  King  Philip  is  of  short  stature,  but  his  person  appears  to 

of  Philip  II.  advantage  both  when  armed  and  in  common  attire.  Though 
of  great  affability  and  politeness,  his  character  is  marked 
with  gravity.  His  understanding  is  good  and  his  judgment 
correct.  Besides  Spanish,  he  knows  Latin,  French,  and 
Italian.  He  is  also  liberal  and  religious,  but  without  pos- 
sessing either  the  dignity  or  the  ambition  of  his  father.  .  .  . 
As  to  his  authority  in  England,  your  Serene  Highness  may 
be  assured  that  in  all  affairs  of  importance,  whether  public 
or  private,  he  is  made  to  act  precisely  the  same  part  as  if  he 
were  the  natural  king  of  England,  and  this  on  account  of  the 
great  respect  and  love  with  which  he  is  treated  by  the  queen 
and  Cardinal  Pole.  Sensible,  however,  that  he  is  new  in 
this  kingdom,  he  modestly,  and  wisely  too,  leaves  everything 
to  the  management  of  the  queen  and  the  cardinal  [Pole]. 
He  receives  petitions,  but  more  in  the  character  of  mediator 
than  as  a  patron,  letting  justice  take  its  course  in  criminal 
cases,  but  frequently  stepping  forward  to  procure  pardon  or 
mitigation  of  punishment  after  conviction.  .  .  . 
indifference  Religion,  although  thriving  in  this  country,  is,  I  apprehend, 

of  the  English  [n  SOme  degree  the  offspring  of  dissimulation.  The  queen  is 
far  from  being  lukewarm ;  she  has  already  founded  ten  mon- 
asteries, and  is  about  to  found  more.  Generally  speaking, 
your  Serene  Highness  may  rest  assured  that  with  the  Eng- 
I  lish  the  example  and  authority  of  the  sovereign  is  every- 
thing, and  religion  is  only  so  far  valued  as  it  inculcates  the 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  aiid  England     151 

duty  due  from  the  subject  to  the  prince.  They  live  as  he 
lives,  they  believe  as  he  believes,  and  they  obey  his  com- 
mands, not  from  any  inward  moral  impulse,  but  because  they 
fear  to  incur  his  displeasure  ;  and  they  would  be  full  as 
zealous  followers  of  the  Mohammedan  or  Jewish  religions 
did  the  king  profess  either  of  them,  or  command  his  sub- 
jects to  do  so.  In  short,  they  will  accommodate  themselves 
to  any  religious  persuasion,  but  most  readily  to  one  that 
promises  to  minister  to  licentiousness  and  profit. 

Mary  proclaimed,  immediately  after  her  accession,  that 
she  proposed  to  adhere  to  the  religion  which  she  had 
ever  professed  from  her  infancy,  "  which  her  Majesty  is 
minded  to  observe  and  maintain  for  herself  by  God's 
grace  during  her  time,  so  doth  her  Highness  much  desire 
and  would  be  glad  the  same  were  of  all  her  subjects 
quietly  and  charitably  embraced."  She  speedily  repealed 
the  church  legislation  of  Edward's  reign  ;  then,  by  a 
second  act  of  repeal  (1554),  that  of  Henry  VIII,  thus 
restoring  the  conditions  which  had  existed  before  1529. 
She  wished  to  give  back  the  church  property,  but  this 
was  deemed  impossible.  She  revived  the  old  heresy  acts 
of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.  The  following 
order  for  the  execution  of  Bishop  Hooper  may  serve  as 
an  example  of  her  policy  toward  heretics. 

Right  trusty  and  well  beloved,  etc.  :  276.  Mary's 

Whereas  John  Hooper,  who  of  late  was  called  bishop  of 
Rochester  and  Gloucester,  by  due  order  of  the  laws  ecclesi-    ing  a 
astic,   condemned  and  judged   for  a   most  obstinate,  false,    heretical 
detestable  heretic,  and  committed  to  our  secular  power,  to     1 
be  burned  according  to  the  wholesome  and  good  laws  of  our 
realm  in  that  case  provided ;  forasmuch  as  in  those  cities, 
and  the  diocese  thereof,  he  has  in  times  past  preached  and 
taught  most  pestilent  heresies  and  doctrine  to  our  subjects 
there,  we  have  therefore  given  order  that  the  said  Hooper, 


directions 
for  execut- 


152 


Readings  in  European  Histoiy 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


who  yet  persisteth  obstinate,  and  hath  refused  mercy  when 
it  was  graciously  offered,  shall  be  put  to  execution  in  the 
said  city  of  Gloucester,  for  the  example  and  terror  of  such  as 
he  has  there  seduced  and  mistaught,  and  because  he  hath 
done  most  harm  there.  .  .  .  And  forasmuch  also  as  the 
said  Hooper  is,  as  heretics  be,  a  vainglorious  person,  and 
delighteth  in  his  tongue,  and,  having  liberty,  may  use  his 
said  tongue  to  persuade  such  as  he  hath  seduced,  to  persist 
in  the  miserable  opinion  that  he  hath  sown  among  them,  our 
pleasure  is  therefore,  and  we  require  you  to  take  order,  that 
the  said  Hooper  be  neither,  at  the  time  of  his  execution,  nor 
in  going  to  the  place  thereof,  suffered  to  speak  at  large,  but 
thither  to  be  led  quietly  and  in  silence,  for  eschewing  of 
further  infection  and  such  inconvenience  as  may  otherwise 
ensue  in  this  part.  Wherefore  fail  not,  as  ye  tender  our 
pleasure. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Zwingli  and  the  Swiss  Reform  :  Hausser,  Period  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, pp.  125-142  ;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  X, 
pp.  305-341  ;  Walker,  The  Reformation,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  147-180. 

Calvin  and  the  Genevan  Reformation:  Hausser,  pp.  241-255; 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  342-376 ;  Walker, 
Chapter  VI,  pp.  225-276. 

The  English  Humanists :  Green,  Short  History  of  England, 
pp.  303-320;    Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  I,  No.  1. 

Henry  VIII:  Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  pp.  289-310; 
Andrews,  History  of  England,  pp.  245-268;  Green,  pp.  320-356; 
Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  416-473  (by 
James  Gairdner ;  excellent);  Terry,  A  History  of  England,  pp.  512-559. 

Edward  VI:  Cheyney,  pp.  310-319;  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  II,  Chapter  XIV,  pp.  474-512  (by  Pollard);  Terry,  pp.  560-570. 

Mary  and  the  Catholic  Reaction:  Green,  pp.  361-369;  Terry, 
pp.  571-586;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  XV, 
pp.  512-459;  Cheyney,  pp.  319-328. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


Jackson,  S.  M.,  Huldreich  Zwingli,  1901.  The  best  biography  of 
Zwingli  in  English  ;  scholarly  and  well  illustrated. 

Schaff,  Philip,  History  of  the  Reformation,  Vol.  II  (Vol.  VII  of  his 
History  of  the  Christian  Church),  is  devoted  to  Zwingli  and  Calvin. 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     153 

Spalding,  The  History  of  the  Brotestant  Reformation.  Vol.  I,  Chap- 
ter V  (Zwingli);  Vol.  II,  Chapter  I  (Henry  VIII  and  Edward  VI); 
Chapter  II  (Mary  and  Philip).  A  suggestive  review  of  the  subject  by  a 
critic  hostile  to  the  Protestant  movement. 

Henry,  P.,  Life  and  Times  of  Calvin,  2  vols.,  1849.  This  is  a  trans- 
lation of  a  German  work,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  is  rather  out  of 
date,  it  is  the  best  life  of  Calvin  to  be  had  in  English.  A  new  biography 
is  announced  in  The  Heroes  of  the  Reformation  Series,  by  Professor 
Williston  Walker. 

Calvin,  Works :  The  Institutes  of  the  Christian  Religion  has  several 
times  been  published  in  English  ;  for  example,  a  translation  by  Beveridge, 
3  vols.,  1845-1846.  Beveridge  has  also  translated  some  important 
Tracts  of  Calvin  relating  to  the  Reformation,  3  vols.,   1 844-1 85 1. 

Beza,  Theodore,  Life  of  Calvin.  This  is  to  be  found  in  Vol.  I  of 
Beveridge's  translation  of  Calvin's  Tracts,  mentioned  just  above.  Beza 
was  a  co-worker  of  Calvin's  and  knew  him  well. 

Seebohm,  The  Oxford  Reformers.  An  admirable  account  of  the 
beginnings  of  humanism  in  England. 

Gasquet,  The  Eve  of  the  Reformation,  1900.  Excellent ;  by  a  learned 
Benedictine. 

Moberly,  The  Early  Tudors.  A  general  review  of  the  period  in 
the  Epoch   Series. 

Pollard,  Henry  VIII,  1902,  and  Thomas  Cranmer,  1903.  Two 
useful  biographies,  by  a  careful  writer. 

Stone,  The  Reign  of  Mary  the  First,  1901.  An  apology,  correcting 
many  common  misapprehensions. 

Gee  and  Hardy,  Documents  Illustrative  of  English  Church  History. 
An  admirable  collection,  particularly  full  on  this  period.  It  may  be 
supplemented  by  the  interesting  extracts  given  in  Kendall,  Source 
Book  of  English  History  ;  Colby,  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English 
History  ;  and  Lee,  Source  Book  of  English  History. 

Cavendish,  Cardinal  Wolsey,  in  Morley's  "  Universal  Library." 
Written  by  one  of  Wolsey's  clerks. 

Wakeman,  Introduction  to  the  History  of  the  Church  of  England, 
1898,  Chapters  XI-XIV.- 

Gairdner,  A  History  of  the  English  Church  from  Henry  VIII  to 
Mary,  1904. 


Zwingli,  Selected  Works  of,  edited  by  S.  M.  Jackson,  1901.  Con-  C.  Materials 
tains  an  account  of  the  first  disputation  at  Zurich,  Zwingli's  refutation  for  advanced 
of  the  Baptist  teachings,  etc. 


154  Readings  in  European  History 

STAHELIN,  R.,  Huldreich  Zwingli  nach  den  Quellen  dargestellt,  2  vols., 
Basel,  1895-1897.1 

Strickler,  Actensammlung  zicr  schweizerischen  Reformationsge- 
schichte  i?i  den  Jahren  1521-32,   5  vols.,  Zurich,   1877-1884. 

Articles  on  Zwingli  and  Calvin  in  the  Realencyklopadie  fur  protestan- 
tise he  Theologie  and  in  the  Kirchenlexiko7i  (see  Readings,  Vol.  I,  p.  84). 

Stahelin,  Ernst,  Calvin's  Leben  und  ausgewahlte  Werke,  2  vols., 
1863. 

Kampschulte,  F.  \V.,fohann  Calvin,  seine  Kirche  und  sein  Staat  in 
Genf,  Vol.  I,  1869;  Vol.  II,  1899. 

Bolzec,  Histoire  de  la  vie,  mceurs,  actes,  constajice  et  ??iort  de  Jean 
Calvin,  edited  by  Chastel,  1875;  a^so  m  Archives  curieuses  de  V histoire 
de  Fraiice,  First  Series,  Vol.  V.  First  published  in  1577  by  an  enemy 
of  Calvin. 

Calvini,  Opera  quae  supersunt  otnnia,  59  vols.,  1869-1897.  Espe- 
cially important  for  the  historical  student  are  the  numerous  letters,  the 
ordonnances  for  the  government  of  Geneva  (in  Vol.  X,  Part  I),  and  the 
"Annales  Calvini,"  which  consist  of  extracts  from  the  sources,  so 
arranged  as  to  give  a  very  complete  and  authoritative  account  of 
Calvin's  career  (Vol.  XXI). 

Fagtjet,  Emile,  Etudes  litteraires  sur  la  XVIibne  siecle,  1894. 

Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  fran- 
caise,  Vol.  III. 

Herminjard,  Correspondance  des Reformateurs dans  les paysde  langue 
fra?icaise,  9  vols.,  1866-1897.     Admirably  edited.2 

Beard,  The  Reformation  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  and  its  Relation  to 
Modem  Thought  and  Knowledge,  1893. 

England.  Brewer,  The  Reign  of  Henry  VIII from  his  Accession  to  the  Death 

of  Wolsey,  2  vols.     A  scholarly  account  by  a  distinguished  archivist. 

Froude,  History  of  England  from  the  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat  of 
the  Spanish  Armada,  12  vols.  Vols.  I-V  relate  to  the  period  1 532-1 55S. 
A  brilliant  work  by  a  learned  but  biased  writer,  who  misuses  his  sources 
in  his  anxiety  to  defend  Henry  VIII. 

Dixon,  History  of  the  Church  of  Eiigland  from  the  Abolition  of  the 
Roman  Jurisdiction,  6  vols.,  to  1570.  Recent  exhaustive  Protestant 
treatment. 

1  See  remarkable  bibliography  of  the  Helvetic  Reformation  in  Cambridge 
Modern  History,  Vol.  II,  pp.  769  sqq, 

2  See  valuable  bibliography  of  Calvin  and  his  work  in  the  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  Vol.  II,  p.  779. 


Protestant  Revolt  in  Switzerland  and  England     1 5  5 

LlNGARD  (d.  185 1),  History  of  England  to  1688,  10  vols.  The  stand- 
ard Catholic  history;  rather  old  now,  but  still  useful  on  account  of 
Lingard's  erudition  and  point  of  view. 

Gasquet,  Henry  VIII  and  the  English  Monasteries.  The  best 
account  of  the  matter. 

Friedmann,  Anne  Boleyn,  2  vols.,  and  Merriman,  Life  and  Letters 
of  Thomas  Cromwell,  2  vols.,  1902.     Good  detailed  biographies. 

Cheyney,  Social  Changes  in  England  in  the  Sixteenth  Century. 
.    Traill,  Social  England,  Vol.  III.     Contains  short  monographs  by 
different  hands,  dealing  topically  with  the  various  phases  of  the  period. 


The  materials  for  the  Tudor  period  are  exceedingly  voluminous,  and 
only  the  chief  groups  can  be  mentioned. 

The  Statutes  of  the  Realm  in  various  editions.  The  best  is  the  folio 
edition  published  under  the  direction  of  the  Record  Commission.  The 
fournals  of  the  House  of  Lords  begin  with  Henry  VIII  and  the  Journals 
of  the  House  of  Cotnmons  with  Edward  VI. 

Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy  Council,  edited  by  Nicolas 
(Vol.  VII  for  Henry  VIII).  This  important  series  is  continued  by 
Dasent,  Acts  of  the  Privy   Council,   19  vols.,  to   1590. 

The  State  Papers,  1 1  vols.  A  collection  of  important  letters,  invalu- 
able for  Henry  VIII. 

Calendar  of  Letters  and  Papers,  Eoreign  arid  Domestic,  of  the  Reign  of 
Henry  VIII,  19  vols.  Thousands  of  domestic,  foreign,  and  colonial 
papers  have  been  digested  in  the  various  calendars  published  under  the 
Record  Commission.  The  advanced  student  should  also  be  familiar 
with  the  Reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission  and  the 
Annual  Reports  of  the  Deputy  Keeper  of  Pudlic  Records. 

The  chronicles  of  Hall,  Holinshed,  Wriothesly,  and  Stow  are 
valuable  for  contemporary  opinion.  Stray  tractates  are  printed  in  the 
Camden  Society's  publications  and  in  Arber,  An  English  Gamer.  The 
stream  of  pamphlet  literature  begins  to  flow  in  the  period  of  Henry  VIII. 


The  sources 
for  England. 

Parlia- 
mentary 
materials. 


Official 
documents 
and  letters. 


Calendars  of 
state  papers. 


Chronicles 
and  tracts. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


THE  CATHOLIC  REFORMATION :  PHILIP  II 


I.  The  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent 


277.  Ex- 
tracts from 
the  Acts  of 
the  Council 
of  Trent. 


On  confes- 
sion.   (Some- 
what con- 
densed.) 


The  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  constitute  the 
most  important  monument  of  the  Catholic  Reformation. 
These  fall  into  three  groups  :  ( i )  those  which  define  and 
explain  the  doctrines  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and 
defend  them  against  the  objections  raised  by  the  Protes- 
tants; (2)  those  which  succinctly  and  explicitly  declare 
accursed  the  various  heretical  beliefs  ;  and  (3)  lastly,  a 
great  number  of  reform  decrees  abolishing  the  various 
abuses  and  enforcing  a  more  rigid  discipline  among  the 
clergy  and  monks.  The  following  extracts  will  serve  at 
once  to  illustrate  the  spirit  and  method  of  the  council 
and  to  make  clear  some  of  those  Roman  Catholic  tenets 
which  have  been  most  bitterly  attacked  and  most  often 
misrepresented  by  Protestants. 

The  universal  Church  has  alwavs  understood  that  the 
complete  confession  of  sins  was  instituted  by  the  Lord,  and 
is  of  divine  right  necessary  for  all  who  have  fallen  into  sin 
after  baptism  ;  because  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  when  about 
to  ascend  from  earth  to  heaven,  left  priests,  his  own  vicars, 
as  leaders  and  judges,  before  whom  all  the  mortal  offenses 
into  which  the  faithful  of  Christ  may  have  fallen  should  be 
carried,  in  order  that,  in  accordance  with  the  power  of  the 
keys,  they  may  pronounce  the  sentence  of  forgiveness  or  of 
retention  of  sins.  For  it  is  manifest  that  priests  could  not 
have  exercised  this  judgment  without  knowledge  of  the  case  ; 

156 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


157 


neither  could  they  have  observed  equity  in  enjoining  punish- 
ments, if  the  said  faithful  declared  their  sins  in  general  only 
instead  of  specifically  and  one  by  one.  Whence  it  is  gathered 
that  all  the  mortal  sins  of  which  penitents,  after  a  diligent 
examination  of  themselves,  are  conscious  must  needs  be 
enumerated  in  confession. 

Venial  sins,  whereby  we  are  not  excluded  from  the  grace 
of  God,  and  into  which  we  fall  more  frequently,  although 
they  may  be  included  rightly  and  profitably,  and  without 
any  presumption,  in  confession,  as  the  custom  of  pious  per- 
sons shows,  yet  they  may  be  omitted  without  guilt  and  be 
expiated  by  many  other  remedies.  But  since  all  mortal  sins, 
even  those  of  thought,  render  men  "children  of  wrath  "  and 
enemies  of  God,  it  is  necessary  to  seek  pardon  from  God  for 
every  mortal  sin  by  a  full  and  modest  confession.  .  .  . 

It  is  impious  to  assert  that  confession,  thus  enjoined,  is 
impossible,  or  to  call  it  "a  slaughter-house  of  consciences"; 
for  it  is  certain  that  in  the  Church  nothing  more  is  required 
of  penitents,  except  that,  after  each  has  examined  himself 
diligently,  and  searched  all  the  folds  and  recesses  of  his 
conscience,  he  confess  those  sins  which  he  shall  remember, 
by  which  he  has  mortally  offended  his  Lord  and  God  ;  whilst 
the  other  sins,  which  do  not  occur  to  him  after  diligent 
thought,  are  understood  to  be  included  as  a  whole  in  that 
same  confession  ;  for  which  sins  we  confidently  say  with  the 
prophet,  "Cleanse  thou  me  from  secret  faults." 

This  holy  Council  enjoins  on  all  bishops  and  others  who 
are  charged  with  teaching,  that  they  instruct  the  faithful 
diligently  concerning  the  intercession  and  invocation  of 
saints,  the  honor  paid  to  relics,  and  the  legitimate  use  of 
images.  Let  them  teach  that  the  saints,  who  reign  together 
with  Christ,  offer  up  their  own  prayers  to  God  for  men ;  that 
it  is  good  and  useful  suppliantly  to  invoke  them,  and  to 
have  recourse  to  their  prayers  and  aid  in  obtaining  benefits 
from  God,  through  his  Son,  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  who  is 
our  sole  Redeemer  and  Saviour ;  and  that  those  persons 
think  impiously  who  deny  that  the  saints,  who  enjoy  eternal 


Only  mortal 
sins  need  be 
confessed. 


Answer  to 
Protestant 
objections. 


On  the  invo- 
cation and 
veneration  of 
saints  and 
their  images. 


1 5  8  Readings  in  Etcropean  History 

happiness  in  heaven,  are  to  be  invoked  ;  or  who  assert  that 
the  saints  do  not  pray  for  men,  or  that  the  invocation  of 
them  to  pray  for  each  of  us  individually  is  idolatry ;  or  who 
declare  that  it  is  repugnant  to  the  word  of  God,  and  opposed 
to  the  honor  of  the  "one  mediator  of  God  and  men,  Christ 
Jesus,"  or  that  it  is  foolish  to  supplicate,  orally  or  mentally, 
those  who  reign  in  heaven. 
Of  relics.  They  shall  likewise  teach  that  the  holy  bodies  of  martyrs, 

and  of  otherc  now  living  with  Christ,  —  which  bodies  were 
the  living  members  of  Christ,  and  "  the  temple  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,"  and  which  are  by  him  to  be  raised  unto  eternal  life, 
and  to  be  glorified,  —  are  to  be  venerated  by  the  faithful, 
through  which  relics  many  benefits  are  bestowed  by  God  on 
men.  Consequently  they  who  affirm  that  veneration  and 
honor  are  not  due  to  the  relics  of  saints,  or  that  these  and 
other  sacred  memorials  are  uselessly  honored  by  the  faithful, 
and  that  the  places  dedicated  to  the  memories  of  the  saints 
are  visited  in  vain  with  the  view  of  obtaining  their  aid,  are 
wholly  to  be  condemned,  as  the  Church  has  already  long  since 
condemned,  and  now  also  condemns,  them. 
Veneration  Moreover  they  shall  teach  that  the  images  of  Christ,  of 

of  images.  fae  virgin  Mother  of  God,  and  of  the  other  saints  are  to  be 
placed  and  retained  particularly  in  churches,  and  that  due 
honor  and  veneration  are  to  be  given  them  ;  not  that  any 
divinity  or  virtue  is  believed  to  be  in  them  on  account  of 
which  they  are  to  be  worshiped  ;  or  that  anything  is  to  be 
asked  of  them  ;  or  that  trust  is  to  be  reposed  in  images,  as 
was  of  old  done  by  the  heathen  who  placed  their  hope  in 
idols;  but  because  the  honor  which  is  shown  them  is  referred 
to  the  prototypes  which  those  images  represent;  in  such 
wise  that  by  means  of  the  images  which  we  kiss,  and  before 
which  we  uncover  the  head  and  prostrate  ourselves,  we 
adore  Christ,  and  we  venerate  the  saints,  whose  similitude 
they  bear.  .  .  . 

The  following  decrees  are  examples  of  the  brief  para- 
graphs in  which  the  council  rejects  and  anathematizes 
the  various  doctrines  of  the  Protestants. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


159 


If  any  one  saith  that  the  New  Testament  does  not  provide 
for  a  distinct,  visible  priesthood  ;  or  that  this  priesthood  has 
not  any  power  of  consecrating  and  offering  up  the  true  body 
and  blood  of  the  Lord,  and  of  forgiving  and  retaining  sins, 
but  is  only  an  office  and  bare  ministry  of  preaching  the  gos- 
pel ;  or  that  those  who  do  not  preach  are  not  priests  at  all ; 
let  him  be  anathema.  .  .  . 

If  any  one  saith  that  by  sacred  ordination  the  Holy  Ghost 
is  not  given,  and  that  vainly  therefore  do  the  bishops  say, 
"Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost";  or  that  a  character  is  not 
imprinted  by  that  ordination ;  or  that  he  who  has  once 
been  a  priest  can  again  become  a  layman  ;  let  him  be  anath- 
ema. .   .  . 

If  any  one  saith  that  in  the  Catholic  Church  there  is  not 
a  hierarchy  instituted  by  divine  ordination,  consisting  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  ministers;  let  him  be  anathema.1 

If  any  one  saith  that  the  sacraments  of  the  new  law  were 
not  all  instituted  by  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord  ;  or  that  they 
are  more  or  less  than  seven,  to  wit,  baptism,  confirmation, 
the  eucharist,  penance,  extreme  unction,  orders,  and  matri- 
mony ;  or  even  that  any  one  of  these  seven  is  not  truly  and 
properly  a  sacrament ;  let  him  be  anathema. 

Of  the  reform  decrees,  the  following  relating  to  the 
conduct  and  teaching  of  the  clergy  may  be  cited. 

In  order  that  the  faithful  may  approach  and  receive  the 
sacraments  with  greater  reverence  and  devotion  of  mind,  this 
holy  Council  enjoins  on  all  bishops  that,  not  only  when  they 
are  themselves  about  to  administer  them  to  the  people  they 
shall  first  explain,  in  a  manner  suited  to  the  capacity  of  those 
who  receive  them,  the  efficacy  and  use  of  those  sacraments, 
but  they  shall  endeavor  that  the  same  be  done  piously  and 
prudently  by  every  parish  priest ;  and  this  even  in  the  ver- 
nacular tongue,  if  need  be,  and  if  it  can  be  conveniently  done. 

Such  instruction  shall  be  given  in  accordance  with  the 
form  which  will  be  prescribed  for  each  of  the  sacraments  by 


277a.  Those 
who  reject 
the  hier- 
archy and 
the  sacra- 
ments 
declared 
accursed. 


277b.  Bish- 
ops and 
priests 
should  care- 
fully ex- 
plain the 
sacraments 
to  the 
people. 


1  Compare  Luther's  and  Calvin's  doctrines  above,  pp.  76  sg.,  81  sq.,  and  133. 


i6o 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  cate- 
chism. 


this  holy  Council  in  a  catechism,  which  the  bishops  shall 
take  care  to  have  faithfully  translated  into  the  vulgar  tongue, 
and  to  have  expounded  to  the  people  by  all  parish  priests. 
They  shall  also  explain  in  the  said  vulgar  tongue,  during 
the  solemnization  of  mass,  or  the  celebration  of  the  divine 
offices,  on  all  festivals  or  solemnities,  the  sacred  oracles  and 
the  maxims  of  salvation  ;  and,  setting  aside  all  unprofitable 
questions,  they  shall  endeavor  to  impress  them  on  the  hearts 
of  all,  and  to  instruct  their  hearers  in  the  law  of  the  Lord. 


277c.  Prel- 
ates should 
live  frugally 
as  an  ex- 
ample to 
others. 


Nepotism 
forbidden. 


It  is  to  be  desired  that  those  who  undertake  the  office  of 
bishop  should  understand  what  their  portion  is,  and  com- 
prehend that  they  are  called,  not  to  their  own  convenience, 
not  to  riches  or  luxury,  but  to  labors  and  cares,  for  the  glory 
of  God.  For  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  rest  of  the 
faithful  also  will  be  more  easily  excited  to  religion  and  inno- 
cence if  they  shall  see  those  who  are  set  over  them  not  fixing 
their  thoughts  on  the  things  of  this  world,  but  on  the  salva- 
tion of  souls  and  on  their  heavenly  country.  Wherefore  this 
holy  Council,  being  minded  that  these  things  are  of  the 
greatest  importance  towards  restoring  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline, admonishes  all  bishops  that,  often  meditating  thereon, 
they  show  themselves  conformable  to  their  office  by  their 
actual  deeds  and  the  actions  of  their  lives  ;  which  is  a  kind 
of  perpetual  sermon  ;  but,  above  all,  that  they  so  order  their 
whole  conversation  that  others  may  thence  be  able  to  derive 
examples  of  frugality,  modesty,  continency,  and  of  that  holy 
humility  which  so  much  commends  us  to  God. 

Wherefore,  after  the  example  of  our  fathers  in  the  Coun- 
cil of  Carthage,  this  Council  not  only  orders  that  bishops  be 
content  with  modest  furniture,  and  a  frugal  table  and  diet, 
but  that  they  also  give  heed  that  in  the  rest  of  their  manner 
of  living,  and  in  their  whole  house,  there  be  nothing  seen 
which  is  alien  to  this  holv  institution,  and  which  does  not 
manifest  simplicity,  zeal  toward  God,  and  a  contempt  of 
vanities. 

It  strictly  forbids  them,  moreover,  to  strive  to  enrich  their 
own  kindred  or  domestics  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Church; 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


161 


seeing  that  even  the  canons  of  the  apostles  forbid  them  to 
give  to  their  kindred  the  property  of  the  Church,  which 
belongs  to  God ;  but  if  their  kindred  be  poor,  let  them  dis- 
tribute to  them  thereof  as  poor,  but  not  misapply  or  waste 
the  Church's  goods  for  their  sakes  :  yea,  this  holy  Council, 
with  the  utmost  earnestness,  admonishes  them  completely 
to  lay  aside  all  this  human  and  carnal  affection  towards 
brothers,  nephews,  and  kindred,  which  is  the  seed  plot  of 
many  evils  in  the  Church.  And  what  has  been  said  of  bish- 
ops, the  same  is  to  be  observed  by  all  who  hold  ecclesias- 
tical benefices,  whether  secular  or  regular,  each  according 
to  the  nature  of  his  rank.  .  .  . 


II.  The  Society  of  Jesus 

Paul,  the  bishop,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  for  a  perpet- 
ual memorial  of  this  matter  : 

...  Of  late  we  have  learned  that  our  beloved  sons  Igna- 
tius de  Loyola,  Peter  Faber,  James  Laynez,  Claude  le  Jay, 
Pasquier  Brouet,  Francis  Xavier,  Alfonzo  Salmeron,  Simon 
Rodriguez,  John  Codure,  and  Nicholas  de  Boabdilla,  priests, 
masters  of  arts,  and  graduates  of  the  University  of  Paris, 
and  students  of  some  years'  standing  in  theology,  inspired, 
as  they  piously  believe,  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  assembled  to- 
gether and,  forming  an  association,  forsook  the  allurements 
of  the  age  to  dedicate  their  lives  to  the  perpetual  service 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  of  ourselves  and  our  succes- 
sors, the  Roman  pontiffs. 

Now  for  many  years  they  have  labored  nobly  in  the  vine- 
yard of  the  Lord,  publicly  preaching  the  word  of  God  under 
a  tentative  license,  privately  exhorting  the  faithful  to  a  good 
and  blessed  life  and  stimulating  them  to  holy  thoughts, 
assisting  in  hospitals,  instructing  the  young  and  ignorant  in 
the  truths  essential  for  the  development  of  a  Christian,  and 
performing  all  these  offices  of  charity  and  acts  for  the  con- 
solation of  souls  with  great  approbation  in  whatever  lands 
they  have  visited. 


278.  The 
first  ap- 
proval of 
the  Society 
of  Jesus  by 
Paul  III. 
(Condensed.) 


l62 


Readings  in  Europran  History 


Then,  gathering  in  this  beautiful  city  and  remaining  within 
its  confines  in  order  to  complete  and  preserve  the  union  of 
their  society  in  Christ,  they  have  drawn  up  a  rule  of  life  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  which  they  have  learned  by 
experience  will  promote  their  desired  ends,  and  in  conform- 
ity with  evangelical  precepts  and  the  canonical  sanctions  of 
the  fathers.    The  tenor  of  the  aforesaid  rule  is  as  follows: 


The  rule  of 
the  Jesuits. 


Purposes  of 
the  society. 


Special 
obedience 
to  the  pope. 


He  who  desires  to  fight  for  God  under  the  banner  of  the 
cross  in  our  society,  —  which  we  wish  to  distinguish  by  the 
name  of  Jesus,  —  and  to  serve  God  alone  and  the  Roman 
pontiff,  his  vicar  on  earth,  after  a  solemn  vow  of  perpetual 
chastity,  shall  set  this  thought  before  his  mind,  that  he  is  a 
part  of  a  society  founded  for  the  especial  purpose  of  provid- 
ing for  the  advancement  of  souls  in  Christian  life  and  doc- 
trine and  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith  through  public 
preaching  and  the  ministry  of  the  word  of  God,  spiritual 
exercises  and  deeds  of  charity,  and  in  particular  through 
the  training  of  the  young  and  ignorant  in  Christianity  and 
through  the  spiritual  consolation  of  the  faithful  of  Christ  in 
hearing  confessions ;  and  he  shall  take  care  to  keep  first 
God  and  next  the  purpose  of  this  organization  always  before 
his  eyes.  .  .  . 

All  the  members  shall  realize,  and  shall  recall  daily,  as 
long  as  they  live,  that  this  society  as  a  whole  and  in  every 
part  is  fighting  for  God  under  faithful  obedience  to  one 
most  holy  lord,  the  pope,  and  to  the  other  Roman  pontiffs 
who  succeed  him.  And  although  we  are  taught  in  the  gos- 
pel and  through  the  orthodox  faith  to  recognize  and  stead- 
fastly profess  that  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  are  subject  to 
the  Roman  pontiff  as  their  head  and  as  the  vicar  of  Jesus 
Christ,  yet  we  have  adjudged  that,  for  the  special  promotion 
of  greater  humility  in  our  society  and  the  perfect  mortifica- 
tion of  every  individual  and  the  sacrifice  of  our  own  wills, 
we  should  each  be  bound  by  a  peculiar  vow,  in  addition  to 
the  general  obligation,  that  whatever  the  present  Roman 
pontiff,  or  any  future  one,  may  from  time  to  time  decree 
regarding  the  welfare  of  souls  and  the  propagation  of  the 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


163 


faith,  we  are  pledged  to  obey  without  evasion  or  excuse, 
instantly,  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  whether  he  send  us  to  the 
Turks  or  any  other  infidels,  even  to  those  who  inhabit  the 
regions  men  call  the  Indies ;  whether  to  heretics  or  schis- 
matics, or,  on  the  other  hand,  to'  certain  of  the  faithful. 

Wherefore  those  who  come  to  us  shall  reflect  long  and 
deeply,  before  they  take  this  burden  upon  their  shoulders,  as 
to  whether  they  have  among  their  goods  enough  spiritual 
treasure  to  enable  them,  according  to  the  Lord's  precept,  to 
carry  out  their  enterprise,  —  that  is,  whether  the  Holy  Spirit 
who  impels  them  promises  them  so  much  grace  that  they 
may  hope  to  support  the  weight  of  this  profession  with  his 
aid;  then,  after  they  have,  under  God's  inspiration,  been 
enrolled  in  this  army  of  Jesus  Christ,  day  and  night  must 
they  have  their  loins  girded  and  themselves  in  readiness  for 
the  payment  of  their  mighty  obligation.  Nor  shall  there  be 
amongst  us  any  ambition  or  rivalry  whatsoever  for  missions 
and  provinces.  .  .  .  Subordinates  shall,  indeed,  both  for  the 
sake  of  the  wide  activities  of  the  order  and  also  for  the 
assiduous  practice,  never  sufficiently  to  be  commended,  of 
humility,  be  bound  always  to  obey  the  commander  in  every 
matter  pertaining  to  the  organization  of  the  society,  and 
shall  recognize  Christ  as  present  in  him,  and  shall  do  him 
reverence  as  far  as  is  seemly.  .  .  . 

Whereas,  moreover,  we  have  found  that  the  happier, 
purer,  and  more  edifying  life  is  that  removed  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  all  contagion  of  avarice  and  modeled  as  nearly  as 
may  be  upon  evangelical  poverty,  and  whereas  we  know  that 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  will  furnish  the  necessities  of  food 
and  clothing  to  his  servants  who  seek  only  the  kingdom  of 
God,  therefore  each  and  every  member  shall  vow  perpetual 
poverty,  declaring  that  neither  individually,  nor  even  in 
common  for  the  support  or  use  of  the  society,  will  he  ac- 
quire any  civil  right  over  any  permanent  property,  rents, 
or  incomes  whatever,  but  that  he  will  be  content  with  the 
use  only  of  such  articles  as  shall  be  given  him  to  meet  his 
necessities.  They  may,  however,  maintain  in  universities  a 
college  or  colleges  with  means  or  possessions  to  be  applied 


Implicit 
obedience  te 
the  head  of 
the  society. 


Vow  of 

perpetual 

poverty. 


164 


Readings  in  European  History 


to  the  needs  and  exigencies  of  the  students ;  all  control  or 
supervision  of  any  sort  over  the  said  colleges  and  students 
being  vested  in  the  commander  and  the  society.  .  .   . 

The  foregoing  is  what,  by  the  permission  of  our  said  Lord 
Paul  and  of  the  apostolic  see,  we  have  been  allowed  to  set 
forth  as  a  general  ideal  for  our  profession.  We  have  taken 
this  step  at  this  time  in  order  that  by  this  brief  document  we 
might  inform  the  persons  who  are  inquiring  now  about  our 
way  of  life,  and  also  posterity,  —  if,  by  God's  will,  there 
shall  be  those  to  follow  us  in  the  path  upon  which  (attended 
though  it  be  by  many  grave  difficulties)  we  have  entered. 
We  have  further  judged  it  expedient  to  prescribe  that  no  one 
shall  be  received  into  this  society  until  he  has  been  long  and 
thoroughly  tried;  but  when  he  has  proved  himself  wise  in 
Christ  as  well  as  in  doctrine,  and  exalted  in  the  purity  of  the 
Christian  life,  then  at  length  he  shall  be  admitted  into  the 
army  of  Jesus  Christ.  May  he  deign  to  prosper  our  feeble 
undertaking  to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father,  to  whom  alone 
be  ever  praise  and  honor  throughout  the  ages.    Amen. 


The  pope's 
sanction  of 
the  rule  of 
the  Jesuits. 


Number  of 
members 
restricted 
to  sixty. 


Whereas  nothing  may  be  discovered  in  the  foregoing 
which  is  not  pious  or  devout,  in  order  that  these  associates 
who  have  made  their  humble  application  to  us  may  be  the 
better  forwarded  in  their  religious  plan  of  life  for  feeling 
themselves  included  in  the  grace  of  the  apostolic  see  and 
finding  their  projects  meeting  our  approval,  we  do,  through 
apostolic  authority,  approve,  confirm,  bless,  and  fortify  with 
a  bulwark  of  everlasting  power  the  whole  and  every  part  of 
the  aforesaid  organization,  and  we  take  these  associates 
under  the  protection  of  ourselves  and  this  holy  apostolic  see; 
.  .  .  We  will  also  that  persons  who  desire  to  profess  the 
rules  of  life  of  this  society  be  admitted  into  it  and  counted 
with  the  said  society  up  to  the  number  of  sixty  and  no  more. 
To  no  man  whatsoever  be  it  permitted  to  infringe  or' violate 
this  statement  of  our  approbation,  benediction,  and  justifica- 
tion. If  any  one  shall  presume  to  attempt  it,  let  him  be 
assured  that  he  incurs  the  wrath  of  Almighty  God  and  of  the 
blessed  Peter  and  Paul,  his  apostles. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


165 


Given  at  St.  Mark's  in  Rome,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord's 
incarnation  1540,  September  27,  in  the  sixth  year  of  our 
pontificate. 


III.   The  Abdication  of  Charles  V  (1555) 

Although  [my  councilor]  Philibert  has  just  fully  explained   279.  Charles 

to  you,  my  friends,  the  causes  which  have  determined  me  to  v's  address 
\        1  •    •  c  -r,  at  Brussels 

surrender  the  possession  and  administration  of  these  Belgian   (1555). 

provinces  and  leave  them  to  my  son,  Don  Philip,  yet  I  wish 

to  say  certain  things  with  my  own  mouth.    You  will  remember 

that  upon  the  5th  of  January  of  this  year  there  had  elapsed 

forty  years  since  my  grandfather,  the  emperor  Maximilian, 

in  the  same  place  and  at  the  same  hour,  declared  my  majority 

at  the  age  of  fifteen,  withdrew  me  from  the  guardianship 

under  which  I  had  remained  up  to  that  time,  and  made  me 

master  of  myself. 

The  following  year,  which  was  my  sixteenth,  King  Fer- 
dinand (my  mother's  father  and  my  grandfather)  died  in 
the  kingdom  over  which  I  was  then  forced  to  begin  to  reign, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  my  beloved  mother,  who  has  but  just 
died,  was  left,  by  reason  of  the  death  of  my  father,  with 
disordered  judgment,  and  never  sufficiently  recovered  her 
health  to  be  capable  of  ruling  over  the  possessions  which  she 
inherited  from  her  father  and  mother. 

At  that  time  I  went  to  Spain  by  way  of  the  sea.  Soon 
came  the  death  of  my  grandfather  Maximilian,  in  my  nine- 
teenth year,  and  although  I  was  still  young  I  sought  and 
obtained  the  imperial  dignity  in  his  stead.  I  had  no  inordi- 
nate ambition  to  rule  a  multitude  of  kingdoms,  but  merely 
desired  to  secure  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  Germany, 
my  dear  fatherland,  and  of  my  other  kingdoms,  especially  of 
my  Belgian  provinces  ;  and  to  encourage  and  extend  as  far 
as  in  me  lay  Christian  peace  and  harmony  throughout  the 
whole  world. 

But  although  such  zeal  was  mine,  I  was  unable  to  show  so 
much  of  it  as  I  might  have  wished,  on  account  of  the  troubles 
raised  by  the  heresies  of  Luther  and  the  other  innovators 


1 66  Readings  in  European  History 

of  Germany,  and  on  account  of  serious  war  into  which  the 
hostility  and  envy  of  neighboring  princes  had  driven  me, 
but  from  which  I  have  safely  emerged,  thanks  to  the  favor 
of  God.  .  .  . 

This  is  the  fourth  time  that  I  am  setting  out  for  Spain. 
I  wish  to  say  to  you  that  nothing  I  have  ever  experienced 
has  given  me  so  much  pain  or  rested  so  heavily  upon  my 
soul  as  that  which  I  experience  in  parting  from  you  to-day, 
without  leaving  behind  me  that  peace  and  quiet  which  I 
so  much  desired.  My  sister  Mary,  who  in  my  absence  has 
governed  you  so  wisely  and  defended  you  so  well,  has  ex- 
plained to  you  in  the  last  assembly  the  reasons  for  my 
determination. 
The  emperor's  I  am  no  longer  able  to  attend  to  my  affairs  without  great 
bad  health.  bodily  fatigue  and  consequent  detriment  to  the  interests  of 
the  state.  The  cares  which  so  great  a  responsibility  involves, 
the  extreme  dejection  which  it  causes,  my  health  already 
ruined,  —  all  these  leave  me  no  longer  the  vigor  sufficient 
for  governing  the  states  which  God  has  confided  to  me. 
The  little  strength  that  remains  to  me  is  rapidly  disappear- 
ing. I  should  long  ago  have  laid  down  the  burden  if  my 
son's  immaturity  and  my  mother's  incapacity  had  not  forced 
both  my  spirit  and  my  body  to  sustain  its  weight  until  this 
hour. 

The  last  time  that  I  went  to  Germany  I  had  determined 
to  do  what  you  see  me  do  to-day ;  but  I  could  not  bring 
myself  to  do  it  when  I  saw  the  wretched  condition  of  the 
Christian  state,  a  prey  to  such  a  multitude  of  disturbances, 
of  innovations,  of  singular  opinions  as  to  faith,  of  worse 
than  civil  wars,  and  fallen  finally  into  so  many  lamentable 
disorders.  I  was  turned  from  my  purpose  because  my  own 
ills  were  not  yet  so  great,  and  I  hoped  to  make  an  end  of  all 
these  things  and  restore  peace.  In  order  that  I  might  not 
be  wanting  in  my  duty,  I  risked  my  strength,  my  goods,  my 
repose,  and  my  life  for  the  safety  of  Christianity  and  the 
defense  of  my  subjects. 

From  this  struggle  I  emerged  with  a  portion  of  the  things 
I  desired.      But  the  king  of  France  and  certain  Germans, 


The  Catholic  Reformation  167 

failing  to  preserve  the  peace  and  amity  they  had  sworn, 
marched  against  me.  The  Germans  were  upon  the  point  of 
seizing  my  person.  The  king  of  France  took  the  city  of 
Metz,  and  I,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  exposed  to  intense  cold, 
in  the  midst  of  snow  and  blood,  advanced  with  a  powerful 
army  raised  at  my  own  expense  to  retake  the  city  and  restore 
the  empire.  The  Germans  saw  that  I  had  not  yet  laid  aside 
the  imperial  crown,  and  that  I  had  no  disposition  to  allow 
its  majesty  to  be  diminished.  .  .  . 

I  have  carried  out  what  God  has  permitted,  —  for  the 
outcome  of  our  efforts  depends  upon  the  will  of  God.  We 
human  beings  act  according  to  our  powers,  our  strength,  our 
spirit,  and  God  awards  the  victory  or  permits  defeat.  I  have 
ever  done  what  I  could,  and  God  has  aided  me.  I  —  and 
you,  too  —  should  return  to  him  boundless  thanks  for  his 
aid,  for  having  succored  me  in  my  greatest  trials  and  in  all 
my  dangers. 

To-day  I  feel  so  exhausted  that  I  could  not  help  you,  as 
you  see  yourselves.  In  my  present  state  of  dejection  and 
weakness,  I  should  have  to  render  a  serious  account  to  God 
and  man  if  I  did  not  lay  aside  authority,  as  I  have  resolved 
to  do,  since  my  son,  King  Philip,  is  of  an  age  sufficiently 
advanced  to  be  able  to  govern  you  ;  and  he  will  be,  I  hope, 
a  good  prince  to  all  my  beloved  subjects. 

I  am  determined  then  to  retire  to  Spain  and  to  yield  to 
my  son  Philip  the  possession  of  all  my  Belgian  provinces. 
I  particularly  commend  my  son  to  you,  and  I  ask  of  you,  in 
remembrance  of  me,  that  you  extend  to  him  the  love  which 
you  have  always  borne  towards  me  ;  moreover  I  ask  you  to 
preserve  among  yourselves  the  same  affection  and  harmony. 
Be  just  and  zealous  in  the  observance  of  the  laws,  preserve 
respect  for  all  that  merits  respect,  and  do  not  refuse  to  grant 
to  authority  the  support  of  which  it  stands  in  need. 

Above  all,  beware  of  infection  from  the  sects  of  neighbor- 
ing lands.  Extirpate  at  once  the  germs  of  heresy,  should 
they  appear  in  your  midst,  for  fear  lest  they  may  spread 
abroad  and  utterly  ruin  your  state,  and  lest  you  fall  into  the 
direst  calamities. 


1 68 


Readings  in  European  History 


IV.   Philip  II  of  Spain 

We  have  several  descriptions  of  Philip  II,  the  most 
important  and  impartial  of  which  are  those  of  the  Vene- 
tian ambassadors.  The  king's  affability,  industry,  reli- 
gion, and  frail  constitution  are  mentioned  by  all.  In  his 
earlier  years,  however,  he  exhibited  a  Castilian  haughti- 
ness which  he  successfully  overcame  later. 


280.  An  esti- 
mate of 
Philip  II  by 
Suriano,  a 
Venetian 
ambassador 

("59). 


The  Catholic  king  was  born  in  Spain,  in  the  month  of 
May,  1527,  and  spent  a  great  part  of  his  youth  in  that  king- 
dom. Here,  in  accordance  with  the  customs  of  the  country 
and  the  wishes  of  his  father  and  mother,  —  who  belonged 
to  the  house  of  Portugal,  —  he  was  treated  with  all  the  defer- 
ence and  respect  which  seemed  due  to  the  son  of  the  great- 
est emperor  whom  Christendom  had  ever  had,  and  to  the 
heir  to  such  a  number  of  realms  and  to  such  grandeur.  As 
a  result  of  this  education,  when  the  king  left  Spain  for  the 
first  time  and  visited  Flanders,  passing  on  his  way  through 
Italy  and  Germany,  he  everywhere  made  an  impression  of 
haughtiness  and  severity,  so  that  the  Italians  liked  him  but 
little,  the  Flemings  were  quite  disgusted  with  him,  and  the 
Germans  hated  him  heartily.  But  when  he  had  been  warned 
by  the  cardinal  of  Trent  and  Queen  Mary  [of  Hungary,  his 
aunt],  and  above  all  by  his  father,  that  this  haughtiness  was 
not  in  place  in  a  prince  destined  to  rule  over  a  number  of 
nations  so  different  in  manners  and  sentiment,  he  altered 
his  manner  so  completely  that  on  his  second  journey,  when 
he  went  to  England,  he  everywhere  exhibited  such  distin- 
guished mildness  and  affability  that  no  prince  has  ever  sur- 
passed him  in  these  traits.1  Although  his  actions  display 
that  royal  dignity  and  gravity  which  are  natural  and  habitual 
to  him,  he  is  none  the  less  agreeable  for  this ;  on  the  con- 
trary, his  courtesy  toward  all  seems  only  the  more  striking. 
His  pleasing  figure,  his  manly  air,  and  his  suavity  of  speech 


1  For  another  estimate  of  Philip  see  above,  p.  150. 


The  CatJwlic  Reformation 


169 


and  Philip  II 


and  manner  serve  to  enhance  the  pleasing  effect.  He  is 
slight  in  stature,  but  so  well  built,  so  admirably  propor- 
tioned, and  dressed  with  such  taste  and  discernment  that 
one  could  hardly  imagine  anything  more  perfect.   .   .   . 

Although  the  king  resembles  his  father  in  his  face  and  Contrast 
speech,  in  his  attention  to  his  religious  duties,  and  in  his  betw^en 
habitual  kindness  and  good  faith,  he  nevertheless  differs 
from  him  in  several  of  those  respects  in  which  the  greatness 
of  rulers,  after  all,  lies.  The  emperor  was  addicted  to  war, 
which  he  well  understood ;  the  king  knows  but  little  of  it 
and  has  no  love  for  it.  The  emperor  undertook  great  enter- 
prises with  enthusiasm  ;  his  son  avoids  them.  The  father 
was  fond  of  planning  great  things  and  wTould  in  the  end 
realize  his  wishes  by  his  skill ;  his  son,  on  the  contrary, 
pays  less  attention  to  augmenting  his  own  greatness  than 
to  hindering  that  of  others.  The  emperor  never  allowed 
himself  to  be  influenced  by  threats  or  fear,  while  the  king 
has  lost  some  of  his  dominions  owing  to  unreasonable  appre- 
hensions. The  father  was  guided  in  all  matters  by  his  own 
opinion ;  the  son  follows  the  opinions  of  others. 

In  the  king's  eyes  no  nation  is  superior  to  the  Spaniards.   It    Philip's 
is  among  them  that  he  lives,  it  is  thev  that  he  consults,  and    Partiallty 

°  ../..,.  .  .for  Spain. 

it  is  they  that  direct  his  policy  ;  in  all  this  he  is  acting  quite 
contrary  to  the  habit  of  his  father.  He  thinks  little  of  the 
Italians  and  Flemish  and  still  less  of  the  Germans.  Although 
he  may  employ  the  chief  men  of  all  the  countries  over  which 
he  rules,  he  admits  none  of  them  to  his  secret  counsels,  but 
utilizes  their  services  only  in  military  affairs,  and  then  per- 
haps not  so  much  because  he  really  esteems  them,  as  in 
the  hope  that  he  will  in  this  way  prevent  his  enemies  from 
making  use  of  them. 


In  the  letters  which  Philip  II  took  great  pains  to 
write  regularly  to  his  young  daughters  during  a  trying 
campaign  in  Portugal,  we  discover  no  signs  of  a  grim 
despot  bent  on  compassing  the  death  of  thousands  of 
his  subjects,  but  rather  of  a  kindly  father  who  had  an 


170  Readings  in  European  History 

ear  for  the  nightingale's  song  and  an  eye  for  the  early 
flowers,  and  who  carefully  observed  when  one  of  his 
babies  cut  a  tooth. 

Lisbon,  January  15,  1582. 

281.  A  let-  It  is  good  news  for  me  to  learn  that  you  are  so  well.     It 

ter  of  Philip    seems  to  me  that  your  little  sister  is  getting:  her  eve  teeth 

II  to  his  . 

daughters,      pretty  early.     Perhaps  they  are  in  place  of  the  two  which  I 

am  on  the  point  of  losing  and  which  I   shall  probably  no 

longer  have  when  I  get  back.     But  if  I  had  nothing  worse 

to  trouble  me,  that  might  pass.  .  .  . 

We  are  having  terrible  weather  here ;  torrents  of  rain 
fall,  sometimes  with  fearful  claps  of  thunder  and  flashes  of 
lightning.  I  have  never  seen  such  weather  at  this  season. 
It  would  be  a  good  thing  for  you,  my  elder  daughter,  if  you 
are  still  afraid  of  thunder.  It  is  not  cold,  but  it  rains  con- 
tinuously, and  just  now  with  such  violence  that  you  would  say 
that  the  whole  sky  was  turning  into  water.  There  have  been 
some  terrible  storms,  but  there  were  not  so  many  ships  lost 
as  Luis  Tristan  [a  servant]  wrrote  to  you ;  indeed,  I  hardly 
think  any  were  lost,  —  nothing  except  a  few  little  boats. 
The  last  courier  who  had  a  letter  from  me  for  you  has 
probably  been  delayed,  for  the  Tagus  was  raging  so  that 
he  could  not  leave  Tuesday  morning  as  usual,  but  started 
Wednesday,  so  that  I  doubt  if  he  will  arrive  before  the 
regular  post  leaves  you. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Madeleine  1  is  no  longer  so 
out  of  patience  with  me  ;  but  she  has  been  ill  for  some  time. 
She  took  some  physic,  and  since  has  been  in  a  very  bad 
humor.  She  came  here  yesterday.  She  is  in  a  sad  state, 
feeble,  old,  deaf,  —  in  short,  half  dead.  I  believe  that  all 
this  comes  from  her  drinking,  and  this  is  the  reason  that 
she  is  so  glad  not  to  have  her  son-in-law  with  her.  Yester- 
day she  told  me  that  she  no  longer  had  any  grudge  against 
the  person  called  Mariola  about  whom  she  wrote  to  you, 
whose  real  name  is  Maria  Fernandez.     I  believe  her,  for  I 

1  An  old  servant  to  whom  the  king  frequently  refers  in  the  letters  to 
his  daughters. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


171 


think  that  she  really  likes  to  hear  Mariola  sing ;  and  she 
is  right,  for  she  sings  very  well,  only  she  is  so  fat  and  big 
that  she  can  scarcely  get  through  the  door. 

I  am  ready  to  believe  that  Lady  Anna  de  Mendoza 
takes  as  good  care  of  your  little  brothers  as  you,  my  eldest 
daughter,  say  that  she  does. 

The  other  day  some  one  gave  me  what  I  have  inclosed 
in  this  box  and  said  that  it  was  a  sweet  lime.  I  think,  just 
the  same,  that  it  is  only  a  lemon,  but  nevertheless  wanted 
to  send  it  to  you.  If  it  is  really  a  sweet  lime,  I  have  never 
seen  one  so  big.  I  do  not  know  if  it  will  still  be  good  when 
it  gets  to  you.  If  it  is,  taste  it  and  let  me  know  what  it 
proves  to  be,  for  I  cannot  believe  that  a  lime  ever  was  so 
big,  and  consequently  shall  be  pleased  to  be  enlightened  by 
you.  The  little  lemon  which  is  in  the  box  with  it  is  only  to 
fill  up  the  space. 

I  am  sending  you  also  some  roses  and  an  orange  flower, 
just  to  let  you  see  that  we  have  them  here.  Calabres  brings 
me  bunches  of  both  these  flowers  every  day,  and  we  have 
had  violets  for  a  long  time.  There  are  no  jonquils  here ; 
if  there  were,  they  ought  to  have  blossomed  by  this  time, 
since  we  have  these  other  flowers.  After  this  rainy  time  I 
imagine  that  you  will  be  having  flowers,  too,  by  the  time 
my  sister  arrives,  or  soon  after.  God  keep  you  as  I  would 
have  him ! 

V.   The  Revolt  of  the  Netherlands 


The  Netherlands  comprise  thirteen  provinces,  to  wit, 
three  lordships,  four  duchies,  and  six  counties.  The  atmos- 
phere is  heavy  and  the  sky  almost  always  overcast.  Owing 
to  the  frequent  changes  in  the  wind,  one  has  warm  weather 
and  cold  several  times  in  the  same  day.  Flanders  abounds 
in  various  commodities,  but  produces  no  wine.  Artois  raises 
more  grain  than  all  the  rest  of  the  country  together.  Hol- 
land enjoys  an  income  of  eight  hundred  thousand  crowns 
yearly  from  its  butter  and  cheese.  The  number  of  towns, 
large,   medium,    and   small,    amount  to  some  hundred   and 


282.  A 
Venetian 
ambassa- 
dor's de- 
scription 
of  the 
Netherlands 

in  1557. 
(Extracts, 

condensed.) 


172 


Readings  in  European  History 


Flemish 
industries. 


Flemish 
art. 


Prevalence 
of  heresy. 


forty.  The  largest  have  from  six  thousand*  to  twenty-five 
thousand  families.  The  population  of  the  whole  country  is 
estimated  at  three  millions. 

The  houses  are  not  conveniently  disposed  and  the  archi- 
tecture is  not  fine.  Tney  are  for  the  most  part  of  wood  and 
earth,  but  the  public  buildings  constructed  of  stone  make 
a  fine  appearance.  The  churches  and  the  open  places  are 
remarkable.  The  streets  are  wide  and  adorned  with  numer- 
ous superb  fountains,  but  they  are  badly  paved  and  might 
be  cleaner. 

These  provinces  swarm  with  men  who  practice  all  the 
useful  arts.  The  greater  number  of  them  are  weavers.  In 
Holland  alone  eight  hundred  thousand  crowns'  worth  of 
linens  are  produced.  The  manufacture  of  wall  hangings, 
which  goes  on  in  several  regions,  amounts  to  nearly  as 
much,  and  the  export  of  cloths  of  all  kinds  is  much  more 
considerable  still. 

The  people  of  the  Netherlands  excel  all  other  nations  in 
their  painting  of  landscapes  and  animals.  They  seem  born 
for  music,  and  produce  composers  of  eminence. 

As  for  attendance  upon  divine  service,  nowhere  does  one 
find  more  devotion.  Almsgiving  and  processions  take  place 
almost  every  Sunday  in  their  churches.  Nevertheless  there  are 
many  Lutherans  and  Anabaptists  among  them.  Gelderland 
is  completely  infected  with  them.  There  are  many  in  Bra- 
bant and  especially  in  Antwerp,  but  they  are  more  numer- 
ous still  in  Holland  and  Artois.  They  are  condemned  to 
be  burned  for  this  heresy,  but  they  may  escape  this  penalty 
by  retracting,  when  they  lose  their  heads  instead.  It  is  a 
notable  thing  that,  although  the  cold  climate  makes  the 
inhabitants  timorous,  when  condemned  to  death  they  face 
their  fate  with  rare  courage. 

Of  the  various  proclamations — "placards,"  as  they 
were  popularly  called  —  against  heretics  issued  by 
Charles  V  and  confirmed  by  Philip  II,  the  following 
extracts  from  that  which  appeared  in  April,  1550,  wiU 
give  a  good  and  sufficient  idea. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


173 


No  one,  whatsoever  his  rank  or  condition,  shall  print, 
transcribe,  copy,  or  knowingly  have  by  him,  receive,  carry, 
keep,  conceal,  have  in  his  possession,  sell,  buy,  give,  dis- 
tribute, scatter,  or  let  fall  in  churches,  or  on  the  street,  or 
in  other  places,  any  books  or  writings  composed  by  Martin 
Luther,  John  (Ecolampadius,  Ulrich  Zwingli,  Martin  Bucer, 
John  Calvin,  or  other  heretics  or  promoters  of  their  sects, 
or  of  other  bad  and  false  sects  condemned  by  the  holy 
Church.  .  .  . 

No  one  shall  represent,  or  cause  to  be  represented,  sell, 
or  offer  for  sale,  have,  keep,  or  possess,  any  scandalous 
figures,  pictures,  or  images  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  or  of  the 
saints  canonized  by  the  Church,  or  of  the  clergy.  Nor  shall 
any  one  break,  destroy,  or  pull  down  the  images  or  pictures 
made  in  their  honor. 

No  one  shall,  in  his  house  or  elsewhere,  hold,  or  suffer  to 
be  held,  any  secret  conventicles  or  improper  assemblies,  nor 
attend  such,  in  which  the  said  heretics  and  seducers  sow 
and  privily  inculcate  their  errors,  rebaptizing  and  conspiring 
against  the  holy  Church  and  the  government. 

Moreover  we  forbid  every  one,  laymen  and  others,  to  dis- 
cuss or  argue  about  the  Holy  Scriptures,  whether  in  secret 
or  in  public,  especially  touching  important  and  doubtful 
matters ;  or  to  read  aloud  or  teach  to  others  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, unless  they  be  theologians  versed  in  theology  and  ap- 
proved by  some  well-known  university.   .   .  . 

The  penalty  in  case  any  one  shall  be  discovered  to  have 
violated  any  of  the  provisions  herein  stated  shall  be  pun- 
ishment fitting  for  seditious  persons  who  are  a  peril  to  our 
realm  and  the  common  weal,  and  as  such  they  shall  be  exe- 
cuted, the  men  by  the  sword,  the  women  by  being  buried 
alive,  should  they  show  no  disposition  to  maintain  or  defend 
their  errors.  Should  they,  however,  persist  in  their  opinions, 
errors,  and  heresies,  they  shall  be  burned  alive,  and  in  every 
case  their  goods  shall  be  confiscated  and  declared  forfeit 
to  us.  .  .  . 

All  those  who  know  of  any  one  infected  with  heresy  shall 
be  held  to  denounce,  report,  name,  and  bring  him  to  the 


283.  "Pla- 
card," or 
denuncia- 
tion of 
heretics, 
issued  by 
Charles  V 
(1550). 


Punishment 
for  heretics. 


174 


Readings  in  European  History 


284.  Procla- 
mation 
outlawing 
William  the 
Silent  (1580) 
(Condensed.) 


attention  of  the  inquisitor  or  officers  of  the  bishops.  .  .  . 
Likewise  all  shall  be  required,  if  they  know  of  any  place 
where  any  heretic  is  concealed,  to  report  the  same  to  the 
officer  of  the  place  on  pain  of  being  regarded  as  an  aider, 
abettor,  and  adherent  of  heresy  and  of  receiving  the  same 
punishment  as  the  heretic  or  delinquent,  should  he  be 
captured. 

In  1580  Philip  II  decided  to  declare  William  the  Silent 
an  outlaw  and  put  a  price  upon  his  head.  In  so  doing 
he  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  troubles  in  the 
Netherlands  from  a  Spanish  standpoint. 

Philip,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  Castile,  Leon,  Aragon, 
Navarre,  Naples,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  the  Indies  a?id  terra  firma, 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  duke  of  Burgundy,  Lorraine,  Braba?it, 
Limburg,  Luxemburg,  Gelderland,  Milan  ;  coimt  of  Flanders, 
Artois,  Hainault,  Holland,  Zealand,  etc.  ;  to  all  to  whom 
these  presents  may  come,  greeting: 

It  is  well  known  to  all  how  favorably  the  late  emperor, 
Charles  the  Fifth,  of  exalted  memory,  our  father,  treated 
William  of  Nassau  in  the  matter  of  the  succession  to  his 
cousin,  the  prince  of  Orange,  and  how,  from  William's  ear- 
liest youth,  he  promoted  his  advancement,  as  we,  since  the 
emperor's  death,  have  continued  to  do,  by  appointing  him 
lieutenant  general  of  Holland,  Zealand,  Utrecht,  and  Bur- 
gundy, summoning  him  to  our  council  of  state,  and  heaping 
upon  him  honors  and  emoluments.  By  reason  of  this  and 
the  oaths  of  fidelity  and  homage  taken  to  us  for  fiefs  and 
lands  held  of  us  in  various  of  our  countries  and  provinces, 
he  was  specially  bound  to  us,  and  under  obligation  to  obey 
and  keep  faith  with  us  and  safeguard  our  interests  and  to 
do  all  in  his  power  to  secure  peace  and  tranquillity  in  our 
several  dominions  and  provinces. 

Nevertheless,  as  every  one  knows,  we  had  scarcely  turned 
our  back  on  the  Netherlands  before  the  said  William  of  Nas- 
sau (who  had  become,  in  the  manner  mentioned  above,  prince 
of  Orange)  began  to  endeavor,  by  sinister  arts,  plots,  and 


The  Catholic  Reformation  175 

intrigues,  first  to  gain  over  those  whom  he  believed  to  be 
malcontents,  or  haters  of  justice,  or  anxious  for  innovations, 
and  then,  above  all,  those  who  were  suspected  in  the  matter 
of  religion.  These  he  flattered  and  attracted  by  fine  words 
and  vain  promises.  He  was  the  instigator  and  chief  author 
of  the  first  protest  which  was  presented  by  certain  young 
gentlemen  who  daily  frequented  his  house  and  table. 

Moreover,  with  the  knowledge,  advice,  and  encourage- 
ment of  the  said  Orange,  the  heretics  commenced  to  destroy 
the  images,  altars,  and  churches  in  a  disorderly  manner, 
and  to  desecrate  all  holy  and  sacred  objects,  especially  the 
sacraments  ordained  of  God.  Yet,  by  divine  grace  and 
the  foresight  of  the  duchess  of  Parma,  our  very  dear  sister, 
matters  were  remedied,  and  he  was  forced  to  retire  from 
our  dominions,  breathing  out  threats  of  vengeance  in  his 
rage.  These  he  hoped  to  carry  out  the  following  year  by 
arms,  but  he  was  closely  pursued  by  our  army  and  driven 
from  our  said  lands,  where  he  could  get  no  foothold. 

But  when  a  little  later  some  discontent  arose  among  our   Philip  throws 

subiects  in  regard  to  the  government  of  the  duke  of  Alva  the  resPonsl- 

1,1  ,    ,    ,         •  •.  1    1  n  •  11    •      1  bility for  un- 

(who  had  succeeded  the  said  lady),  especially  in  the  prov-  popular  taxes 

inces  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  Orange  managed  to  return,  on  Alva. 
Nevertheless  he  was  only  received  on  condition  that  he 
would  take  a  solemn  oath  to  the  estates  of  the  said  prov- 
inces and  towns,  pledging  himself  to  guard  the  said  prov- 
inces and  towns  for  us,  and  in  our  obedience,  and  to  change 
nothing  in  the  ancient  Catholic  and  Roman  religion.  He 
was,  as  governor,  only  to  assist  them  against  the  duke  of 
Alva  should  he  attempt  to  coerce  and  oppress  them,  as 
Orange  alleged  that  he  proposed  to  do,  —  namely,  in  the 
matter  of  the  tenth  and  twentieth  penny  which  the  duke 
wished  to  collect.  Now  we  had  not  ordered  him  to  levy 
this  tax,  and  did  not  wish  to  have  it  levied  except  with  the 
good  will  and  consent  of  our  good  subjects  and  in  place  of 
other  impositions  from  which  it  was  proposed  to  free  them. 
Nevertheless,  so  soon  as  the  said  Nassau  was  received 
into  the  said  government  of  the  provinces,  he  began,  through 
his  agents  and  satellites,  to  introduce   heretical  preaching 


i  ?6 


Readings  in  European  History 


Reward 
offered  for 
the  arrest  or 
assassination 
of  William 
the  Silent. 


where  he  found  it  possible,  persecuting  all  the  good  pastors, 
preachers,  monks,  and  upright  persons,  and  hunting  many 
of  them  from  the  region.  Then  he  had  a  number  massa- 
cred ;  or  rather,  he  tried  to  avoid  the  responsibility  for  a 
massacre  carried  on  by  some  of  his  adherents,  until  the 
estates,  greatly  incensed  by  this  cruelty,  demanded  an  account 
of  the  affair,  when  he  pretended  that  it  was  displeasing  to 
him.  Then  he  introduced  liberty  of  conscience,  or  to  speak 
more  correctly,  confusion  of  all  religion,  which  soon  brought 
it  about  that  the  Catholics  were  openly  persecuted  and  driven 
out,  and  the  churches  and  monasteries,  whether  of  men  or 
women,  broken  up,  ruined,  and  leveled  with  the  ground. 

Although  a  married  man,  and  although  his  second  wife 
was  still  alive,  he  took  to  himself  a  nun,  an  abbess  who  had 
been  solemnly  sanctified  by  episcopal  authority,  and  her  he 
still  keeps ;  a  most  disreputable  and  infamous  thing,  not 
only  according  to  the  Christian  religion,  but  the  Roman 
law  as  well. 

Moreover  he  obtained  such  a  hold  upon  our  poor  sub- 
jects of  Holland  and  Zealand  and  brought  affairs  to  such 
a  pass  that  nearly  all  the  towns,  one  after  the  other,  have 
been  besieged  and  taken,  either  by  assault  or  by  capitula- 
tion, so  that  more  than  once  he  was  on  the  point  of  being 
brought  to  bay  by  our  arms,  when  the  commander  who  suc- 
ceeded the  duke  of  Alva  (whom  we  had  recalled  to  please 
our  subjects)  died.  Then  the  said  Nassau  induced  the 
estates  to  demand  the  withdrawal  of  all  the  foreign  troops 
in  hope  of  peace,  but  Nassau  continued  his  machinations 
and  displayed  all  his  craft  in  plunging  our  people  into 
war  with  our  brother,  whom  we  had  appointed  lieutenant 
general.  .  .  . 

Therefore,  for  all  these  just  reasons,  for  his  evil  doings 
as  chief  disturber  of  the  public  peace  and  as  a  public  pest, 
we  outlaw  him  forever  and  forbid  all  our  subjects  to  asso- 
ciate with  him  or  communicate  with  him  in  public  or  in 
secret.  We  declare  him  an  enemy  of  the  human  race,  and 
in  order  the  sooner  to  remove  our  people  from  his  tyranny 
and  oppression,  we  promise,  on  the  word  of  a  king  and  as 


The  Catholic  Reformation  177 

God's  servant,  that  if  one  of  our  subjects  be  found  so  gen- 
erous of  heart  and  so  desirous  of  doing  us  a  service  and 
advantaging  the  public  that  he  shall  find  means  of  execut- 
ing this  decree  and  of  ridding  us  of  the  said  pest,  either  by 
delivering  him  to  us  dead  or  alive,  or  by  depriving  him  at 
once  of  life,  we  will  give  him  and  his  heirs  landed  estates 
or  money,  as  he  will,  to  the  amount  of  twenty-five  thousand 
gold  crowns.  If  he  has  committed  any  crime,  of  any  kind 
whatsoever,  we  will  pardon  him.  If  he  be  not  noble,  we 
will  ennoble  him  for  his  valor  ;  and  should  he  require  other 
persons  to  assist  him,  we  will  reward  them  according  to  the 
service  rendered,  pardon  their  crimes,  and  ennoble  them  too. 

In  answer  to  the  charges  brought  against  him  the 
prince  of  Orange  published  his  famous  "  Apology." 
This  contains  a  good  account  of  his  life  and  a  brief 
history  of  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands,  in  which  he 
played  so  important  a  part.  A  few  passages  only  can 
be  given  here. 

....   What    could    be    more   gratifying    in    this    world,    285.  Ex- 
especially  to  one  engaged  in  the  great  and  excellent  task    Jf*0*8*10?1 
of  securing  liberty  for  a  good  people  oppressed  by  evil  men,    ogy»  0f 
than  to  be  mortally  hated  by  one's  enemies,  who  are  at  the    William  the 
same  time  enemies  of  the  fatherland,  and  by  their  mouths    ^/estates 
to  receive  a  sweet  testimony  to  one's  fidelity  to  his  people    (1581). 
and  to  his  obstinate  opposition  to  tyrants  and  disturbers  of 
the  peace?     Such  is  the  pleasure  that  the    Spaniards   and 
their  adherents  have  prepared  for   me  in    their  anxiety  to 
disturb  me.     They  have  but  gratified  me  by  that  infamous 
proscription  by  which  they  sought  to   ruin  me.     Not  only 
do  I  owe  to  them  this  favor,  but  also  the  occasion  to  make 
generally  known  the  equity  and  justice  of  my  enterprises.  .  .  . 

[If  in  reviewing  my  life  I  am  forced  to  praise  myself 
and  blame  others]  kindly  attribute  this,  gentlemen,  to  the 
situation  in  which  my  enemies  have  placed  me,  and  throw 
the  blame  upon  their  impudence  and  importunity.  Remem- 
ber, gentlemen,  that  I  am  falsely  accused  of  being  an  ingrate, 


178  Readings  in  European  History 

infidel,  heretic,  and  hypocrite,  a  new  Judas  and  Cain,  a 
disturber  of  the  peace,  a  rebel,  foreigner,  enemy  of  the 
human  race,  a  public  pest  of  the  Christian  commonwealth, 
a  traitor  and  scoundrel ;  that  I  am  exposed  to  be  killed  like 
a  beast,  with  a  reward  for  any  assassin  or  poisoner  who  will 
undertake  the  job.  It  is  for  you  to  judge,  gentlemen,  whether, 
in  order  to  purge  myself  from  the  calumnies  heaped  upon 
me,  I  may  not  be  excused  for  departing  from  my  usual  habits 
in  speaking  of  myself  and  others.   .  .  . 

My  enemies  object  that  I  have  "  established  liberty  of 
conscience."  I  confess  that  the  glow  of  fires  in  which  so 
many  poor  Christians  have  been  tormented  is  not  an  agree- 
able sight  to  me,  although  it  may  rejoice  the  eyes  of  the 
duke  of  Alva  and  the  Spaniards ;  and  that  it  has  been  my 
opinion  that  persecutions  should  cease  in  the  Netherlands. 
I  will  confess,  too,  in  order  that  my  enemies  may  know  that 
they  have  to  do  with  one  who  speaks  out  roundly  and  with- 
out circumlocution,  that  when  the  king  was  leaving  Zealand 
he  commanded  me  to  put  to  death  several  worthy  persons 
suspected  on  account  of  their  religion.  I  did  not  wish  to- 
do  this,  and  I  could  not  with  a  clear  conscience,  so  I  warned 
them  myself,  since  one  must  obey  God  rather  than  men. 
Let  the  Spaniards  say  what  they  please,  I  know  several 
nations  and  peoples  who  are  quite  their  equals  who  will 
approve  and  praise  my  conduct,  for  they  have  learned  that 
nothing  is  to  be  accomplished  by  fire  and  sword.  .  .   . 

They  denounce  me  as  a  hypocrite,  which  is  absurd 
enough,  since  I  have  never  resorted  to  dissimulation.  As 
their  friend,  I  told  them  quite  frankly  that  they  were  twist- 
ing a  rope  to  hang  themselves  when  they  began  the  barbar- 
ous policy  of  persecution.  If  their  unbounded  passion  and 
their  contempt  for  me  had  not  prevented  their  following  my 
advice,  they  would  never  have  come  out  where  they  did. 
When  later  I  became  their  opponent  and  enemy  in  the  inter- 
est of  your  freedom,  I  do  not  see  what  hypocrisy  they  could 
discover  in  me,  unless  they  call  it  hypocrisy  to  wage  open 
war,  take  cities,  chase  them  out  of  the  country,  and  inflict 
upon  them,  without  disguise,  all  the  harm  that  the  law  of 


The  Catholic  Reformation  1 79 

war  permits.  But,  gentlemen,  if  you  will  reread  my  "  Justifi- 
cation," published  thirteen  years  ago,  you  will  find  there  the 
letters  of  a  deceitful  and  hypocritical  king,  who  thought  to 
deceive  me  by  his  false  and  honeyed  words,  just  as  now 
he  would  stun  me  by  his  threats  and  the  thunder  of  his 
denunciations.   .  .   . 

As  for  me  personally,  you  see,  gentlemen,  that  it  is  my 
head  that  they  are  looking  for,  and  that  they  have  vowed  my 
death  by  offering  such  a  great  sum  of  money.  They  say 
that  the  war  can  never  come  to  an  end  so  long  as  I  am 
among  you.  Might  it  please  God  that  my  perpetual  exile, 
or  even  my  death,  should  bring  you  a  true  deliverance  from 
all  the  evils  and  calamities  which  the  Spaniards  are  prepar- 
ing for  you  and  which  I  have  so  often  seen  them  considering 
in  council  and  devising  in  detail !  How  agreeable  to  me 
would  be  such  a  banishment!  how  sweet  death  itself!  .  .  . 
Why  have  I  so  often  endangered  my  life,  what  reward  shall 
I  expect  for  my  long  labors  for  you,  which  have  extended 
into  old  age,  and  for  the  loss  of  my  goods,  if  it  be  not  to 
obtain  and  purchase  your  liberty,  even  at  the  cost  of  my 
blood  if  necessary? 

If,  then,  gentlemen,  you  believe  that  my  exile,  or  even 
my  death,  may  serve  you,  I  am  ready  to  obey  your  behests. 
Here  is  my  head,  over  which  no  prince  or  monarch  has 
authority  save  you.  Dispose  of  it  as  you  will  for  the  safety 
and  preservation  of  our  commonwealth.  But  if  you  judge 
that  such  little  experience  and  energy  as  I  have  acquired 
through  long  and  assiduous  labors,  if  you  judge  that  the 
remainder  of  my  possessions  and  of  my  life  can  be  of  ser- 
vice to  you,  I  dedicate  them  to  you  and  to  the  fatherland. 

VI.   The  Wars  of  Religion  in  France 

The  statesman  and  fair-minded  historian,  De  Thou 
(155  3—16 1 7),  who  as  a  young  man  witnessed  the  Mas- 
sacre of  St.  Bartholomew,  thus  describes  that  terrible 
event. 


i8o 


Readings  in  European  History 


286.  The 
Massacre 
of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew 
and  the 
murder  of 
Coligny,  as 
described  by 
De  Thou. 


(This  para- 
graph is 
much 
condensed.) 


So  it  was  determined  to  exterminate  all  the  Protestants, 
and  the  plan  was  approved  by  the  queen.  They  discussed 
for  some  time  whether  they  should  make  an  exception  of 
the  king  of  Navarre  and  the  prince  of  Gonde.  All  agreed 
that  the  king  of  Navarre  should  be  spared  by  reason  of  the 
royal  dignity  and  the  new  alliance.  The  duke  of  Guise, 
who  was  put  in  full  command  of  the  enterprise,  summoned 
by  night  several  captains  of  the  Catholic  Swiss  mercenaries 
from  the  five  little  cantons,  and  some  commanders  of 
French  companies,  and  told  them  that  it  was  the  will  of 
the  king  that,  according  to  God's  will,  they  should  take 
vengeance  on  the  band  of  rebels  while  they  had  the  beasts 
in  the  toils.  Victory  was  easy  and  the  booty  great  and  to 
be  obtained  without  danger.  The  signal  to  commence  the 
massacre  should  be  given  by  the  bell  of  the  palace,  and 
the  marks  by  which  they  should  recognize  each  other  in 
the  darkness  were  a  bit  of  white  linen  tied  around  the  left 
arm  and  a  white  cross  on  the  hat.    ■ 

Meanwhile  Coligny  awoke  and  recognized  from  the  noise 
that  a  riot  was  taking  place.  Nevertheless  he  remained 
assured  of  the  king's  good  will,  being  persuaded  thereof 
either  by  his  credulity  or  by  Teligny,  his  son-in-law:  he 
believed  the  populace  had  been  stirred  up  by  the  Guises, 
and  that  quiet  would  be  restored  as  soon  as  it  was  seen  that 
soldiers  of  the  guard,  under  the  command  of  Cosseins,  had 
been  detailed  to  protect  him  and  guard  his  property. 

But  when  he  perceived  that  the  noise  increased  and  that 
some  one  had  fired  an  arquebus  in  the  courtyard  of  his 
dwelling,  then  at  length,  conjecturing  what  it  might  be,  but 
too  late,  he  arose  from  his  bed  and  having  put  on  his  dress- 
ing gown  he  said  his  prayers,  leaning  against  the  wall. 
Labonne  held  the  key  of  the  house,  and  when  Cosseins 
commanded  him,  in  the  king's  name,  to  open  the  door 
he  obeyed  at  once  without  fear  and  apprehending  nothing. 
But  scarcely  had  Cosseins  entered  when  Labonne,  who 
stood  in  his  way,  was  killed  with  a  dagger  thrust.  The 
Swiss  who  were  in  the  courtyard,  when  they  saw  this,  fled 
into  the  house  and  closed  the  door,  piling  against  it  tables 


The  Catholic  Reformation  181 

and  all  the  furniture  they  could  find.  It  was  in  the  first 
scrimmage  that  a  Swiss  was  killed  with  a  ball  from  an 
arquebus  fired  by  one  of  Cosseins'  people.  But  finally  the 
conspirators  broke  through  the  door  and  mounted  the 
stairway,  Cosseins,  Attin,  Corberan  de  Cordillac,  Seigneur 
de  Sarlabous,  first  captains  of  the  regiment  of  the  guards, 
Achilles  Petrucci  of  Siena,  all  armed  with  cuirasses,  and 
Besme  the  German,  who  had  been  brought  up  as  a  page  in 
the  house  of  Guise;  for  the  duke  of  Guise  was  lodged  at 
court,  together  with  the  great  nobles  and  others  who 
accompanied  him. 

After  Coligny  had  said  his  prayers  with  Merlin  the 
minister,  he  said,  without  any  appearance  of  alarm,  to  those 
who  were  present  (and  almost  all  were  surgeons,  for  few 
of  them  were  of  his  retinue)  :  "  I  see  clearly  that  which 
they  seek,  and  I  am  ready  steadfastly  to  suffer  that  death 
which  I  have  never  feared  and  which  for  a  long  time  past  I 
have  pictured  to  myself.  I  consider  myself  happy  in  feeling 
the  approach  of  death  and  in  being  ready  to  die  in  God, 
by  whose  grace  I  hope  for  the  life  everlasting.  I  have  no 
further  need  of  human  succor.  Go  then  from  this  place, 
my  friends,  as  quickly  as  you  may,  for  fear  lest  you  shall 
be  involved  in  my  misfortune,  and  that  some  day  your 
wives  shall  curse  me  as  the  author  of  your  loss.  For  me  it 
is  enough  that  God  is  here,  to  whose  goodness  I  commend 
my  soul,  which  is  so  soon  to  issue  from  my  body."  After 
these  words  they  ascended  to  an  upper  room,  whence  they 
sought  safety  in  flight  here  and  there  over  the  roofs. 

Meanwhile  the  conspirators,  having  burst  through  the 
door  of  the  chamber,  entered,  and  when  Besme,  sword  in 
hand,  had  demanded  of  Coligny,  who  stood  near  the  door, 
''Are  you  Coligny  ?  "  Coligny  replied,  "Yes,  I  am  he,"  with 
fearless  countenance.  "  But  you,  young  man,  respect  these 
white  hairs.  What  is  it  you  would  do  ?  You  cannot  shorten 
by  many  days  this  life  of  mine."  As  he  spoke,  Besme  gave 
him  a  sword  thrust  through  the  body,  and  having  withdrawn 
his  sword,  another  thrust  in  the  mouth,  by  which  his  face 
was  disfigured.    So  Coligny  fell,  killed  with  many  thrusts. 


1 82  Readings  in  European  History 

Others  have  written  that  Coligny  in  dying  pronounced  as 
though  in  anger  these  words:  "Would  that  I  might  at  least 
die  at  the  hands  of  a  soldier  and  not  of  a  valet."  But  Attin, 
one  of  the  murderers,  has  reported  as  I  have  written,  and 
added  that  he  never  saw  any  one  less  afraid  in  so  great  a 
peril,  nor  die  more  steadfastly. 

Then  the  duke  of  Guise  inquired  of  Besme  from  the 
courtyard  if  the  thing  were  done,  and  when  Besme  answered 
him  that  it  was,  the  duke  replied  that  the  Chevalier  d'An- 
gouleme  was  unable  to  believe  it  unless  he  saw  it;  and  at 
the  same  time  that  he  made  the  inquiry  they  threw  the 
body  through  the  window  into  the  courtyard,  disfigured  as 
it  was  with  blood.  When  the  Chevalier  d'Angouleme,  who 
could  scarcely  believe  his  eyes,  had  wiped  away  with  a  cloth 
the  blood  which  overran  the  face  and  finally  had  recog- 
nized him,  some  say  that  he  spurned  the  body  with  his 
foot.  However  this  may  be,  when  he  left  the  house  with 
his  followers  he  said:  "Cheer  up,  my  friends!  Let  us  do 
thoroughly  that  which  we  have  begun.  The  king  commands 
it."  He  frequently  repeated  these  words,  and  as  soon  as 
they  had  caused  the  bell  of  the  palace  clock  to  ring,  on 
every  side  arose  the  cry,  "  To  arms  !  "  and  the  people  ran 
to  the  house  of  Coligny.  After  his  body  had  been  treated 
to  all  sorts  of  insults,  they  threw  it  into  a  neighboring 
stable,  and  finally  cut  off  his  head,  which  they  sent  to 
Rome.  They  also  shamefully  mutilated  him,  and  dragged 
his  body  through  the  streets  to  the  bank  of  the  Seine,  a 
thing  which  he  had  formerly  almost  prophesied,  although 
he  did  not  think  of  anything  like  this. 

As  some  children  were  in  the  act  of  throwing  the  body 
into  the  river,  it  was  dragged  out  and  placed  upon  the 
gibbet  of  Montfaucon,  where  it  hung  by  the  feet  in  chains 
of  iron ;  and  then  they  built  a  fire  beneath,  by  which  he 
was  burned  without  being  consumed  ;  so  that  he  was,  so  to 
speak,  tortured  with  all  the  elements,  since  he  was  killed 
upon  the  earth,  thrown  into  the  water,  placed  upon  the  fire, 
and  finally  put  to  hang  in  the  air.  After  he  had  served  for 
several  days  as  a  spectacle  to  gratify  the  hate  of  many  and 


The  Catholic  Reformation  183 

arouse  the  just  indignation  of  many  others,  who  reckoned 
that  this  fury  of  the  people  would  cost  the  king  and  France 
many  a  sorrowful  day,  Francois  de  Montmorency,  who  was 
nearly  related  to  the  dead  man,  and  still  more  his  friend, 
and  who  moreover  had  escaped  the  danger  in  time,  had 
him  taken  by  night  from  the  gibbet  by  trusty  men  and  car- 
ried to  Chantilly,  where  he  was  buried  in  the  chapel. 

The  edict  of  Henry  IV  "  for  the  pacification  of  the   287.  Ex- 
troubles  in  his  realms,"  commonly  called  the  Edict  of   SSwfi"" 
Nantes,  is  dated  from  that  town,  April,  1598.    It  is  very   of  Nantes 
voluminous,  containing  as  it  does  ninety-two  articles  in     I59 
the  main  body  of  the  edict,  and  fifty-six  additional  arti- 
cles, designed  to  reassure  the  Huguenots.     A  few  only 
of  its  more  important  provisions  are  given  below. 

Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God  ki?ig  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  to 

all  to  whom  these  presents  come,  greeting  : 

Among  the  infinite  benefits  which  it  has  pleased  God  to 
heap  upon  us,  the  most  signal  and  precious  is  his  granting 
us  the  strength  and  ability  to  withstand  the  fearful  dis- 
orders and  troubles  which  prevailed  on  our  advent  in  this 
kingdom.  The  realm  was  so  torn  by  innumerable  factions 
and  sects  that  the  most  legitimate  of  all  the  parties  was 
fewest  in  numbers.  God  has  given  us  strength  to  stand  out 
against  this  storm;  we  have  finally  surmounted  the  waves 
and  made  our  port  of  safety,  —  peace  for  our  state.  For 
which  his  be  the  glory  all  in  all,  and  ours  a  free  recognition 
of  his  grace  in  making  use  of  our  instrumentality  in  the 
good  work.  .  .  .  We  implore  and  await  from  the  Divine 
Goodness  the  same  protection  and  favor  which  he  has  ever 
granted  to  this  kingdom  from  the  beginning.  .  .  . 

We  have,  by  this  perpetual  and  irrevocable  edict,  estab- 
lished and  proclaimed  and  do  establish  and  proclaim  : 

I.   First,  that  the  recollection  of  everything  done  by  one    General 
party  or  the  other  between  March,  1585,  and  our  accession    amnesty- 
to    the    crown,    and   during    all    the    preceding   period    of 


1 84 


Readings  in  European  Hist07y 


The  Catholic 
worship  to  be 
everywhere 
restored. 


Huguenots 
not  to  be 
annoyed. 


Extent  to 
which  Protes- 
tant services 
are  to  be 
tolerated. 


troubles,  remain  obliterated  and  forgotten,   as  if  no  such 
things  had  ever  happened. 

III.  We  ordain  that  the  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman 
religion  shall  be  restored  and  reestablished  in  all  places  and 
localities  of  this  our  kingdom  and  countries  subject  to  our 
sway,  where  the  exercise  of  the  same  has  been  interrupted, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  peaceably  and  freely  exercised,  with- 
out any  trouble  or  hindrance  ;  forbidding  very  expressly  all 
persons,  of  whatsoever  estate,  quality,  or  condition,  from 
troubling,  molesting,  or  disturbing  ecclesiastics  in  the  cele- 
bration of  divine  service,  in  the  enjoyment  or  collection- of 
tithes,  fruits,  or  revenues  of  their  benefices,  and  all  other 
rights  and  dues  belonging  to  them  ;  and  that  all  those  who 
during  the  troubles  have  taken  possession  of  churches, 
houses,  goods  or  revenues,  belonging  to  the  said  ecclesiastics, 
shall  surrender  to  them  entire  possession  and  peaceable 
enjoyment  of  such  rights,  liberties,  and  sureties  as  they 
had  before  they  were  deprived  of  them. 

VI.  And  in  order  to  leave  no  occasion  for  troubles  or 
differences  between  our  subjects,  we  have  permitted,  and 
herewith  permit,  those  of  the  said  religion  called  Reformed  1 
to  live  and  abide  in  all  the  cities  and  places  of  this  our 
kingdom  and  countries  of  our  sway,  without  being  annoyed, 
molested,  or  compelled  to  do  anything  in  the  matter  of 
religion  contrary  to  their  consciences,  .  .  .  upon  condition 
that  they  comport  themselves  in  other  respects  according 
to  that  which  is  contained  in  this  our  present  edict. 

VII.  It  is  permitted  to  all  lords,  gentlemen,  and  other 
persons  making  profession  of  the  said  religion  called 
Reformed,  holding  the  right  of  high  justice  [or  a  certain 
feudal  tenure],  to  exercise  the  said  religion  in  their  houses. 

1  This  official  designation  for  Protestantism  in  France  —  namely, 
"the  religion  called  the  Reformed"  {Religion  pretendue  refor?nee) — 
was  in  no  way  insulting  to  the  Huguenots,  as  some  Protestant  writers 
have  supposed.  Pretendre  commonly  means  "claim  "  or  "  allege  "  rather 
than  "  pretend."  Henry  IV,  as  king  of  a  Catholic  country,  could  go  no 
farther  in  referring  to  the  Huguenots  than  to  call  them  the  religious 
party  which  followed  what  they  alleged  or  claimed  to  be  a  reformed 
Christianity. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


185 


IX.  We  also  permit  those  of  the  said  religion  to  make 
and  continue  the  exercise  of  the  same  in  all  villages  and 
places  of  our  dominion  where  it  was  established  by  them 
and  publicly  enjoyed  several  and  divers  times  in  the  year 
1597,  up  to  the  end  of  the  month  of  August,  notwithstand- 
ing all  decrees  and  judgments  to  the  contrary. 

XIII.  We  very  expressly  forbid  to  all  those  of  the  said 
religion  its  exercise,  either  in  respect  to  ministry,  regulation, 
discipline,  or  the  public  instruction  of  children,  or  other- 
wise, in  this  our  kingdom  and  lands  of  '  our  dominion, 
otherwise  than  in  the  places  permitted  and  granted  by  the 
present  edict. 

XIV.  It  is  forbidden  as  well  to  perform  any  function  of    No  Protes- 
the  said  religion  in  our  court  or  retinue,  or  in  our  lands    tant  services 
and   territories  beyond   the  mountains,   or  in  our  city  of    in  Paris# 
Paris,  or  within  five  leagues  of  the  said  city. 

XVIII.  We  also  forbid  all  our  subjects,  of  whatever 
quality  and  condition,  from  carrying  off  by  force  or  per- 
suasion, against  the  will  of  their  parents,  the  children  of 
the  said  religion,  in  order  to  cause  them  to  be  baptized  or 
confirmed  in  the  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman  Church ; 
and  the  same  is  forbidden  to  those  of  the  said  religion 
called  Reformed,  upon  penalty  of  being  punished  with 
especial  severity. 

XXI.  Books  concerning  the  said  religion  called  Reformed    Restrictions 
may  not  be  printed  and  publicly  sold,  except  in  cities  and    on  pJ"ote^" 
places  where  the  public   exercise  of  the   said   religion   is 
permitted. 

XXII.  We  ordain  that  there  shall  be  no  difference  or 
distinction  made  in  respect  to  the  said  religion,  in  receiving 
pupils  to  be  instructed  in  universities,  colleges,  and  schools; 
nor  in  receiving  the  sick  and  poor  into  hospitals,  retreats, 
and  public  charities. 

XXIII.  Those  of  the  said  religion  called  Reformed  shall 
be  obliged  to  respect  the  laws  of  the  Catholic  Apostolic 
and  Roman  Church,  recognized  in  this  our  kingdom,  for  the 
consummation  of  marriages  contracted,  or  to  be  contracted, 
as  regards  the  degrees  of  consanguinity  and  kinship. 


1 86  Readings  in  European  History 

VII.   Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  Elizabeth 

James  Melville,  a  trusted  ambassador  of  Mary  Queen 
of  Scots,  tells  in  his  Memoirs  of  an  interview  with 
Queen  Elizabeth  in  1564,  when  she  was  thirty-one  years 
of  age. 

288.  Mel-  During  nine  days  that  I  remained  at  the  court  it  pleased 

vine's  im-       ^QT  ^|aiesty  to  confer  with  me  every  day  and  sometimes 
pressions  of       ,     .        .  ,  ,  .  V.        V  1      c 

Elizabeth        thrice  in  a  day,  —  in  the  morning,  after  dinner,  and  atter 

in  1564.  supper.    Sometimes  she  would  say  that,  seeing  she  could  not 

meet  with  the  queen  [i.e.  Mary],  her  good  sister,  to  con- 
fer with  her  familiarly,  she  was  resolved  to  open  a  good 
part  of  her  inward  mind  to  me,  that  I  might  show  it  again 
to  the  queen.  .  .  .  [She  said,]  "I  am  resolved  never  to 
marry  if  I  be  not  thereto  necessitated  by  the  queen,  my 
sister's,  harsh  behavior  toward  me."  "  I  know  the  truth 
of  that,  madam,"  said  I;  "you  need  not  tell  me.  Your 
Majesty  thinks  if  you  were  married  you  would  be  but 
queen  of  England  ;  and  now  you  are  both  king  and  queen. 
I  know  your  spirit  cannot  endure  a  commander." 

She  appeared  to  be  so  affectionate  to  the  queen,  her  good 
sister,  that  she  expressed  a  great  desire  to  see  her ;  and 
because  their  (so  much  by  her  desired)  meeting  could  not 
be  so  hastily  brought  to  pass  she  appeared  with  great 
delight  to  look  upon  her  Majesty's  picture.  .  .  . 

The  queen,  my  mistress,  had  instructed  me  to  leave  mat- 
ters of  gravity  sometimes  and  cast  in  merry  purposes,  lest 
otherwise  I  should  be  wearied,  she  being  well  informed  of 
that  queen's  natural  temper.  Therefore,  in  declaring  my 
observations  of  the  customs  of  Dutchland,  Poland,  and 
Italy,  the  buskins  of  the  women  was  not  forgot,  and  what 
country  weed  [i.e.  costume]  I  thought  best  becoming  gen- 
tlewomen. The  queen  said  she  had  clothes  of  every  sort; 
which  every  day  thereafter,  so  long  as  I  was  there,  she 
changed.  One  day  she  had  the  English  weed,  another 
the  French,  another  the  Italian,  and  so  forth.  She  asked 
me  which  of  them  became   her  best.    I  answered,  in  my 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


187 


judgement,  the  Italian^dress  ;  which  answer  I  found  pleased 
her  well,  for  she  delighted  to  show  her  golden-colored  hair, 
wearing  a  caul  and  bonnet  as  they  do  in  Italy. 

Her  hair  was  more  reddish  than  yellow,  curled  in  appear- 
ance naturally.  She  desired  to  know  of  me  what  color  of 
hair  was  reputed  best,  and  whether  my  queen's  hair  or  hers 
was  best,  and  which  of  them  two  was  fairest.  I  answered 
that  the  fairness  of  them  both  was  not  their  worst  faults. 
But  she  was  earnest  with  me  to  declare  which  of  them  I 
judged  fairest.  I  said  she  was  the  fairest  queen  in  England 
and  mine  the  fairest  queen  in  Scotland.  Yet  she  appeared 
earnest.  I  answered  they  were  both  the  fairest  ladies  in 
their  countries  ;  that  her  Majesty  was  whiter,  but  my  queen 
was  very  lovesome. 

She  inquired  which  of  them  was  of  highest  stature.  I 
said  my  queen.  "Then,"  saith  she,  "she  is  too  high;  for 
I  myself  am  neither  too  high  nor  too  low."  Then  she  asked 
what  kind  of  exercises  she  used.  I  answered  that  when  I 
received  my  dispatch  the  queen  was  but  lately  come  from 
the  highland  hunting;  that  when  her  more  serious  affairs 
permitted  she  was  taken  up  with  reading  of  histories ;  that 
she  sometimes  recreated  herself  in  playing  upon  the  lute 
and  virginals.  She  asked  if  she  played  well.  I  said,  reason- 
ably, for  a  queen. 

The  news  of  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  filled 
England  with  horror  and  apprehension.  The  bishop  of 
London  writes  to  Lord  Burleigh,  Elizabeth's  chief  ad- 
viser, as  follows  : 

Theese  evill  tymes  trouble  all  good  mens  headdes,  and 
make  their  heartes  ake,  fearinge  that  this  barbarous  treach- 
erie  will  not  ceasse  in  Fraunce,  but  will  reach  over  unto  us. 
Neither  feare  we  the  mangling  of  our  body,  but  we  sore 
dreade  the  hurt  of  our  Head  [i.e.  the  Queen]  :  for  therin 
consisteth  our  lief  and  saftie.  We  shall  dutiefullie  praie. 
Give  you  good  advise.  And  God,  I  trust,  will  deliver  us 
owt  of  the  mouthe  of  the  waringe  Lyon.  .  .   . 


289.  The 

bishop  of 
London  on 
the  dangers 
suggested 
by  the 
Massacre  of 
St.  Bar- 
tholomew 

(i572)- 


i88 


Readings  in  European  History 


Sundrie  have  required  a  publiqut  Faste  and  Praier  to  be 
had,  for  the  confoundinge  of  theese  and  other  cruell  ene- 
mies of  Goddes  gospell,  but  this  I  will  not  consent  unto 
withowt  warraunt  from  hir  Majestic  Thus  am  I  bolde  to 
unfolde  a  peece  of  my  mynde  on  the  sudden,  and  to  make 
yow  pertaker  of  my  simple  cogitacions,  knowinge  that 
accordinge  to  yowr  olde  wonte,  you  will  take  the  same 
in  good  parte.  Hasten  hir  Majestie  homewarde,  hir  safe 
returne  to  London  will  comforth  many  heartes  oppressed 
with  feare.  God  preserve  yow,  and  directe  yow  with  his 
spirite  to  counsell  to  his  glorie.  In  haste  from  my  howse 
at  Fulham  this  vth.  of  September,  1572. 

Yor.  L.  humble  at  commandment, 

Ed.  London. 

The  saftie  of  our  Quene  and  Realme  yf  God  will. 


The  advice 
of  the  bishop 
in  regard  to 
the  treatment 
of  Mary 
Stuart  and 
the  Catholics. 


i.  Furthwith  to  cutte  of  the  Scottish  Queen's  heade1: 

2.  To  remove  from  our  Quene  Papistes,  and  suche  as  by 
private  persuasion  overthrowe  good  counsell. 

3.  The  Q.  majestie  to  be  garded  stronglie  with  Protes- 
tants, and  others  to  be  removed. 

4.  Order  must  be  taken  for  the  safe  kepinge  of  the  Tower, 
and  for  good  order  to  be  had  in  London  for  strengthen- 
inge  of  the  Citie,  and  that  they  receave  no  Papaist  of 
strengthe  to  sojourne  there  this  wynter. 

5.  A  firme  League  to  be  made  with  the  yonge  Scottishe 
Kinge  and  the  Protestants  there. 

6.  A  League  to  be  made  with  the  Princes  Protestant  of 
Germanie,  offensive  and  defensive. 

7.  The  chiefe  Papists  of  this  realme  are  to  be  shutte  uppe 
in  the  Tower,  and  the  popishe  olde  Bishoppes  to  be  returned 
thither. 


1  The  official  account  of  the  beheading  of  Queen  Mary,  which  did 
not  take  place  for  nearly  fifteen  years  after  this  advice  was  given, 
may  be  read  in  part  in  Miss  Kendall's  Source  Book  of  English  History, 
pp.  iTZsqq. 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


189 


8.  The  Gospell  earnestlie  to  be  promoted,  and  the 
Churche  not  burdened  with  unnecessarie  ceremonies. 

9.  The  Protestants,  which  onlie  are  faithfull  subjects, 
are  to  be  comforted,  preferred,  and  placed  in  authoritie, 
the  Papistes  are  to  be  displaced. 

Theese  put  in  execution,  wolde  twrne  to  Goddes  glory, 
the  saftie  of  the  Quene's  Majestie  and  make  the  Realme 
florishe  and  stande. 


VIII.   The  Latter  Part  of  Elizabeth's  Reign 

The  following  letter  from  John  Hawkins,  the  famous 
English  mariner,  who  participated  in  the  fight  against 
the  Armada,  gives  a  lively  notion  of  the  conflict  with 
the  Spanish  fleet,  which  was  in  progress  as  he  wrote. 

My  bounden  duty  humbly  remembered  unto  your  good 
lordship.  I  have  not  busied  myself  to  write  often  to  your 
lordship  in  this  great  cause,  for  that  my  lord  admiral  doth 
continually  advertise  the  manner  of  all  things  that  doth 
pass.  So  do  others  that  do  understand  the  state  of  all 
things  as  well  as  myself.  We  met  with  this  fleet  somewhat 
to  the  westward  of  Plymouth  upon  Sunday  in  the  morning, 
being  the  21st  of  July,  where  we  had  some  small  fight  with 
them  in  the  afternoon.  By  the  coming  aboard  one  of  the 
other  of  the  Spaniards,  a  great  ship,  a  Biscayan,  spent  her 
foremast  and  bowsprit,  which  was  left  by  the  fleet  in  the 
sea,  and  so  taken  up  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  the  next  morn- 
ing. The  same  Sunday  there  was,  by  a  fire  chancing  by  a 
barrel  of  powder,  a  great  Biscayan  spoiled  and  abandoned, 
which  my  lord  took  up  and  sent  away.  The  Tuesday  fol- 
lowing, athwart  of  Portland,  we  had  a  sharp  and  long  fight 
with  them,  wherein  we  spent  a  great  part  of  our  powder 
and  shot,  so  as  it  was  not  thought  good  to  deal  with  them 
any  more  till  that  was  relieved. 

The  Thursday  following,  by  the  occasion  of  the  scatter- 
ing of  one  of  the  great  ships  from  the  fleet  which  we  hoped 
to  have  cut  off,  there  grew  a  hot  fray,  wherein  some  store 


290.  John 
Hawkins' 
letter  about 
the  fight 
with  the 
Armada 
(July,  1588) 


190 


Readings  in  European  History 


Destination 
of  the 
Armada. 


of  powder  was  spent ;  and  after  that  little  done  until  we 
came  near  to  Calais,  where  the  fleet  of  Spain  anchored, 
and  our  fleet  by  them ;  and  because  they  should  not  be  in 
peace  there,  to  refresh  their  water  or  to  have  conference 
with  those  of  the  duke  of  Parma's  party,  my  lord  admiral, 
with  firing  of  ships,  determined  to  remove  them  ;  as  he  did, 
and  put  them  to  the  seas ;  in  which  broil  the  chief  galleass 
spoiled  her  rudder,  and  so  rode  ashore  near  the  town  of 
Calais,  where  she  was  possessed  of  our  men,  but  so  aground 
that  she  could  not  be  brought  away. 

That  morning  being  Monday,  the  29th  of  July,  we  fol- 
lowed the  Spaniards,  and  all  that  day  had  with  them  a  long 
and  great  fight,  wherein  there  was  great  valor  showed  gen- 
erally by  our  company.  In  this  battle  there  was  spent  very 
much  of  our  powder  and  shot ;  and  so  the  wind  began  to 
blow  westerly,  a  fresh  gale,  and  the  Spaniards  put  them- 
selves somewhat  to  the  northward,  where  we  follow  and 
keep  company  with  them.   .   .  . 

Our  ships,  God  be  thanked,  have  received  little  hurt, 
and  are  of  great  force  to  accompany  them,  and  of  such 
advantage  that  with  some  continuance  at  the  seas,  and 
sufficiently  provided  of  shot  and  powder,  we  shall  be  able, 
with  God's  favor,  to  weary  them  out  of  the  sea  and  con- 
found them.  Yet  as  I  gather  certainly,  there  are  amongst 
them  fifty  forcible  and  invincible  ships.  There  are  thirty 
hulks  and  thirty  small  ships,  whereof  little  account  is  to  be 
made.  .  .  . 

At  their  departing  from  Lisbon  the  soldiers  were  twenty 
thousand,  the  mariners  and  others  eight  thousand  ;  so  as, 
in  all,  they  were  twenty-eight  thousand  men.  Their  com- 
mission was  to  confer  with  the  prince  of  Parma,  as  I  learn, 
and  then  proceed  to  the  service  that  should  be  there  con- 
cluded ;  and  so  the  duke  to  return  into  Spain  with  these 
ships  and  mariners,  the  soldiers  and  their  furniture  being 
left  behind.  Now  this  fleet  is  here  and  very  forcible,  and 
must  be  waited  upon  with  all  our  force,  which  is  little 
enough.  There  should  be  an  infinite  quantity  of  powder 
and  shot  provided  and  continually  sent  abroad ;  without 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


191 


the  which  great  hazard  may  grow  to  our  country  ;  for  this 
is  the  greatest  and  strongest  combination,  to  my  under- 
standing, that  ever  was  gathered  in  Christendom  ;  there- 
fore I  wish  it,  of  all  hands,  to  be  mightily  and  diligently 
looked  into  and  cared  for.   .   .   . 

And  so,  praying  to  God  for  a  happy  deliverance  from  the 
malicious  and  dangerous  practice  of  our  enemies,  I  humbly 
take  my  leave.  From  the  sea,  aboard  the  Victory,  the  last 
of  July,  1588. 

The  Spaniards  take  their  course  for  Scotland  ;  my  lord 

doth  follow  them.     I  doubt  not,  with  God's  favor,  but  we 

shall    impeach    their    landing.    There    must    be   order   for 

victual  and  money,  powder  and  shot,  to  be  sent  after  us. 

Your  lordship's  humbly  to  command, 

John  Hawkyns. 

In  a  letter  written  shortly  after  Elizabeth's  death  by 
one  well  acquainted  with  her  court,  we  have  a  good 
description  of  her  chief  traits  and  tastes. 

I  will  proceed  with  the  description  of  the  queen's  dispo- 
sition and  natural  gifts  of  mind  and  body,  wherein  she 
either  matched  or  exceeded  all  the  princes  of  her  time,  as 
being  of  a  great  spirit  yet  tempered  with  moderation,  in 
adversity  never  dejected,  in  prosperity  rather  joyful  than 
proud  ;  affable  to  her  subjects,  but  always  with  due  regard 
to  the  greatness  of  her  estate,  by  reason  whereof  she  was 
both  loved  and  feared. 

In  her  later  time,  when  she  showed  herself  in  public,  she 
was  always  magnificent  in  apparel;  supposing  haply  thereby 
that  the  eyes  of  her  people  (being  dazzled  by  the  glittering 
aspect  of  those  her  outward  ornaments)  would  not  so  easily 
discern  the  marks  of  age  and  decay  of  natural  beauty  ;  and 
she  came  abroad  the  more  seldom,  to  make  her  presence 
the  more  grateful  and  applauded  by  the  multitude,  to  whom 
things  rarely  seen  are  in  manner  as  new. 

She  suffered  not,  at  any  time,  any  suitor  to  depart  dis- 
contented from  her,  and  though  ofttimes  he  obtained  not 


291.  Eliza- 
beth's 
character 
and  tastes. 
(From  an 
unknown 
contem- 
porary.) 


192  Readings  in  Eiiropean  History 

that  he  desired,  yet  he  held  himself  satisfied  with  her  man- 
ner of  speech,  which  gave  hope  of  success  in  the  second 
attempt.   .  .   . 

She  was  accounted  in  her  latter  time  to  be  very  near,  and 
oversparing  of  expense ;  and  yet,'  if  the  rewards  which  she 
gave  of  mere  motion  and  grace  had  been  bestowed  of  merit, 
with  due  respect,  they  had  doubtless  purchased  her  the 
name, of  a  very  liberal  prince.  .  .  . 

She  was  very  rich  in  jewels,  which  had  been  given  her 
by  her  subjects  ;  for  in  times  of  progress  there  was  no  per- 
son that  entertained  her  in  his  house  but  (besides  his 
extraordinary  charge  in  feasting  her  and  her  train)  he 
bestowed  a  jewel  upon  her ;  a  custom  in  former  times 
begun  by  some  of  her  especial  favorites  that  (having  in 
great  measure  tasted  of  her  bounty)  did  give  her  only  of 
her  own  ;  though  otherwise  that  kind  of  giving  was  not  so 
pleasing  to  gentlemen  of  meaner  quality. 
Elizabeth's  Touching  these  commendable  qualities  whereto,  partly 

learning.  ^y  nature  and  partly  by  education  and  industry,  she  had 

attained,  there  were  few  men  that  (when  time  and  occasion 
served)  could  make  better  use  or  more  show  of  them  than 
herself.  The  Latin,  French,  and  Italian  she  could  speak 
very  elegantly,  and  she  was  able  in  all  those  languages  to 
answer  ambassadors  on  the  sudden.  Her  manner  of  writing 
was  somewhat  obscure  and  the  style  not  vulgar,  as  being 
either  learned  by  imitation  of  some  author  whom  she 
delighted  to  read,  or  else  affected  for  difference'  sake,  that 
she  might  not  write  in  such  phrases  as  were  commonly 
used.  Of  the  Greek  tongue  also  she  was  not  altogether 
ignorant.  She  took  pleasure  in  reading  of  the  best  and 
wisest  histories,  and  some  part  of  Tacitus'  Annals  she  her- 
self turned  into  English  for  her  private  exercise.  She  also 
translated  Boethius'  De  Consolatione  P/iilosofl/iiae,  and  a  trea- 
tise of  Plutarch,  De  Curiositate,  with  divers  others. 

For  her  private  pleasures,  she  used  them  moderately  and 
warily,  without  touch  to  her  reputation  or  offense  to  her 
people.  She  was  in  her  diet  very  temperate,  as  eating  but 
a  few  kinds  of  meat  and  those  not  compounded ;  the  wine 


The  Catholic  Reformation  193 

she  drank  was  mingled  with  water,  containing  three  parts 
more  in  quantity  than  the  wine  itself.  Precise  hours  of 
refection  she  observed  not,  as  never  eating  but  when  her 
appetite  required  it.  In  matters  of  recreation,  as  singing, 
dancing,  and  playing  upon  instruments,  she  was  not  igno- 
rant or  excellent :  a  measure  which  in  things  indifferent 
best  beseems  a  prince. 

She  was  of  nature  somewhat  hasty,  but  quickly  appeased  ; 
ready  there  to  show  most  kindness  where  a  little  before 
she  had  been  most  sharp  in  reproving.  Her  greatest  grief 
of  mind  and  body  she  either  patiently  endured  or  politicly 
dissembled.  I  have  heard  it  credibly  reported  that,  not 
long  before  her  death,  she  was  divers  times  troubled  with 
the  gout  in  her  fingers,  whereof  she  would  never  complain, 
as  seeming  better  pleased  to  be  thought  insensible  of  the 
pain  than  to  acknowledge  the  disease.  .   .  . 

It  is  credibly  reported  that  not  long  before  her  death 
she  had  a  great  apprehension  of  her  own  age  and  declina- 
tion by  seeing  her  face  (then  lean  and  full  of  wrinkles) 
truly  represented  to  her  in  a  glass,  which  she  a  good  while 
very  earnestly  beheld ;  perceiving  thereby  how  often  she 
had  been  abused  by  flatterers  (whom  she  held  in  too  great 
estimation)  that  had  informed  her  the  contrary. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Catholic  Reformation  :  Walker,  The  Refomiation,  pp.  356-367 ;    A.  Refe 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  II,  pp.  639-650.  ences. 

The  Jesuits  :  Hausser,  Period  of  the  Reformation,  Chapter  XX, 
pp.  265-273;  Walker,  pp.  367-392;  Cambridge  Modem  History, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  651-659. 

Council  of  Trent :  Hausser,  pp.  258-264  ;  Cambridge  Modem  His- 
tory, Vol.  II,  pp.  659-689. 

Spain  under  Philip  II :  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  Ill,  Chap- 
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Revolt  of  the  Netherlands :    Johnson,   European   History,    1494- 
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pp.  276-344;   Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  Ill,  Chapters  VI- VII, 
pp.  182-259. 


194  Readings  in  European  History 

French  Wars  of  Religion:  Johnson,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  387-448; 
Hausser,  Chapter  XXV,  pp.  345-381;  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-52. 

Henry  IV  of  France  :  Hausser,  Chapter  XXIX,  pp.  382-401  ;  Dyer 
and  Hassall,  Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  XXVI,  pp.  41-75,  and  Chapters  XXVII 
and  XXIX,  passim. 

Mary  Queen  of  Scots  :  Green,  Short  History,  pp.  379-392,  Cambridge 
Modern  History,  Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  260-293. 

Elizabeth:  Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  Chapter  XIII, 
pp.  330-381;  Terry,  History  of  England,  pp.  587-617;  Andrews, 
History  of  England,  pp.  286-325  ;  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  Ill, 
Chapter  X,  pp.  328-363. 

The  Armada:  Green,  pp.  413-420;  Cambridge  Modem  History, 
Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  294-327. 

Elizabethan  Literature :  Green,  pp.  420-442 ;  Cambridge  Modern 
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B.  Addi-  Symonds,  John  A.,  The  Catholic  Reaction,  Chapter  II,  "  The  Coun- 

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ZftP"  lit 

P&   ,.  j  Jesuits."     Readable  but  extremely  unsympathetic. 

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Froude,  Lectures  on  the  Council  of  Trent.  Especially  Chapters 
VIII-XIII.     A  vivacious  account  by  a  gifted  but  inaccurate  scholar. 

Prescott,  Reign  of  Philip  II,  3  vols.     See  above,  p.  28. 

Motley,  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Repicblic,  3  vols.  The  bias  and  inaccuracy 
of  this  brilliant  and  celebrated  work  can  best  be  seen  by  comparing  it 
with  the  painstaking  if  rather  dry  work  of  a  modern  Dutch  historian, 
namely,  Blok,  A  History  of  the  People  of  the  Netherlands,  Vol.  Ill, 
Chapters  I-VII  (translated  by  Ruth  Putnam). 

Putnam,  Ruth,  William  the  Silent,  2  vols.  A  scholarly  biography, 
admirably  illustrated. 

Baird,  The  Rise  of  the  Huguenots,  2  vols.,  and  The  Huguenots  and 
Henry  of  Navarre,  2  vols.     By  an  ardent  partisan  of  the  Huguenots. 

Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes,  3  vols.  (Bohn  Library).  This  is  a 
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of  the  Bourbons,  2  vols.,  1890. 

Hume,  Philip  II  of  Spain,  1902. 


TJic  CatJiolic  Reformation  195 

The  Autobiography  of  St.  Ignatius  Loyola,  edited  by  J.  F.  X. 
O'Conor,  S.J.,  New  York,  1900.  A  translation  of  the  most  authen- 
tic account  of  Loyola's  life,  from  data  he  himself  dictated. 

Canons  and  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  translated  by  Rev.  J. 
Waterworth ;  and  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  translated  by  Rev. 
J.  Donovan.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  these  official  utter- 
ances of  the  council  deserve  the  most  careful  study.1  The  catechism 
was  first  issued  in  1566.  It  was  drawn  up  by  a  commission  appointed 
by  the  pope,  to  whom  the  matter  had  been  delegated  by  the  council. 

Armstrong,  The  French  Wars  of  Religion,  1892. 

Whitehead,  A.  W.,  Caspar  d  de  Coligny,  Admiral  of  France,  1904. 

Sully,  Memoirs,  4  vols.  (Bohn  Library).  This  is  not  a  translation 
of  the  original  as  dictated  by  Sully,  but  of  an  adaptation  made  in  the 
eighteenth  century  to  suit  the  taste  of  the  time.     See  below,  under  C. 

Creighton,  The  Age  of  Elizabeth  (in  the  Epochs  of  Modern  History). 
Also  by  the  same,  Queen  Elizabeth,  1896 ;  cheaper  edition,  without 
illustrations,  1899.  These  excellent  volumes  may  be  supplemented  by 
Beesley,  Elizabeth. 

Lang,  Andrew,  The  Mystery  of  Mary  Stuart,  1901.  A  recent 
review  of  all  the  evidence  of  her  guilt  in  the  murder  of  her  husband. 

Simpson,  Life  of  Campion,  1867.  An  excellent  account  of  one  of 
the  Jesuits  who  suffered  martyrdom  under  Elizabeth. 

Payne,  Voyages  of  Elizabethan  Seamen,  2  vols. 

Stow  (1525-1605),  A  Survey  of  London,  first  published  in  1598; 
Harrison  (1534-1593),  Description  of  England  (convenient  edition  in 
the  Camelot  Series).  These  are  two  important  and  amusing  accounts 
of  English  habits  and  dress  by  contemporaries. 

Saintsbury,  Elizabethan  Literature,  a  useful  short  work  on  a  great 
subject. 

MAURENBRECHER,   Geschichte  der  katholischen  Reformation,  Vol.   I,    C.  Materials 
1S80.     This  admirable  work  was  never  completed,  but  gives  an  excel-  for  advanced 
lent  idea  of  the  progress  of  the  reform  movement  within  the  Church 
previous  to  1  534. 

Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France.  Vol.  VI,  Part  I,  by  Mariejol  (1904), 
covers  the  period  1 559—1 598. 

PHILIPPSON,  M.,  Westeuropa  im  Zeitalter  von  Philipp  II,  Elizabeth, 
und  Heinrich  IV,  1882  (in  the  Oncken  Series). 

Wolf,  G.,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Gegenreformation, 
Vol.  I,  1899.     The  first  volume  of  an  exhaustive  work. 

1  See  reference  to  this  catechism  above,  p.  160. 


196  Readings  in  European  History 

Ranke,  Die  Osmanen  und  die  spanische  Monarckie  im  sechzehnten 
und  siebzehnten  Jahrhundert,  4th  ed. 

The  Council  There  are  two  famous  old  histories  of  the  Council  of  Trent.     In  1619 

of  Trent.  there  appeared  in  England  an  account  of  the  council  (Storia  del  concilio 

Tridentino,  which  may  be  had  in  an  old  English  translation)  which 
was  later  discovered  to  have  been  written  by  Fra  Paolo  Sarpi,  who, 
without  being  a  Protestant,  was  very  hostile  to  the  papal  power.  The 
writer  made  use  of  much  material  not  readily  available  to  other  writers, 
and  is  still  regarded  with  respect  by  impartial  critics.  His  work  aroused 
much  angry  criticism,  especially  among  the  Jesuits,  who  selected  one  of 
their  number,  Pallavicino,  to  refute  Sarpi.  The  Jesuit's  history  of  the 
council  (Istoria  del  concilio  di  Trento)  appeared  in  1656,  and  pointed 
out  361  alleged  errors  in  his  predecessor's  work.  Pallavicino's  volumes 
are  based  upon  a  vast  amount  of  material  in  Rome  which  was  freely 
thrown  open  to  him.  Its  merits  and  defects,  as  well  as  those  of  Sarpi's 
treatise,  are  set  forth  by  Ranke  in  the  "  Analecten  "  appended  to  his 
Die  rbmischen  Pdpste  (Bohn  edition,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  103  sqq.). 

Raynaldus,  Annates  Ecclesiastici,  contains  a  good  account  of  the 
council.  Deer  eta  et  canones  Concilii  Tridentini,  first  issued  in  Rome  in 
1664,  are  to  be  had  in  many  editions.  Tauchnitz  publishes  a  convenient 
modern  edition.  That  edited  by  Richter  contains  all  the  interpretations 
and  modifications  made  since  the  council  finished  its  work. 

Le  Plat,  Monutnenta  ad  historiam  Concilii  Tridentini  spectantia, 
7  vols.,  1 781-1787.  This  voluminous  collection  is  now  being  replaced 
by  newer  and  more  carefully  edited  texts.  Under  the  title  Acta genuina 
Concilii  Tridentini,  Theiner  published,  in  1874,  the  proceedings  of  the 
council  edited  just  after  its  close  by  Angelo  Massarelli,  its  secretary.  The 
Gorres  Gesellschaft  (a  German,  Catholic  historical  association)  is  pub- 
lishing Concilium  Tridentinum  :  diariorum,  actorum,  epistularum,  trac- 
tatnum  nova  collectio.  Vols.  I  and  IV  have  appeared,  the  latter  contain- 
ing much  important  material  relating  to  the  antecedents  of  the  council. 
Other  collections  are  also  in  progress, — for  example,  the  Monumenta 
Tridentina,  edited  by  Druffel  and  Brandi,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Munich  Academy,  and  containing  the  invaluable  letters  and  papers  of 
Cardinal  Cervino,  a  secretary  of  Paul  III  (Vol.  I,  1884-1899). 

The  Society  Stewart  Rose,  St.  Ignatius  Loyola  and  the  Early  Jesuits,  edited  by 

of  Jesus.  Rev.  W.  H.  Eyre,  S.J.,  London.     Best  recent  work  in  English. 

W.  van  Nieuwenhoff,  Lebeti  des  heiligen  Ignatius  von  Loyola, 
2  vols.,  Regensburg,  1901. 

Gothein,  Ignatius  von  Loyola  ti7id  die  Gegenrefor?nation,  1895.  An 
excellent  recent  Protestant  account. 


The  CatJiolic  Reformation 


197 


Huber,  Johannes,  Der  Jesuitorden  nach  seiner  Verfassungund  Dok- 
trin,  Wirksamkeit  und  Geschichte  charakterisiert,  Berlin,  1873.  Critical, 
liberal  Catholic  in  tone. 

CRETIN AU- J OLY,  Histoire  religieuse,  politique  et  litteraire  de  la  Com- 
pagnie  de  Jesus,  6  vols.,  1845-1846,  and  later  editions.  In  spite  of  some 
deficiencies,  perhaps  the  chief  work  from  the  Jesuit's  standpoint. 

Bartoli,  Delia  vita  e  dell'  institute  di  S.  Ignazio,  1650,  new  ed.  1893. 
Highly  esteemed  by  the  Jesuit  scholars.  There  are  good  articles  on  the 
Jesuits  in  the  Kirchenlexikon  and  in  the  Realencyclopadie. 

For  the  sources,  especially  the  early  lives  of  Loyola,  one  should 
turn  to  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  July,  Vol.  VII,  where  Jesuit  scholars  have 
piously  collected  what  is  known  of  their  founder.  The  Acta  antiquissima, 
taken  down  by  Consalvus  from  Loyola's  own  dictation,  is  the  best 
source.  For  an  English  translation  of  this,  see  under  B,  above.  The 
Spanish  Jesuits  are  engaged,  in  their  Monu?nenta  historica  Societatis  Jesu, 
in  adding  to  the  material  already  available  (Madrid  and  Freiburg, 
1898  sqq.).  They  have  published  many  letters  of  Loyola,  Cartas  de  S. 
Ignacio  de  Loyola,  6  vols.,  1874-1889. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Jesuits  are  discussed  in  Dollinger,  Geschichte 
der  Moralstreitigkeiten,  2  vols.,  1889.  In  regard  to  their  great  role  as 
confessors,  see  Lea,  History  of  Confession  and  Indulgences,  Vol.  II, 
especially  Chapters  XX-XXI.  Pascal's  famous  Provincial  Letters  are 
directed  against  the  teachings  of  the  Jesuits. 


Schafer,  E.,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  spanischen  Protestantismus 
und  der  Inquisition  im  sechzehnten  Jahrhtmdert,  3  vols,  1902. 

Lea,  Henry  C,  The  Moriscos  of  Spain,  their  Conversion  and 
Expulsion  (1901)  ;  Chapters  from  the  Religious  History  of  Spain  con- 
nected with  the  Inquisition  (1890).  These  are  two  by-products  of  the 
years  of  study  which  Mr.  Lea  has  devoted  to  the  Inquisition.  His  great 
work  on  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  which  is  soon  to  appear  in  four  vol- 
umes, will  supplant  all  the  older  treatises,  the  best  known  of  which  is 
LLORENT,  Histoire  critique  de  V inquisition  ds 'Espagne,  4  vols.,  18 18. 

RoDRlGO,  Historia  verdadera  de  la  Inquisicion,  3  vols.,  Madrid,  1876. 
The  chief  modern  work  from  a  Catholic  standpoint. 

Eymeric,  Directorium  Inquisitorum  (see  above,  Vol.  I,  p.  397). 
This  manual,  prepared  in  the  fourteenth  century,  continued  to  be 
regarded  as  a  standard  during  the  sixteenth  century  and  later. 

Reusch,  Fr.  H.,  Der  Index  der  verbotenen  Bile  her,  Ein  Beitrag  zur 
Kirchen-  und  Literaturgeschichte,  1  vols.,  1883-1885.  Reusch  has 
reprinted  the  rarest  of  the  indices  in  Die  Indices  librorum  prohibitorum 
des  sechzehnten  Jahrhunderts,  1886. 


The  Spanish 
Inquisition. 


The  censor- 
ship of  the 
press  and 
the  Index. 


198 


Re  a  di  Jigs  in  European  History 


The  Nether- 
lands. 


Wars  of 
religion  in 
France. 


England 

under 

Elizabeth. 


For  the  history  of  the  Netherlands,  a  great  mass  of  original  material 
is  available,  much  of  which  has  been  published  during  the  past  fifty 
years,  —  for  example,  Collection  de  memoires  sur  I  histoire  de  Belgique 
aux  XVIe,  XVIIe,  et  XVIII6  siecles,  47  vols.,  1S58-1875.  Gachard 
has  edited  the  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II  sur  les  affaires  des  Pays 
Bas,  5  vols.,  1848-187  5,  and  the  Correspondance  de  Guillaut?ie  le  Taci- 
turne,  6  vols.,  1847-1857.  (See  ample  bibliography  at  the  close  of  Ruth 
Putnam's  William  the  Silent  and  in  the  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  798-809.) 

For  France  during  the  wars  of  religion  we  have  two  distinguished 
contemporary  historians  :  De  Thou  (d.  1617),  who  has  given  a  remark- 
ably impartial  account  of  the  troubles  in  his  Historia  sm  temporis,  first 
published  in  1604  (a  French  translation  was  published  in  1659);  and 
Theodore  Agrippa  D'Aubigne  (d.  1630),  whose  Histoire  univer- 
selle  (1 550-1601),  edited  by  De  Ruble,  7  vols.,  1S86  sqq.  (Societe  de 
l'histoire  de  France),  is  written  from  a  Protestant  standpoint.  This 
D'Aubigne  must  not  be  confused  with  Merle  D'Aubigne  (d.  1872), 
whose  worthless  History  of  the  Reformation  is  all  too  commonly  met  with. 

Sully,  Memoires  des  sages  et  royales  oscouomies  d'estat,  etc.,  in 
Michaud  and  Poujoulat,  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires,  Vols.  XVI- 
XVII.  These  well-known  but  unreliable  reminiscences  were  dictated  by 
Sully  to  his  secretaries,  after  his  retirement  from  office.  They  may  be  par- 
tially controlled  by  the  Recueil  des  lettres  missives  de  Henri  IV,  9  vols. 
{Documents  iuedits),  1843-1876.     There  is  no  good  critical  edition. 

Lavisse,  Vie  de  Sully,  1880. 

Abbe  Jousset,  Henri  IV  et  son  Temps,  1894. 

TlLLEY,  A.,  The  Literature  of  the  French  Renaissance,  2  vols.,  1904. 

Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  fran- 
caise,  Vol.  III. 

Marsden,  History  of  the  Early  Puritans,  2d  ed.,  1853. 

Taunton,  The  History  of  the  fesuits  in  England,  1380-/773,  1901. 
A  valuable  account  by  a  Catholic. 

Walsh,  W.,  The  fesuits  in  Great  Britain,  1903.  Emphasizes  espe- 
cially their  political  role. 

Hume  Brown,  History  of  Scotland,  Vol.  II. 

Rait,  Mary  Qiteen  of  Scots.  Gives  the  contemporary  records  in 
regard  to  Mary. 

Hume,  Martin  A.  S.,  has  published  several  important  special 
works  on  Elizabeth's  time.  Among  these  are  The  Great  Lord  Burghley 
(1898)  ;  The  Year  after  the  Armada  (1S96)  ;  Philip  II  of  Spain  (1897)  ; 
Treasoti  and  Plot  (1901). 


The  Catholic  Reformation 


199 


For  economic  matters,  see  especially  Cunningham,  The  Growth  of 
English  Industry  and  Commerce,  Vol.  II,  and  Ashley,  English  Eco- 
nomic History,  Vol.  I,  Part  II. 

The  great  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  edited  by  Leslie 
Stephen  and  Sidney  Lee  (63  vols.,  1885-1900),  is  of  constant  use  to  the 
historical  student. 

For  the  travels  and  expanding  commerce  of  this  period,  see  Bibliog- 
raphy at  the  close  of  Chapter  XXXIII,  below. 

For  the  sources  of  this  period,  see  above,  p.  155.     To  the  list  there    Sources, 
given  may  be  added  : 

Camden  (1 551-1623),  Annates  rerum  Anglicarum  regnante  Eliza- 
betha.     Translation  in   Ken  net,  Collection  of  English  History,  Vol.  II. 

Strype  (1643-1737),  Ecclesiastical  Memorials,  6  vols. ;  Annals  of  the 
Reformation,  7  vols.,  Oxford  edition.  Strype  also  published  lives  of 
Cranmer,  Whitgift,  and  Parker.  He  is  more  voluminous  than  critical 
and  must  be  used  with  care. 

Burnet  (see  below,  p.  253),  History  of  the  Reformation,  edited  by 
Pocock,  7   vols.     Valuable  for  copious  extracts  from  sources. 

Fox  (1516-15S7),  Book  of  Martyrs  :  The  Acts  and  Monuments  of  the 
Church.  Innumerable  editions  .since  the  first  in  1563.  Fox  was  too 
partisan  to  be  critical.  He  used  rumors  and  hearsay  evidence,  willfully 
exaggerated,  and  included  many  persons  executed  for  secular  offenses. 

The  statutes  and  state  papers  (see  above,  p.  155)  are  also  indispen- 
sable for  every  phase  of  the  Elizabethan  period. 

Prothero,  Select  Statutes  and  Other  Constitutional  Documents  Illus- 
trative of  the  Reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  fames  I,  1894.  This  handy 
volume  contains  important  statutes  of  the  reign  and  materials  on  parlia- 
mentary, judicial,  military,  and  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

The  student  should  be  aware  of  the  existence  of  great  collections  of 
miscellaneous  material,  like  the  publications  of  the  Camden  Society, 
of  the  Parker  Society,  of  the  Early  English  Text  Society,  etc.,  also  of 
Original  Letters  Illustrative  of  English  History,  edited  by  Ellis.  See 
exhaustive  bibliography  in  Cambridge  Modem  History,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  810  sqq. 


Prothero's 

Select 

Statutes. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 
THE  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR 

I.   The  Opening  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War 

The  suspicions  entertained  by  the  Protestants  in 
regard  to  the  Jesuits  at  the  time  of  the  organization  of 
the  Protestant  Union  are  brought  out  in  a  letter  written 
by  the  elector  of  Saxony,  a  Lutheran,  to  his  representa- 
tive at  the  diet  in  1608. 

292.  Activity       How  violently  the  restless  Jesuits  and  their  followers  are 

of  the  Jesuits  exerting  themselves  to  undo,  by  their  absurd  interpretations 
in  Germany  .  .  .  •  .  .        .  . 

before  the       and  preposterous  attacks,  the  precious  and  solemnly  rati- 

Thirty  Years'  fled  Religious  Peace  [of  Augsburg]  which  was  drawn  up 
War*  long  years  ago  for  many  weighty  reasons  by  his  Roman 

Imperial  Majesty  and  all  the  estates  of  the  empire,  is  but 
too  clear.  Nay,  they  would  completely  abolish  it  and  then 
do  away  altogether  with  our  true  Christian  religion,  in 
which  we  were  born  and  brought  up  and  in  which  we  would 
live  and  die.  All  this  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  innu- 
merable, violent,  and  poisonous  books  which  they  issue 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire,  directed  against  the  said 
Religious  Peace  and  its  clear  provisions,  declaring  it  to 
be  no  more  than  ad  interim,  —  a  temporary  concession  of 
toleration,  designed  to  last  only  until  the  conclusion  of  the 
Council  of  Trent  ;  even  going  so  far  as  to  imply  that  his 
Imperial  Majesty  of  happy  memory  had  no  authority  to 
arrange  the  peace  among  the  estates  of  the  empire  without 
the  consent  of  the  pope.  Moreover  they  stir  up  harsh 
persecutions  hitherto  unheard  of  in  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  all  with  a  view  to  accomplishing  their  end,  — 
namely,  to  promote  discord  among  the  estates  of  the  Holy 

200 


The  Thirty  Years'  War 


20I 


Roman  Empire,  to  rouse  the  several  governments  against 
their  subjects  and  vice  7'ersa,  and  to  check  and  suppress  our 
true  Christian  religion  and  bring  it  back  into  the  condition 
and  contempt  in  which  it  was  before  the  establishment  of 
the  religious  and  secular  peace. 

We  know,  however,  that  his  Reman  Imperial  Majesty 
[Rudolf  II]  and  the  peace-loving  Catholic  estates,  with 
their  Christian  and  loyal  German  feelings,  have  no  pleasure 
in  the  dangerous  practices  of  the  Jesuits  and  their  adherents. 
.  .  .  Moreover,  since  the  nature  and  character  of  the 
Jesuits  and  their  followers  are  as  notorious  among  Catholics 
as  among  Protestants,  and  since  what  they  have  been  up  to 
in  Sweden,  Poland,  France,  the  Netherlands,  and,  recently, 
in  Italy,  is  well  known,  they  should  be  estimated  accord- 
ingly and  precautions  taken  against  their  dangerous  plots. 

An  English  historian  of  the  time,  Rushworth,  thus 
describes  the  opening  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  James 
I  of  England  was  deeply  interested  in  1618  in  negotiating 
a  marriage  between  his  son  and  heir,  Charles,  and  a 
Spanish  princess. 

Whilst  Spain  and  England  were  thus  closing,  the  fire    293.  An 

brake    out   in   Germany   between    the   states   and    princes    EnSlish 

-^  1     ,      ,  r    .         •        m  .  •  view  °f tne 

Protestant  and  the  house  of  Austria.     These  commotions    opening  0f 

involved  and  drew  along  the  affairs  of  most  Christian  the  war. 
princes,  especially  of  the  two  potent  kings  now  in  treaty.  *  r0™  .  us 
The  Catholic  cause  and  the  lot  of  the  house  of  Austria 
engaged  the  king  of  Spain,  who  was  the  strongest  branch 
of  that  stock.  King  James  must  needs  be  drawn  in,  both 
by  common  and  particular  interest :  the  religion  which  he 
professed  and  the  state  of  his  son-in-law,  the  elector  pala- 
tine, who  became  the  principal  part  of  those  wars  and  the 
most  unfortunate.  It  was  an  high  business  to  the  whole 
Christian  world,  and  the  issue  of  it  had  main  dependence 
upon  the  king  of  England,  being  the  mightiest  prince  of 
the  Protestant  profession.  But  this  king's  proceedings  were 
wholly  governed  by  the  unhappy  Spanish  treaty. 


202  Readings  in  European  History 

The  clouds  gather  thick  in  the  German  sky  ;  jealousies 
and  discontents  arise  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Evan- 
gelics,  or  Lutherans,  of  the  Confession  of  Augsburg.  Both 
parties  draw  into  confederacies  and  hold  assemblies ;  the 
one  seeking  by  the  advantage  of  power  to  encroach  and 
get  ground,  the  other  to  stand  their  ground  and  hold  their 
own.  The  potency  of  the  house  of  Austria,  a  house  devoted 
to  the  persecution  of  the  reformed  religion,  became  formi- 
dable. The  old  emperor  Mathias  declared  his  cousin  ger- 
man,  the  archduke  Ferdinand,  to  be  his  adopted  son  and 
successor,  and  caused  him  to  be  chosen  and  crowned  king 
of  Bohemia  and  Hungary,  yet  reserving  to  himself  the  sole 
exercise  of  kingly  power  during  his  life. 

The  Jesuits  triumphed  in  their  hopes  of  King  Ferdinand. 
The  pope  exhorted  the  Catholics  to  keep  a  day  of  jubilee 
and  to  implore  aid  of  God  for  the  Church's  high  occasions. 
To  answer  this  festival  the  elector  of  Saxony  called  to  mind 
that  it  was  then  the  hundredth  year  complete  since  Martin 
Luther  opposed  the  papal  indulgences,  which  was  the  first 
beginning  of  the  Protestant  Reformation.  Whereupon  he 
ordained  a  solemn  feast  of  three  days  for  thanksgiving 
and  for  prayer  to  God  to  maintain  in  peace  the  purity  of 
the  Word  and  the  right  administration  of  the  sacraments. 
The  professors  of  the  universities  of  Lipsick  and  Wittemberg, 
the  imperial  towns  of  Franckford,  Worms,  and  Noremburg, 
—  yea,  the  Calvinists  also,  —  observed  the  same  days  of  jubi- 
lee against  the  Romish  Church,  and  much  gold  and  silver 
was  cast  abroad  in  memory  of  Luther,  whom  they  called 
blessed.  .  .  . 
The  The  Bohemian   troubles  took   their  first    rise  from   the 

Bohemian  breach  of  the  edict  of  peace  concerning  religion  and  the 
accord  made  by  the  emperor  Rudolf  whereby  the  Protes- 
tants retained  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  enjoyed 
their  temples,  colleges,  tithes,  patronages,  places  of  burial, 
and  the  like,  and  had  liberty  to  build  new  temples  and 
power  to  choose  defenders  to  secure  these  rights  and  to 
regulate  what  should  be  the  service  in  their  churches. 
Now  the  stop  of  building  certain  churches  on  lands  within 


The  Thirty  Years'  War 


203 


the  lordships  of  the  Catholic  clergy  (in  which  the  Evangel- 
ics  conceived  a  right  to  build)  was  the  special  grievance 
and  cause  of  breach. 

On  the  23d  of  May  the  chief  of  the   Evangelics  went    The  Protes- 
armed  into  the  castle  of  Prague,  entered  the  council  cham-    tants  organ- 
ber,  and  opened  their  grievances;  but,  enraged  by  opposi-    lution  in 
tion,  they  threw  Slabata,  the  chief  justice,  and  Smesansius,    Prague, 
one  of  the  council,  and  Fabricius,  the  secretary,  from  an 
high  window  into  the  castle  ditch  ;  others  of  the  council, 
temporizing  in  this  tumult  and  seeming  to  accord  with  their 
demands,  were  peacefully  conducted  to  their  own  houses. 
Hereupon  the  assembly  took  advice  to  settle  the  towns  and 
castle  of  Prague  with  new  guards  ;  likewise  to  appease  the 
people  and  take  the  oath  of  fidelity.    They  chose  directors, 
governors,  councilors  provincial  to  govern  affairs  of  state, 
and  to  consult  of  raising  forces  against  the  enemies  of  God 
and  the  king  and  the  edicts  of  his  Imperial  Majesty.    They 
banished  the  Jesuits  throughout  all  Bohemia. 


After  the  expulsion  of  the  "  Winter  King '  from 
Bohemia,  his  English  wife  wrote  to  her  father,  James  I, 
as  follows  : 

Sire : 

I  do  not  wish  to  importune  your  Majesty  with  a  very 
long  letter.  The  Baron  de  Dona  will  not  fail  to  inform 
your  Majesty  of  the  misfortune  that  has  befallen  us  and 
which  has  compelled  us  to  leave  Prague,  and  to  come  to 
this  place,  where  God  knows  how  long  we  shall  remain.  I 
therefore  most  humbly  entreat  your  Majesty  to  protect  the 
king  and  myself  by  sending  us  succor  ;  otherwise  we  shall 
be  brought  to  utter  ruin.  It  is  your  Majesty  alone,  next  to 
Almighty  God,  from  whom  we  expect  assistance.  I  most 
humbly  thank  your  Majesty  for  the  favorable  declaration 
you  have  been  pleased  to  make  respecting  the  preservation 
of  the  Palatinate.  I  most  humbly  entreat  you  to  do  the 
same  for  us  here  and  to  send  us  sufficient  succor  to  defend 
ourselves  against  our  enemies  ;  otherwise  I  do  not  know 


294.  A 
letter  from 
Elizabeth, 
queen  of 
Bohemia,  to 
her  father, 
James  I  of 
England. 


204 


Readings  in  European  History 


295.  A 
Catholic 
song  about 
the  poor 
"Winter 
King." 


what  shall  become  of  us.  I  therefore  again  entreat  your 
Majesty  to  have  compassion  on  us,  and  not  to  abandon  the 
king  at  this  hour,  when  he  is  in  such  great  need.  As  to 
myself,  I  am  resolved  not  to  leave  him ;  for  if  he  should 
perish,  I  will  perish  also  with  him.  But  whatever  may 
happen,  never,  never  shall  I  be  other  than,  sire, 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble  and  obedient  daughter 
and  servant,  Elizabeth. 

Breslau,  November  23/13,  1620. 

The  following  are  supposed  to  be  the  reflections  of  a 
good  Catholic  upon  the  reckless  experiment  of  the  Cal- 
vinistic  Frederick,  the  "Winter  King"  of  Bohemia,  who 
was  not  only  unable  to  hold  his  new  crown,  but  lost  his 
old  possessions,  the  Rhenish  palatinate. 

Oh,  shame  on  you,  poor  Winter  King ! 

What 's  this  that  you  have  done  ? 
Is  't  not  a  very  naughty  thing 

To  snatch  the  kaiser's  crown  ? 
Now  you  will  have  to  stay  away 

Alike  from  Rhine  and  Prague, 
And  more  than  that  —  shame  and  dismay 

Your  days  and  nights  will  plague. 

Dear  Fritz,  good  fellow,  oh,  come  now, 

Give  up,  give  up  the  crown  ! 
To  hell,  to  meet  your  just  reward, 

Full  soon  you  will  go  down. 
So  every  one  who  flies  too  high 

Is  sure  to  go  amiss  ; 
Presumption,  aiming  at  the  sky, 

Must  pay  in  hell's  abyss. 

Alas  !  dear  Fritz,  my  gay  young  blood, 

I  think  it  well  may  be 
A  seasoned  switch  betimes  had  spared 

This  monstrous  infamy. 


The  Thirty  Years'  War 


205 


Right  well  you  knew,  and  all  the  world, 
Right  well  they  know  this  thing, 

That  Ferdinand  alone  can  be 
Bohemia's  lawful  king. 

So  come,  dear  Fritz,  rouse  up  and  go 

To  Ferdinand,  your  king, 
And  beg  him  graciously  to  show 

Full  pardon  for  your  sin. 
Give  to  your  king  what  is  his  own, 

To  God  what  is  his  due, 
So  shall  you  for  your  sin  atone 

And  act  the  good  prince,  too. 


II.   The  Intervention  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 

The  boundless  cruelty  and  insolence  of  Wallenstein 
—  who  had  forced  the  emperor  to  make  him  duke  of 
Mechlenburg  after  outlawing  the  legitimate  dukes  — 
aroused  the  suspicion  and  anger  of  the  Catholic  princes 
as  well  as  of  the  Protestant.  At  a  meeting  of  the  elect- 
ors, summoned  at  Regensburg  in  the  summer  of  1630, 
all  joined  in  demanding  from  the  reluctant  emperor  the 
immediate  dismissal  of  Wallenstein,  just  as  Gustavus 
Adolphus  had  arrived  on  German  soil. 

The  electors,  in  a  dignified  and  reasonable  address, 
expressed  their  firm  conviction  that  the  whole  blame  for 
the  misery,  disgrace,  and  infamy,  the  cruel  and  unneces- 
sary military  exactions,  which  were  daily  increasing,  rested 
with  the  new  duke  in  Mechlenburg,  who,  as  commander  of 
the  imperial  forces,  had  been  invested,  without  the  consent 
of  the  estates,  with  such  powers  as  no  one  before  him  had 
ever  exercised.  The  soldiery,  now  become  unspeakably 
numerous,  served  no  other  purpose  than  to  lay  waste  the 
common  fatherland.    Moreover  war  has  been  waged  upon 


296.  The 
electors  de- 
mand the 
dismissal 
of  Wallen- 
stein (1630). 
(From  a 
contempo- 
raneous 
history.) 


of  the  duke  of 
Pomerania 


206  Readings  in  European  History 

those  against  whom  it  had  never  been  declared.  Contri- 
butions which,  according  to  the  decrees  of  the  diet,  no  one 
had  the  right  to  demand  without  the  consent  of  the  assem- 
bled estates,  were  levied  at  the  duke's  own  will  and  pleas- 
ure and  wrung  from  the  people  in  barbarous  ways.  It  was 
shown  that  the  electorate  of  Brandenburg  alone  in  the  last 
few  years  had  furnished  twenty  million  gulden,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  terrible  disturbances  and  destruction  that 
war  always  brings  with  it.  They  complained,  moreover, 
most  bitterly  of  the  excessive  pomp  and  magnificence  main- 
tained by  the  duke  and  his  officers,  in  the  way  of  clothing, 
gold  and  silver  utensils,  and  costly  horses. 
Complaints  [Among  the  complaints  from  other  princes  and  estates 

of  the  realm,  the  following,  presented  to  the  emperor  by  an 
ambassador  from  the  duke  of  Pomerania,  is  especially  note- 
worthy.] The  duke  of  Pomerania  doubts  not  that  your 
Imperial  Majesty  has  in  remembrance  how  that  he  has  at 
divers  times  protested  against  the  unheard-of  and  unspeak- 
able hardships  and  extortions  which  have  now  for  almost 
three  years  been  practiced  upon  him  and  his  subjects  by 
the  troops  quartered  in  the  land,  and  which  still  continue 
unabated  ;  whereof  he  once  more  most  earnestly  complains, 
and  humbly  begs  for  relief.  The  burden  has  now  become 
so  great  that  he  can  bear  it  no  longer. 

According  to  the  decisions  and  decrees  of  the  imperial 
diet,  he  is  unaer  no  obligation  to  support  an  army  by 
himself  and  bear  unaided  a  burden  that  should  be  divided 
among  all  the  members  of  the  empire.  Nevertheless,  for 
almost  three  years  past,  he  has  had  to  maintain  within 
his  dukedom  and  other  territories  over  a  hundred  compa- 
nies of  your  Imperial  Majesty's  army,  besides  sending  sup- 
plies to  outside  points,  and  having  the  soldiery  continually 
marching  about  the  country.  The  outlay  in  the  principal- 
ity of  Stettin  alone  amounts  to  fully  ten  million  gulden  ; 
this  can  be  verified  at  any  time. 

Worst  of  all  are  the  vexatious  means  used  in  collecting 
these  monthly  contributions  from  our  officials  and  subjects. 
A  new  and  unheard-of  modus  extorquendi has  been  invented, 


TJic  Thirty  Years'  War  207 

such  as  was  never  before  practiced  by  honest  soldiers  quar- 
tered in  a  friendlv  land  ;  and  the  exactions  are  carried  out 
with  such  rigorous  excess  under  the  officers  in  charge  that 
the  miserable  victims  can  scarce  keep  shirts  on  their  backs. 
And  what  insolent  excesses  and  willful  interference  with 
church  services,  despoiling  of  churches,  violation  of  graves 
of  the  dead,  infringements  of  every  sort  of  our  sovereignty 
and  authority,  disarming  of  our  subjects  and  curtailing  of 
our  revenue  as  ruler  !  This  last  has  actually  gone  so  far 
that  it  is  impossible  for  us,  from  all  the  length  and  breadth 
of  our  land,  to  maintain  a  table  befitting  our  princely  rank; 
whereas  every  captain,  out  of  his  own  district  alone,  lives 
in  more  than  princely  style  and  sends  away  large  sums 
besides.  Toward  the  poor  people  they  are  barbarous  and 
tyrannical  beyond  words,  beating,  burning,  and  plundering, 
and  depriving  them  of  the  very  necessities  of  existence,  till 
they  are  in  danger  of  soul  as  well  as  body,  for  they  are 
driven  to  such  unnatural  and  inhuman  food  as  buds  of 
trees  and  grass,  and  even  to  the  flesh  of  their  own  children 
and  of  dead  bodies. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  before  sailing  for  Germany  bade 
a  touching  farewell  to  the  representatives  of  his  people 
assembled  at  Stockholm  (May,  1630). 

I  call  on  the  all-powerful  God  to  witness,  by  whose  prov-    297.  Gus- 

idence  we  are  here  assembled,  that  it  is  not  by  my  own    tavus 

.  ,  r  ,  r  1  T  1  1         1  •  Adolphus' 

wish,  or  from  any  love  of  war,  that  I  undertake  this  cam-    fareWell  to 

paign.    On  the  contrary,  I  have  been  now  for  several  years    the  Swedish 

goaded  into  it  by  the  imperial  party,  not  only  through  the    ?^ates^    * 
!-■  a    a    4.  •  4.      t   -u     1      u   *     1  (May,  1630). 

reception   accorded   to  our  emissary  to   Lubeck,   but  also 

by   the  action   of   their  general  in   aiding  with   his  army 

our  enemies,  the  Poles,  to  our  great  detriment.    We  have 

been  urged,  moreover,  by  our  harassed  brother-in-law  [the 

elector  of  Brandenburg]   to  undertake  this  war,  the  chief 

object  of  which  is  to  free  our  oppressed  brothers  in  the 

faith  from  the  clutches  of  the  pope,  which,  God  helping  us, 

we  hope  to  do. 


208  Readiiigs  in  European  History 

But  even  as  the  pitcher  that  goes  daily  to  the  well  must 
sometime  break,  so  will  it  be  with  me ;  for  though,  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Swedish  kingdom,  I  have  already  gone 
through  many  dangers  and  seen  much  shedding  of  blood, 
and  have  come  through  it  all  so  far  —  thanks  to  God's  gra- 
cious protection  —  without  bodily  harm,  yet  the  time  will 
come  when  all  is  over  for  me  and  I  must  say  farewell  to 
life.  Therefore  I  have  desired  before  my  departure  to  see 
you  all,  from  far  and  near,  subjects  and  estates  of  Sweden, 
gathered  about  me,  that  we  may  together  commend  our- 
selves and  each  other,  in  body,  soul,  and  estate,  to  our  all- 
gracious  God,  in  the  hope  that  it  may  be  his  will,  after  this 
weary  and  troublous  life,  to  bring  us  again  together  in  the 
heavenly  and  everlasting  life  that  he  has  prepared  for  us. 

Especially  do  I  commend  you,  counselors  of  the  king- 
dom, to  the  all-powerful  God,  desiring  that  you  may  never 
fail  in  good  counsel,  that  you  may  uphold  your  office  and 
rank  to  the  honor  of  God,  that  his  holy  word  may  remain 
undenled  to  ourselves  and  our  descendants  in  the  father- 
land, so  that  peace  and  unity  may  blossom  and  flourish, 
and  discontent,  discord,  and  dissension  be  unknown,  and 
that  your  counsels  may  ever  bring  safety,  quiet,  and  peace 
to  the  fatherland.  Finally,  may  you  strive  to  bring  up  your 
children  to  respect  the  laws  and  in  every  way  to  serve  and 
strengthen  the  government  of  the  kingdom.  This  is  the 
wish  of  my  whole  heart. 

You  of  the  knight's  estate  I  likewise  ardently  commend 
to  the  Most  High  God,  with  the  hope  that  you  may  stand 
by  your  traditions,  and  that  you  and  your  descendants 
may  regain  for  yourselves  and  spread  abroad  through  the 
whole  world  the  undying  renown  of  the  Goths,  our  fore- 
fathers, whose  once  famous  name  is  now,  alas,  long  for- 
gotten — yea,  well-nigh  despised  —  by  foreigners,  but  whose 
spirit  has  already,  during  my  reign,  shone  forth  again  in 
your  manly  behavior,  your  unfailing  courage,  your  sacri- 
fices of  blood  and  life.  May  our  descendants  once  more 
glory  in  the  might  of  their  forefathers,  who  subjugated 
various  kingdoms   and   ruled   through   hundreds   of  years 


The  Thirty  Years'  War  209 

to  the  welfare  of  the  fatherland.  May  their  name  again 
win  undying  fame  and  be  feared  by  kings  and  princes,  and 
may  you  of  the  noble  class  gain  world-wide  renown.  This 
do  I  hereby  wish  you. 

You  of  the  priestly  class  I  would,  in  parting,  remind  of 
your  duty  to  admonish  your  hearers  (whose  hearts  are 
in  your  keeping)  to  be  faithful  and  true  to  their  rulers  and 
perform  their  duty  obediently  and  cheerfully.  Strengthen 
your  flocks,  that  they  may  live  together  in  peace  and  con- 
cord and  not  be  led  astray  by  the  counsels  of  evil  men. 
But  it  is  not  enough  that  you  instruct  them  in  these  mat- 
ters —  it  is  my  wish  that  you  should  walk  before  them  in 
blameless  rectitude,  offending  none,  so  that  not  only  by 
your  teaching  and  preaching,  but  by  your  example  as  well, 
they  may  become  a  useful  and  peaceful  people. 

For  you,  burghers,  I  wish  that  your  little  cottages  may 
grow  into  big  stone  houses,  your  little  boats  into  great 
ships  ;  and  that  the  oil  in  your  cruses  may  never  fail.  This, 
for  you,  is  my  parting  wish. 

For  the  rest,  I  wish  for  you  all  that  your  fields  may  wax 
green  and  bring  forth  fruit  a  hundredfold  ;  that  your  chests 
may  overflow,  and  your  comfort  and  well-being  grow  and 
increase,  so  that  your  duty  may  be  done  with  joy  and  not 
in  sighing.  Above  all,  do  I  commend  you,  each  and  every 
one,  in  soul  and  body,  to  God  Almighty. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Germany,  Gustavus  was  received    The  German 
with    natural   suspicion    by   the    Protestant    princes    of   S^ant  to 
northern  Germanv,  who  were  not  unnaturally  reluctant   join 

Gustavus. 

to  ally  themselves  with  a  powerful  foreign  monarch 
against  the  emperor.  The  Swedish  king  thus  expostu- 
lated with  the  cautious  representative  of  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  elector  of  Brandenburg : 

I  have  received  your  explanation  of  the  grounds  on 
which  my  honored  brother-in-law  seeks  to  dissuade  me  from 
this  war.    I  confess  I  should  have  expected  a  different  sort 


210  Readings  in  European  History 

298.  Gus-       of  embassy,  since  God  has  brought  me  thus  far,  and  since 

tavus  Adol-     j  have  come  into  this  land  for  no  other  purpose  than  to 

phus  reply  . 

totheambas-  free  it  from  the  thieves  and  robbers  who  have  so  plagued  it, 

sadorfrom      and,  first  and  foremost,  to  help  his  Excellency  out  of  his 

c/T  ifao!^  difficulties.    Does  his  Excellency  then  not  know  that  the 

emperor   and   his  followers   do   not   mean   to  rest  till  the 

evangelical  religion  is  wholly  rooted  out  of  the  empire,  and 

that  his  Excellency  has  nothing  else  to  expect  than  being 

forced  either  to  deny  his  religion  or  to  leave  his  country  ? 

Does  he  think  by  prayers  and  beseechings  and  such  like 

means  to  obtain  something  different  ? 

For  God's   sake,  bethink   yourselves   and   take   counsel 

like  men!    I  cannot  go  back — jacta  est  alea :  transivi?nus 

Rubiconem.    I  seek  not  my  own  advantage  in  this  war,  nor 

any  gain  save  the  security  of  my  kingdom ;   I  can  look  for 

nothing   but   expense,  hard   work,   trouble,   and  danger  to 

life  and  limb.     I  have  found  reason  enough  for  my  coming 

in   that   Prussia   has   twice    sent   aid   to   my   enemies   and 

attempted  to  overthrow  me  ;  thereafter  they  tried  to  seize 

the  east  port,  which  made  it  plain  enough  what  designs 

they  had   against    me.    Even   so    has   his    Excellency,  the 

elector,  like  reasons,  and  the  time  has  come  for  him  to  open 

his  eyes  and  face  the  situation,  instead  of  acting  as  the 

representative  —  nay,  rather  servant  —  of  the  emperor  in 

his  own  land  ;  qui  se  fait  firefiis,  le  loup  le  mange. 

Now  is  his  opportunity,  since  his  territory  is  free  of  the 

emperor's  troops,  to  garrison  and  defend  his  fortresses.    If 

he  will  not  do  this,  let  him  give  me  a  single  stronghold,  — 

Custrin,  for  instance,  —  and  I  will  defend  it,  and  you  can 

persist  in  the  indolence  that  your  master  loves.    What  other 

course  is  there  open  ?    For  I  tell  you  plainly  that  I  will 

know   nor  hear   nothing   of   "neutrality";    his   Excellency 

must  be  either  friend  or  foe.    When   I  reach  his  frontier 

he  must  declare  himself  either  hot  or  cold.    The  fight  is 

between  God  and  the  devil.    If  his  Excellency  is  on  God's 

side,  let  him   stand  by  me  ;    if  he  holds  rather  with   the 

devil,  then  he  must  fight  with  me  ;  there  is  no  third  course, 

—  that  is  certain. 


The  Thirty  Years'  War  2 1 1 

You  must  undertake  to  transmit  this  commission  faith- 
fully to  his  Excellency,  for  I  have  no  one  whom  I  can 
spare  to  send  to  him.  .  .   . 

Gustavus  lingered  in  northern  Germany  for  some 
months,  until  finally  the  Protestant  princes  were  induced 
to  join  him  by  the  fall  of  Magdeburg  and  the  fearful 
massacre  of  its  inhabitants  by  the  imperial  troops  under 
Pappenheim  and  Tilly.  This  event  is  thus  described  by 
a  writer  of  the  period  : 

So  then  General  Pappenheim  collected  a  number  of  his    299.  The 

people  on  the  ramparts  by  the  New  Town,  and  brought    destruction 

i  r  i  -i  r    ,         •  ,t        ^   ,   i  ofMagde- 

them  from  there  into  the  streets  of  the  city.    Von  Falcken-    burg  (May, 

berg  *  was  shot,  and  fires  were  kindled  in  different  quarters  ;  1631). 
then  indeed  it  was  all  over  with  the  city,  and  further  resist- 
ance was  useless.  Nevertheless  some  of  the  soldiers  and 
citizens  did  try  to  make  a  stand  here  and  there,  but  the 
imperial  troops  kept  bringing  on  more  and  more  forces 
—  cavalry,  too  —  to  help  them,  and  finally  they  got  the 
Krockenthor  open  and  let  in  the  whole  imperial  army  and 
the  forces  of  the  Catholic  League,  —  Hungarians,  Croats, 
Poles,  Walloons,  Italians,  Spaniards,  French,  North  and 
South  Germans. 

Thus  it  came  about  that  the  city  and  all  its  inhabitants 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  whose  violence  and  cruelty 
were  due  in  part  to  their  common  hatred  of  the  adherents 
of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  in  part  to  their  being  im- 
bittered  by  the  chain  shot  which  had  been  fired  at  them  and 
by  the  derision  and  insults  that  the  Magdeburgers  had 
heaped  upon  them  from  the  ramparts. 

Then  was  there  naught  but  beating  and  burning,  plunder- 
ing, torture,  and  murder.  Most  especially  was  every  one  of 
the  enemy  bent  on  securing  much  booty.  When  a  maraud- 
ing party  entered  a  house,  if  its  master  had  anything  to 

1  The  ambassador  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who  had  brought  some 
aid  to  the  beleaguered  city. 


212  Readings  in  Europea?i  History 

give  he  might  thereby  purchase  respite  and  protection  for 
himself  and  his  family  till  the  next  man,  who  also  wanted 
something,  should  come  along.  It  was  only  when  every- 
thing had  been  brought  forth  and  there  was  nothing  left  to 
give  that  the  real  trouble  commenced.  Then,  what  with 
blows  and  threats. of  shooting,  stabbing,  and  hanging,  the 
poor  people  were  so  terrified  that  if  they  had  had  anything 
left  they  would  have  brought  it  forth  if  it  had  been  buried 
in  the  earth  or  hidden  away  in  a  thousand  castles.  In  this 
frenzied  rage,  the  great  and  splendid  city  that  had  stood 
like  a  fair  princess  in  the  land  was  now,  in  its  hour  of  direst 
need  and  unutterable  distress  and  woe,  given  over  to  the 
flames,  and  thousands  of  innocent  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, in  the  midst  of  a  horrible  din  of  heartrending  shrieks 
and  cries,  were  tortured  and  put  to  death  in  so  cruel  and 
shameful  a  manner  that  no  words  would  suffice  to  describe, 
nor  no  tears  to  bewail  it.  .  .  . 

Thus  in  a  single  day  this  noble  and  famous  city,  the 
pride  of  the  whole  country,  went  up  in  fire  and  smoke  ;  and 
the  remnant  of  its  citizens,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
were  taken  prisoners  and  driven  away  by  the  enemy  with  a 
noise  of  weeping  and  wailing  that  could  be  heard  from  afar, 
while  the  cinders  and  ashes  from  the  town  were  carried 
by  the  wind  to  Wanzleben,  Egeln,  and  still  more  distant 
places.  .  .  . 

In  addition  to  all  this,  quantities  of  sumptuous  and  irre- 
placeable house  furnishings  and  movable  property  of  all 
kinds,  such  as  books,  manuscripts,  paintings,  memorials 
of  all  sorts,  .  .  .  which  money  could  not  buy,  were  either 
burned  or  carried  away  by  the  soldiers  as  booty.  The  most 
magnificent  garments,  hangings,  silk  stuffs,  gold  and  sil- 
ver lace,  linen  of  all  sorts,  and  other  household  goods  were 
bought  by  the  army  sutlers  for  a  mere  song  and  peddled 
about  by  the  cart  load  all  through  the  archbishopric  of 
Magdeburg  and  in  Anhalt  and  Brunswick.  Gold  chains 
and  rings,  jewels,  and  every  kind  of  gold  and  silver  utensils 
were  to  be  bought  from  the  common  soldiers  for  a  tenth  of 
their  real  value.  .  .  . 


The  TJiirty  Years'1  War  213 

III.   The  Treaty  of  Westphalia  (1648) 

The  treaties  of  Westphalia,  the  one  signed  at  Munster 
and  the  other  at  Osnabriick,  are  voluminous,  and  would 
fill  more  than  a  hundred  pages  of  this  volume  if  printed 
in  full.  They  contain  but  six  or  seven  really  memorable 
articles,1  and  are  for  the  most  part  filled  with  multitudi- 
nous provisions  regarding  the  church  lands  over  which 
Catholics  and  Protestants  had  so  long  been  contending, 
and  minor  territorial  changes  among  the  lesser  German 
states.    The  treaty  of  Osnabriick  opens  as  follows2: 

In  the  name  of  the  Holy  and  Indivisible  Trinity.    To  all  whom    300.  Open- 
these  presents  may  concern,  be  it  known  :  *ng  °*  tJle 

When  the  divisions  and  disorders  which  began  several  Osnabriick 
years  ago  in  the  Roman  Empire  had  grown  to  a  point  (Oc*ober24» 
where  not  only  all  Germany  but  some  of  the  neighboring 
kingdoms  as  well,  especially  Sweden  and  France,  found 
themselves  so  involved  that  a  long  and  bitter  war  resulted, 
in  the  first  instance  between  the  most  serene  and  powerful 
prince  and  lord,  Ferdinand  II,  emperor  elect  of  the  Romans, 
always  august,  king  of  Germany,  Hungary,  Bohemia,  Dal- 
matia,  etc.,  archduke  of  Austria,  duke  of  Burgundy,  Bra- 
bant, etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  ...  of  glorious  memory,  his  allies  and 
adherents,  on  the  one  part,  and  the  most  serene  and  power- 
ful prince  and  lord,  Gustavus  Adolphus,  king  of  Sweden,  of 
the  Goths  and  Vandals,  grand  prince  of  Finland,  duke  of 
Esthonia,  etc.,  also  of  glorious  memory,  together  with  the 
kingdom  of  Sweden,  its  allies  and  adherents,  on  the  other 
part ;  later,  after  the  decease  of  these  aforementioned,  be- 
tween the  most  serene  and  powerful  lord,  Ferdinand  III, 
emperor  elect  of  the  Romans,  always  august,  king  of  Ger- 
many, etc.,  etc.,  and  the  most  serene  and  very  powerful 
princess  and  lady,  Christina,  queen  of  Sweden,  of  the  Goths 

1  For  these  see  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  473  (Vol.  II,  p.  1 21). 

2  The  treaty  of  Munster  opens  with  essentially  the  same  words. 


2 1 4  Readings  in  European  History 

and  Vandals,  etc.;  from  which  war  resulted  a  great  effusion 
of  Christian  blood  and  the  desolation  of  divers  provinces, 
until  at  last,  through  the  movings  of  the  Divine  Goodness, 
it  came  about  that  both  parties  began  to  turn  their  thoughts 
toward  the  means  of  reestablishing  peace,  and  by  a  mutual 
agreement  made  at  Hamburg,  December  25  (New  Style), 
or  the  15th  (Old  Style),  of  the  year  1641,  between  the 
parties,  the  date  July  11  (New  Style)  or  1  (Old  Style)  was 
fixed  for  the  meeting  of  the  plenipotentiaries  at  Osnabriick 
and  at  Miinster  in  Westphalia.  In  accordance  with  this, 
the  ambassadors  plenipotentiary  duly  appointed  by  both 
parties  appeared  at  the  said  time  and  places  named,  to 
wit  .  .  .  [here  follow  the  names  of  the  ambassadors  and 
their  numerous  titles]. 

After  invoking  the  aid  of  God  and  exchanging  their 
credentials,  copies  of  which  are  inserted  word  for  word  in 
the  present  treaty,  they  arranged  and  agreed  upon  the 
articles  of  peace  and  amity  which  follow,  to  the  glory  of 
God  and  for  the  welfare  of  the  Christian  commonwealth  ; 
the  electors,  princes,  and  estates  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire  being  present  and  approving. 

As  head  of  the  Church,  Pope  Innocent  X  promptly 
declared  null  and  void  all  the  articles  in  the  treaties  of 
Westphalia  relating  to  religious  matters. 

301.  The  Consumed  by  zeal  for  the   house  of  the  Lord,  we  are 

pope  declares  especially  concerned  with  the  endeavor  everywhere  to  main- 

a  great  part         :        ,       .  .  r     ,  ,      ,         c   .  ,  ,     ,  . 

of  the  tain  tne  integrity  of  the  orthodox  faith  and  the  authority 

treaties  of  of  the  Catholic  Church,  so  that  the  ecclesiastical  rights  of 
^?iSanH  vnfn  wnicn  we  have  been  appointed  guardian  by  our  Saviour  shall 
not  in  any  way  be  impaired  by  those  who  seek  their  own 
interest  rather  than  God's,  and  that  we  may  not  be  accused 
of  negligence  when  we  shall  render  account  to  the  Sovereign 
Judge.  Accordingly  it  is  not  without  deep  pain  that  we 
have  learned  that  by  several  articles  in  the  peace  concluded 
at  Osnabriick,  August  6,1  1648,  between  our  very  dear  son 

1  This  is  not  the  date  commonly  given  for  the  concluding  of  the  treaty. 


null  and  void. 


T/ic  Thirty  Years'  War  215 

in  Christ,  Ferdinand,  king  of  the  Romans  and  emperor 
elect,  his  allies  and  adherents,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
Swedes,  with  their  allies  and  adherents,  on  the  other,  as 
well  as  in  that  peace  which  was  likewise  concluded  at 
Miinster  in  Westphalia  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  October 
of  this  same  year  1648,  between  the  same  Ferdinand,  king 
of  the  Romans,  etc.,  and  our  very  dear  son  in  Jesus  Christ, 
Louis,  the  very  Christian  king  of  the  French,  his  allies 
and  adherents,  great  prejudice  has  been  done  to  the  Cath- 
olic religion,  the  divine  service,  the  Roman  apostolic  see, 
the  ecclesiastical  order,  their  jurisdictions,  authority,  im- 
munities, liberties,  exemptions,  privileges,  possessions,  and 
rights  ;  since  by  various  articles  in  one  of  these  treaties  of 
peace  the  ecclesiastical  possessions  which  the  heretics  form- 
erly seized  are  abandoned  to  them  and  to  their  successors, 
and  the  heretics,  called  those  of  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
are  permitted  the  free  exercise  of  their  heresy  in  various 
districts.  They  are  promised  places  in  which  they  may 
build  temples  for  their  worship  and  are  admitted  with  the 
Catholics  to  public  offices  and  positions.   .   .  . 

The  number  seven  of  the  electors  of  the  empire,  formerly 
ratified  by  the  apostolic  authority,  is  increased  without 
our  consent  or  that  of  the  said  see,  and  an  eighth  elector- 
ate has  been  erected  in  favor  of  Charles  Louis,  count  of  the 
Rhenish  palatinate,  a  heretic.  Many  other  things  have 
been  done  too  shameful  to  enumerate  and  very  prejudicial 
to  the  orthodox  religion  and  the  Roman  see.   .   .   . 

[Accordingly]  we  assert  and  declare  by  these  presents 
that  all  the  said  articles  in  one  or  both  of  the  said  treaties 
which  in  anyway  impair  or  prejudice  in  the  slightest  degree, 
or  that  can  be  said,  alleged,  understood,  or  imagined  to  be 
able  in  any  way  to  injure  or  to  have  injured  the  Catholic 
religion,  divine  worship,  the  salvation  of  souls,  the  said 
Roman  apostolic  see,  the  inferior  churches,  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal order  or  estate,  their  persons,  affairs,  possessions,  juris- 
dictions, authorities,  immunities,  liberties,  privileges,  pre- 
rogatives, and  rights  whatsoever,  • —  all  such  provisions 
have  been,  and  are  of  right,  and  shall  perpetually  be,  null 


2l6 


Readings  in  European  History 


and  void,  invalid,  iniquitous,  unjust,  condemned,  rejected, 
frivolous,  without  force  or  effect,  and  no  one  is  to  observe 
them,  even  when  they  be  ratified  by  oath.  .  .  . 

Given  at  Rome  in  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  under  seal  of 
the  fisherman's  ring,  November  26th  of  the  year  1648,  and 
of  our  pontificate  the  fifth. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Account  of  the  30  Years'  War  :  Schwill,  Modem  Europe, 
pp.  141-160. 

Antecedents  of  the  War  :  Wakeman,  European  History,  1598-17/3, 
Chapter  III,  pp.  39-52  ;  Hausser,  Period  of  the  Reformation,  pp.  402- 
414;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany,  Vol.  I,  pp.  422-441; 
Dyer  and  Hassall,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  152-157 
and  184-193. 

Bohemian  and  Danish  Periods  :  Hausser,  pp.  41 5-438 ;  Wakeman, 
pp.  53-77;  Henderson,  Vol.  II,  pp.  441-462;  Dyer  and  Hassall, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  195-208  and  253-262. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  and  Wallenstein :  Wakeman,  pp.  78-104; 
Henderson,  Vol.  II,  pp.  462-483;  Dyer  and  Hassall,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  264-296;  Hausser,  pp.  438-443,  458-482,  and  501-513. 

Intervention  of  France:  Wakeman,  pp.  105-128;  Dyer  and  Has- 
sall, Vol.  Ill,  pp.  297-311  ;  Hausser,  pp.  514-536. 

Peace  of  Westphalia  :  Hausser,  pp.  537-559  ;  Dyer  and  Hassall, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  335-3S2- 

Richelieu:  Wakeman,  pp.  132-153. 


Gardiner,  S.  R.,  The  Thirty  Years'  War.  A  good  short  account  in 
the  Epoch  Series. 

Gindely,  History  of  the  Thirty  Years'1  War,  2  vols.  Translation  of 
a  popular  treatment  by  a  well-known  scholar  in  this  field. 

Perkins,  J.  B.,  France  under  Richelieu  and  Mazarin.  Vol.  I  relates 
to  Richelieu  and  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  The  same  historian  has 
written  Richelieu  (1900)  for  the  Heroes  of  the  Nations  Series. 

Fletcher,  C.  R.  L.,  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  the  Struggle  of  Protes- 
tantism for  Existence,  1890  (Heroes  of  the  Nations).  Best  account  in 
English.  

Charveriat,  Histoire  de  la  gtierre  de  trente  ans,  2  vols.,  1878.  A 
scholarly  account  of  the  whole  subject,  with  references  to  sources. 


The  Thirty  Years'  War  21  y 

Droysen,  G.,  Das  Zeitalter  des  Dreissigjahrigen  Krieges,  1888  (in  the 
Oncken  Series).  An  elaborate  account  of  the  conditions  in  Germany 
during  the  sixty  years  preceding  the  opening  of  the  war. 

RlTTER,  MORITZ,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Gegenreforma- 
tion  und  des  Dreissigjahrigen  Krieges,  1533-/648.  Two  volumes  only 
of  this  great  work  (1889,  1895)  have  appeared,  bringing  down  the  tale 
to  1618. 

Winter,  G.,  Geschichte  des  Dreissigjahrigen  Krieges,  1893  (Oncken 
Series).    No  references  to  sources. 

Avenel,  Georges  d',  Richelieu  et  la  Monarchic  absolue,  4  vols.,  1884- 
1890.    The  best  work  on  the  subject. 

Droysen,  G.,  Gustav  Adolf,  2  vols.,  1869-1870. 

Ranke,  Geschichte  IVallensteins,  1869. 

GlNDELY,  Geschichte  des  Dreissigjahrigen  Krieges,  4  vols.,  1869- 
1880  ;  breaks  off  in  the  year  1623.  Waldstein,  1625-1630  (2  vols.,  1886); 
and  numerous  monographs  by  the  same  author. 

During  the  Thirty  Years'  War  something  like  our  modern  periodical  Periodical 
publications  began  to  make  their  appearance.  In  Germany  Abelinus  in  literature, 
his  Theatrum  Europaeum  furnished  at  intervals  an  account  of  the 
events  of  the  war.  This  collection,  beautifully  illustrated,  which  took 
final  shape  in  1679,  *s  one  °f  tne  chief  sources  of  our  knowledge.  In 
London  The  Swedish  Intelligencer  was  issued  at  intervals  between  1632 
and  1637  for  the  purpose  of  giving  "  the  truest  and  choysest "  news 
about  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  the  progress  of  the  war,  compiled  from 
letters  received  from  Germany.  In  France  a  regular  magazine,  the 
Meraire  de  France,  had  been  established  just  before  the  opening  of  the 
war.  This  continued  to  be  issued  for  two  centuries.  Unfortunately  all 
three  of  these  publications  are  rarely  to  be  found  except  in  the  very 
largest  libraries. 

Grimmelshausen,  Hans  Jacob  (i620?-i676),  Der  Abenteurliche 
Simplicissimus.  This  and  other  romances,  written  by  one  who  well 
knew  the  horrors  of  the  war,  may  be  regarded  as  suggestive  sources  of 
information  for  the  general  conditions  in  Germany.  The  Simplicissimus 
is  easily  to  be  had  in  several  excellent  German  editions. 


CHAPTER   XXX 

STRUGGLE  IN  ENGLAND  FOR  CONSTITUTIONAL 

GOVERNMENT 


302.  James 
I's  dislike 
for  Presby- 
terians. 


Policy  of 
Knox  and 
the  Scotch 
Presby- 
terians. 


I.   Difference  of  Opinion  between  James  I  and 

the  Commons 

At  a  conference  held  in  1604,  James  had  to  listen  to 
a  speech  by  a  Puritan  divine  which  recalled  to  him  his 
troubles  with  presbyteries  in  Scotland. 

At  which  speech  his  Majesty  was  somewhat  stirred,  yet, 
which  is  admirable  in  him,  without  passion  or  show  thereof; 
thinking  that  they  aimed  at  a  Scottish  presbytery  which, 
saith  he,  as  well  agreeth  with  a  monarchy  as  God  and  the 
devil.  "  Then  Jack  and  Tom  and  Will  and  Dick  shall  meet 
and  at  their  pleasure  censure  me  and  my  council  and  all 
our  proceedings.  Then  Will  shall  stand  up  and  say  it  must 
be  thus ;  then  Dick  shall  reply  and  say,  '  Nay,  marry,  but 
we  will  have  it  thus.'  .  .  . 

"  I  will  tell  you  a  tale.  After  that  the  religion  restored 
by  King  Edward  the  Sixth  was  soon  overthrown  by  the 
succession  of  Queen  Mary  here  in  England,  we  in  Scotland 
felt  the  effect  of  it.  Whereupon  Master  Knox  writes  to  the 
queen  regent1  (of  whom,  without  flattery,  I  may  say  that 
she  was  a  virtuous  and  moderate  lady),  telling  her  that  she 
was  supreme  head  of  the  Church,  and  charged  her,  as  she 
would  answer  it  before  God's  tribunal,  to  take  care  of  Christ, 
his  Evangel,  and  of  suppressing  the  popish  prelates,  who 
withstood  the  same.  But  how  long,  trow  ye,  did  this  con- 
tinue ?  Even  so  long,  till  by  her  authority,  the  popish  bish- 
ops were  repressed.    He  [Knox]  himself  and  his  adherents 

1  The  mother  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots. 
218 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         2  19 

were  brought  in  and  well  settled,  and  by  these  means  made 
strong  enough  to  undertake  the  matters  of  reformation 
themselves.  Then,  lo,  they  began  to  make  small  account 
of  her  supremacy,  nor  would  longer  rest  upon  her  author- 
ity, but  took  the  cause  into  their  own  hand;  according  to 
that  more  light  wherewith  they  were  illuminated,  made  a 
further  reformation  of  religion.  How  they  used  that  poor 
lady,  my  mother,  is  not  unknown,  and  with  grief  I  may 
remember  it ;  who,  because  she  had  not  been  otherwise 
instructed,  did  desire  only  a  private  chapel  wherein  to 
serve  God,  after  her  manner,  with  some  few  selected  per- 
sons ;  but  her  supremacy  was  not  sufficient  to  obtain  it  at 
their  hands.  And  how  they  dealt  with  me  in  my  minority 
you  all  know ;  it  was  not  done  secretly,  and  though  I 
would,  I  cannot  conceal  it.  .  .  .  But  if  once  you  [my  lords 
the  bishops]  were  out,  and  they  in  place,  I  know  what 
would  become  of  my  supremacy.  No  bishop,  no  king,  as 
before  I  said." 


James  I  gave  an  interesting  summary  of  his  absolutist 
theory  of  kings  and  their  rights  in  his  speeches  before 
Parliament  in  1609. 

The  state  of  monarchy  is  the  supremest  thing  upon  earth ; 
for  kings  are  not  only  God's  lieutenants  upon  earth,  and  sit 
upon  God's  throne,  but  even  by  God  himself  they  are  called 
gods.  There  be  three  principal  similitudes  that  illustrate 
the  state  of  monarchy :  one  taken  out  of  the  word  of  God  ; 
and  the  two  other  out  of  the  grounds  of  policy  and  philos- 
ophy. In  the  Scriptures  kings  are  called  gods,  and  so  their 
power  after  a  certain  relation  compared  to  the  divine  power. 
Kings  are  also  compared  to  fathers  of  families  ;  for  a  king 
is  truly  pare7is patriae,  the  politic  father  of  his  people.  And 
lastly,  kings  are  compared  to  the  head  of  this  microcosm 
of  the  body  of  man. 

Kings  are  justly  called  gods,  for  that  they  exercise  a 
manner  or  resemblance  of  divine  power  upon  earth  ;  for  if 
you  will  consider  the  attributes  to  God,  you  shall  see  how 


303.  James 
I  proclaims 
in  Parlia- 
ment the 
divine  right 
of  kings 
(1609). 


220  Readings  in  European  History 

they  agree  in  the  person  of  a  king.  God  hath  power  to 
create  or  destroy,  make  or  unmake  at  his  pleasure,  to  give 
life  or  send  death,  to  judge  all  and  to  be  judged  nor  account- 
able to  none,  to  raise  low  things  and  to  make  high  things 
low  at  his  pleasure,  and  to  God  are  both  soul  and  body 
due.  And  the  like  power  have  kings :  they  make  and 
unmake  their  subjects,  they  have  power  of  raising  and 
casting  down,  of  life  and  of  death,  judges  over  all  their 
subjects  and  in  all  causes  and  yet  accountable  to  none  but 
God  only.  They  have  power  to  exalt  low  things  and  abase 
high  things,  and  make  of  their  subjects,  like  men  at  the 
chess,  —  a  pawn  to  take  a  bishop  or  a  knight, — and  to  cry 
up  or  down  any  of  their  subjects,  as  ^ftey  do  their  money. 
And  to  the  king  is  due  both  the  affection  of  the  soul  and 
the  service  of  the  body  of  his  subjects.   .  .  . 

James  tells  I  would  wish  you  to  be  careful  to  avoid  three  things  in 

the  commons    t^e  matter  of  grievances  : 

should  not  do  First,  that  you  do  not  meddle  with  the  main  points  of 
government ;  that  is  my  craft :  tracte?it  fabrilia  fabri,  —  to 
meddle  with  that  were  to  lessen  me.  I  am  now  an  old  king; 
for  six  and  thirty  years  have  I  governed  in  Scotland  per- 
sonally, and  now  have  I  accomplished  my  apprenticeship 
of  seven  years  here ;  and  seven  years  is  a  great  time  for  a 
king's  experience  in  government ;  therefore  there  should 
not  be  too  many  Phormios  to  teach  Hannibal  :  I  must  not 
be  taught  my  office. 

Secondly,  I  would  not  have  you  meddle  with  such  ancient 
rights  of  mine  as  I  have  received  from  my  predecessors, 
possessing  them,  more  majorum ;  such  things  I  would  be 
sorry  should  be  accounted  for  grievances.  All  novelties 
are  dangerous  as  well  in  a  politic  as  in  a  natural  body,  and 
therefore  I  would  be  loath  to  be  quarreled  in  my  ancient 
rights  and  possessions  ;  for  that  were  to  judge  me  unworthy 
of  that  which  my  predecessors  had  and  left  me. 

And,  lastly,  I  pray  you  beware  to  exhibit  for  grievance 
anything  that  is  established  by  settled  law,  and  whereunto 
(as  you  have  already  had  a  proof)  you  know  I  will  never 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         221 

give  a  plausible  answer  ;  for  it  is  an  undutiful  part  in  sub- 
jects to  press  their  king,  wherein  they  know  beforehand  he 
will  refuse  them.1 


II.  The  Petition  of  Right  (1628) 

Charles  I  was,  from  the  start,  on  even  worse  terms 
with  Parliament  than  his  father  had  been.  The  com- 
mons had,  in  addition  to  the  old  grievances,  serious 
complaints  to  make  in  regard  to  the  character  and  pol- 
icy of  Charles'  chief  minister,  Buckingham.  Two  Parlia- 
ments were  dissolved  by  the  king  in  anger,  and  he  raised 
a  great  storm  of  opposition  by  forced  loans,  arbitrary 
imprisonment,  and  other  tyrannical  acts.  When,  how- 
ever, his  third  Parliament  drew  up  the  famous  Petition 
of  Right,  a  sort  of  second  Magna  Charta,  he  was  forced 
to  approve  it,  because  he  had  to  have  money  to  carry  on 
the  war  with  France. 

To  the  king's  Most  Excellent  Majesty  : 

We  humbly  show  unto  our  sovereign  lord  the  king,  the  304.  The 
lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons  in  Parliament 
assembled,  that  whereas  it  is  declared  and  enacted  by  a 
statute  made  in  the  time  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward  I, 
commonly  called  "  Statutum  de  Tallagio  non  Coficedendo" 
that  no  tallage  or  aid  shall  be  laid  or  levied  by  the  king  or 
his  heirs  in  this  realm  without  the  good  will  and  assent  of 
the  archbishops,  bishops,  earls,  barons,  knights,  burgesses, 
and  other  the  freemen  of  the  commonalty  of  this  realm ; 

1  Yet  James  well  knew  the  difference  between  an  absolute  king  and 
a  tyrant,  as  he  makes  clear  in  his  instructions  to  his  son  ( Works  of 
James  I,  p.  155)  : 

Consider  first  the  true  difference  between  a  lawful  good  king  and  an  usurp- 
ing tyrant.  .  .  .  The  one  acknowledgeth  himself  ordained  for  his  people,  having 
received  from  God  a  burden  of  government,  whereof  he  must  be  countable ;  the 
other  thinketh  his  people  ordained  for  him,  a  prey  to  his  passions  and  inordinate 
appetites. 


Petition  of 
Right  (1628). 
(Extracts.) 


222  Readings  in  European  History 

and  by  authority  of  Parliament  holden  in  the  five-and- 
twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward  III,  it  is 
declared  and  enacted,  that  from  thenceforth  no  person 
should  be  compelled  to  make  any  loans  to  the  king  against 
his  will,  because  such  loans  were  against  reason  and  the 
franchise  of  the  land  ;  and  by  other  laws  of  this  realm  it  is 
provided,  that  none  should  be  charged  by  any  charge  or 
imposition  called  a  benevolence,  nor  by  any  such  like 
charge  ;  by  which  statutes  before  mentioned,  and  other  the 
good  laws  and  statutes  of  this  realm,  your  subjects  have 
inherited  this  freedom,  that  they  should  not  be  compelled 
to  contribute  to  any  tax,  tallage,  aid,  or  other  like  charge 
not  set  by  common  consentTn  Parliament : 

II.  Yet  nevertheless  of  late  divers  commissions,  directed 
to  sundry  commissioners  in  several  counties  with  instruc- 
tions, have  issued ;  by  means  whereof  your  people  have 
been  in  divers  places  assembled  and  required  to  lend  cer- 
tain sums  of  money  unto  your  Majesty,  and  many  of  them 
upon  their  refusal  so  to  do  .  .  .  have  been  constrained  to 
make  appearance  before  your  privy  council  and  in  other 
places,  and  others  of  them  have  been  therefore  impris- 
oned, confined,  and  sundry  other  ways  molested  and  dis- 
quieted. .   .  . 

III.  And  whereas  also,  by  the  statute  called  "The  Great 
Charter  of  the  liberties  of  England,"  it  is  declared  and 
enacted,  that  no  freeman  may  be  taken  or  imprisoned  or 
be  disseized  of  his  freehold  or  liberties,  or  his  free  cus- 
toms, or  be  outlawed  or  exiled,  or  in  any  manner  destroyed 
but  by  the  lawful  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  by  the  law  of 
the  land.  .  .  . 

V.  Nevertheless,  against  the  tenor  of  the  said  statutes, 
and  other  the  good  laws  and  statutes  of  your  realm,  to  that 
end  provided,  divers  of  your  subjects  have  of  late  been 
imprisoned  without  any  cause  showed ;  .  .  .  and  whereas 
of  late  great  companies  of  soldiers  and  mariners  have  been 
dispersed  into  divers  counties  of  this  realm,  and  the  inhab- 
itants, against  their  will,  have  been  compelled  to  receive 
them  into  their  houses,  and  there  to  suffer  them  to  sojourn, 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         223 

against  the  laws  and  customs  of  this  realm,  and  to  the  great 
grievance  and  vexation  of  the  people.  .  .  . 

X.  They  [Parliament]  do  therefore  humbly  pray  your 
most  excellent  Majesty  that  no  man  hereafter  be  compelled 
to  make  or  yield  any  loan,  gift,  benevolence,  tax,  or  such 
like  charge,  without'cdmmbn  consent  by  act  of  Parliament; 
and  that  none  be  called  to  make  answer,  or  take  such  oath, 
or  to  give  attendance,  or  be  confined,  or  otherwise  molested 
or  disquieted  concerning  the  same,  or  for  refusal  thereof; 
and  that  no  freeman,  in  any  such  manner  as  is  before  men- 
tioned, be  imprisoned  or  detained;  and  that  your  Majesty 
would  be  pleased  to  remove  the  said  soldiers  and  mariners, 
and  that  your  people  may  not  be  so  burdened  in  time  to 
come ;  and  that  the  foresaid  commissions  for  proceeding 
by  martial  law  may  be  revoked  and  annulled  ;  and  that 
hereafter  no  commissions  of  like  nature  may  issue  forth  to 
any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  to  be  executed  as  afore- 
said, lest  by  color  of  them  any  of  your  Majesty's  subjects 
be  destroyed  or  put  to  death,  contrary  to  the  laws  and 
franchise  of  the  land. 

XI.  All  which  they  most  humbly  pray  of  your  most 
excellent  Majesty,  as  their  rights  and  liberties  according  to 
the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  realm  ;  and  that  your  Majesty 
would  also  vouchsafe  to  declare,  that  the  awards,  doings, 
and  proceedings  to  the  prejudice  of  your  people,  in  any  of 
the  premises,  shall  not  be  drawn  hereafter  into  consequence 
or  example;  and  that  your  Majesty  would  be  also  gra- 
ciously pleased,  for  the  further  comfort  and  safety  of  your 
people,  to  declare  your  royal  will  and  pleasure,  that  in  the 
things  aforesaid  all  your  officers  and  ministers  shall  serve 
you,  according  to  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  realm,  as 
they  tender  the  honor  of  your  Majesty  and  the  prosperity 
of  this  kingdom. 

After  a  particularly  tumultuous  scene  in  the  House 
of    Commons    in   March,    1629,1  Charles  dissolved  the 

1  See  a  description  of  this  famous  session  in  Kendall,  Source  Book 
of  English  History,  pp.  219  sqq. 


224 


Readings  in  European  History 


Parliament  and  did  not  reassemble  it  again  for  eleven 
years.  He  justified  his  conduct  by  a  long  defense. 
After  reciting  the  recent  acts  of  those  opposed  to  his 
policy,  he  concluded  : 

305.  Charles  I      And  now  that  our  people  may  discern  that  these  provo- 

justifies  cations  of  evil  men  (whose  punishments  we  reserve  to  a  due 

his  policy  in       .       .   ,  .       x      ,  ,  .  .  .  . 

dispensing      time)  have  not  changed  our  good  intentions  to  our  subjects, 

with  an  we  do  here  profess  to  maintain  the  true  religion  and  doc- 

pnr".ly      .      trine  established  in  the  Church  of  England,  without  admit- 
(1629).  ting  or  conniving  at  any  backsliding  either  to  popery  or 

schism.  We  do  also  declare  that  we  will  maintain  the 
ancient  and  just  rights  and  liberties  of  our  subjects,  with  so 
much  constancy  and  justice  that  they  shall  have  cause  to 
acknowledge  that  under  our  government  and  gracious  pro- 
tection they  live  in  a  more  happy  and  free  estate  than  any 
subjects  in  the  Christian  world.  Yet  let  no  man  hereby 
take  the  boldness  to  abuse  that  liberty,  turning  it  to  licen- 
tiousness ;  nor  misinterpret  the  petition  by  perverting  it  to 
a  lawless  liberty,  wantonly  or  frowardly,  under  that  or  any 
other  color,  to  resist  lawful  and  necessary  authority.  For 
as  we  will  maintain  our  subjects  in  their  just  liberties,  so 
we  do  and  will  expect  that  they  yield  as  much  submission 
and  duty  to  our  royal  prerogatives,  and  as  ready  obedience 
to  our  authority  and  commandments,  as  hath  been  promised 
to  the  greatest  of  our  predecessors.  .  .   . 

And  now,  having  laid  down  the  truth  and  clearness  of 
our  proceedings,  all  wise  and  discreet  men  may  easily  judge 
of  those  rumors  and  jealous  fears  that  are  maliciously  and 
wickedly  bruited  abroad  ;  and  may  discern,  by  examination 
of  their  own  hearts,  whether  (in  respect  of  the  free  passage 
of  the  gospel,  indifferent  and  equal  administration  of  justice, 
freedom  from  oppression,  and  the  great  peace  and  quietness 
which  every  man  enjoyeth  under  his  own  vine  and  fig  tree) 
the  happiness  of  this  nation  can  be  paralleled  by  any  of 
our  neighbor  countries  ;  and,  if  not,  then  to  acknowledge 
their  own  blessedness,  and  for  the  same  be  thankful  to  God, 
the  author  of  all  goodness. 


Struggle  fo r  Constitu tio?ial  Government         225 


During  the  latter  part  of  James'  reign  and  under 
Charles  I,  emigration  to  Holland  and  New  England 
was  promoted  by  the  conditions  in  England. 1  John 
Winthrop,  a  gentleman  of  Suffolk  who  was  to  become 
governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  gives  the 
following  "  Reasons  to  be  considered  for  justifying  the 
undertakers  of  the  intended  plantation  in  New  England," 
(1629). 

1.  It  will  be  a  service  to  the  Church  of  great  consequence 
to  carry  the  gospel  into  those  parts  of  the  world,  to  help  on 
the  coming  of  the  fullness  of  the  Gentiles,  and  to  raise 
a  bulwark  against  the  kingdom  of  Antichrist  which  the 
Jesuits  labor  to  rear  up  in  those  parts. 

2.  All  other  churches  of  Europe  are  brought  to  desola- 
tion, and  our  sins,  for  which  the  Lord  begins  already  to 
frown  upon  us  and  to  cut  us  short,  do  threaten  evil  times  to 
be  coming  upon  us  ;  and  who  knows  but  that  God  hath  pro- 
vided this  place  to  be  a  refuge  for  many  whom  he  means 
to  save  out  of  the  general  calamity,  and  seeing  the  Church 
hath  no  place  left  to  fly  into  but  the  wilderness,  what  better 
work  can  there  be  than  to  go  and  provide  tabernacles  and 
food  for  her  against  she  comes  thither  ? 

3.  This  land  grows  weary  of  her  inhabitants,  so  as  man, 
who  is  the  most  precious  of  all  creatures,  is  here  more  vile 
and  base  than  the  earth  we  tread  upon,  and  of  less  price 
among  us  than  an  horse  or  a  sheep  ;  masters  are  forced  by 
authority  to  entertain  servants,  parents  to  maintain  their 
own  children  ;  all  towns  complain  of  the  burden  of  their 
poor,  though  we  have  taken  up  many  unnecessary  —  yea, 
unlawful  —  trades  to  maintain  them,  and  we  use  the  author- 
ity of  the  law  to  hinder  the  increase  of  our  people,  as  by 
urging  the  statute  against  cottages  and  inmates,  and  thus 
it  is  come  to  pass  that  children,  servants,  and  neighbors, 

1  See  the  remarkable  account  by  William  Bradford  of  the  voyage 
of  the  Mayflower  in  1620,  given  in  Colby,  Sources  of  English  History, 
pp.  184  sqq. 


306.  Con- 
ditions in 
England  in 
1629  which 
encouraged 
emigration 
to  America. 


226  Readings  in  European  History 

especially  if  they  be  poor,  are  counted  the  greatest  burdens, 
which,  if  things  were  right,  would  be  the  chiefest  earthly 
blessings. 

4.  The  whole  earth  is  the  Lord's  garden,  and  he  hath 
given  it  to  the  sons  of  men  with  a  general  commission 
(Gen.  i.  28)  to  increase  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the 
earth  and  subdue  it,  which  was  again  renewed  to  Noah  ; 
the  end  is  double  and  natural,  that  man  might  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  and  God  might  have  his  due  glory  from 
the  creature.  Why  then  should  we  stand  here  striving  for 
places  of  habitation,  etc.  (many  men  spending  as  much 
labor  and  cost  to  recover  or  keep  sometimes  an  acre  or  two 
of  land  as  would  procure  them  many,  and  as  good  or  better, 
in  another  country),  and  in  the  meantime  suffer  a  whole 
continent  as  fruitful  and  convenient  for  the  use  of  man  to 
lie  waste  without  any  improvement  ? 

5.  We  are  grown  to  that  height  of  intemperance  in  all 
excess  of  riot  as  no  man's  estate  almost  will  suffice  to  keep 
sail  with  his  equals  ;  and  who  fails  herein  must  live  in. 
scorn  and  contempt.  Hence  it  comes  that  all  arts  and 
trades  are  carried  in  that  deceitful  and  unrighteous  course 
as  it  is  almost  impossible  for  a  good  and  upright  man  to 
maintain  his  charge  and  live  comfortably  in  any  of  them. 

6.  The  fountains  of  learning  and  religion  are  so  cor- 
rupted as  (besides  the  insupportable  charge  of  their  educa- 
tion) most  children  (even  the  best  wits  and  of  fairest  hopes) 
are  perverted,  corrupted,  and  utterly  overthrown  by  the 
multitude  of  evil  examples  and  the  licentious  government  of 
those  seminaries  where  men  strain  at  gnats  and  swallow 
camels,  use  all  severity  for  maintenance  of  caps  and  other 
accompliments,  but  suffer  all  ruffianlike  fashions  and  dis- 
order in  manners  to  pass  uncontrolled. 

7.  What  can  be  a  better  work  and  more  honorable  and 
worthy  a  Christian  than  to  help  raise  and  support  a  par- 
ticular church  while  it  is  in  its  infancy,  and  join  his  forces 
with  such  a  company  of  faithful  people  as  by  a  timely 
assistance  may  grow  strong  and  prosper,  and  for  want  of 
it  may  be  put  to  great  hazard,  if  not  wholly  ruined  ?  .  .  . 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Governme?it  227 

III.  The  Personal  Government  of  Charles  I  (1629- 
1640)  ;  Religious  Parties 

The  political  antagonism  between  Parliament  and  king 
was  much  imbittered  by  strong  religious  differences. 
The  Established  Church  and  its  bishops,  especially  Arch- 
bishop Laud,  were  viewed  with  distrust  by  the  "low 
church  "  party,  which  believed  that  the  bishops  were  too 
much  inclined  to  support  the  tyrannical  claims  of  the 
king,  and  that  they  showed  a  tendency  to  reintroduce 
"popish  practices."  Naturally  the  Presbyterians  and  the 
Separatists,  or  Congregationalists,  freely  declared  their 
abhorrence  of  bishops  in  general.  The  origin  of  the 
Puritans  during  Elizabeth's  reign  is  thus  described  by  one 
of  them  in  a  pamphlet,  "The  Plea  for  the  Innocent." 

In  the  beginning  of  her  Majesty's  most  happy  reign,    307.  Posi- 
the  gospel  being  published  and  preachers  ordained  to  teach    tion  of  the 
the  people,  many  people,  within  a  while  feeling  some  taste  of    ^02). 
the  heavenly  comfort,  began  to  delight  in  hearing  of  ser- 
mons, singing  of  psalms,  in  reading,  and  godly  talk  of  Holy 
Scriptures   which   they  were   taught ;   and  therewithal  did 
somewhat  refrain  profane  and  unprofitable  customs ;  and 
sometimes   they   admonished  their  neighbors   if   they  did 
swear,  and  pray  them  to  go  with  them  to  the  sermon  ;  the 
greater  sort  of  the  people,  being  old  barrels  which  could 
hold  no  new  wine,  addicted  partly  to  popery  and  partly  to 
licentiousness,    having   many   of  them   no  other  God  but 
their  bellies,  would  deride  and  scoff  at  them,  and  called 
them  "  holy  brethren  "  and  "  holy  sisters  "  ;  saying,  "  He  is 
one  of  the  pure  and  unspotted  brethren  !  " 

The  Puritans  were  especially  scrupulous  in  the  observ- 
ance of  Sunday.  The  following  are  some  of  the  fear- 
ful instances,  cited  by  a  Puritan  writer,  of  God's  anger 
against  those  who  desecrated  the  holy  day. 


228 


Readings  in  European  History 


308.  Judg- 
ment of  God 
on  those 
that  break 
his  holy  Sab- 
bath day. 
(From  Wel- 
lington's 
Historical 
Notices.) 


A  judgment 
on  organs. 


309.  Charles 
encourages 
dancing  and 
other  amuse- 
ments on 
Sunday. 
(Declaration 
of  Sports, 
1633.) 


A  husbandman,  grinding  corn  upon  the  Lord's  day,  had 
his  meal  burned  to  ashes.  Another,  carrying  corn  on  this 
day,  had  his  barn  and  all  his  corn  therein  burnt  with  fire 
from  heaven  the  next  night  after. 

A  husbandman  would  needs  go  to  plow  on  the  Sabbath 
day,  but  mark  the  fearful  judgment  of  God  upon  him  ;  for, 
as  he  cleansed  his  plow  with  an  iron  instrument,  the  iron 
stuck  fast  in  his  hand,  and  could  not  be  got  out,  but  there 
stuck  two  years  as  a  manifest  token  of  God's  wrath  against 
him  for  that  horrible  sin. 

On  the  23d  January,  1582,  being  the  Lord's  day,  the 
scaffolds  fell  in  Paris  Garden  under  the  people  at  a  bear 
baiting,  so  that  eight  were  suddenly  slain,  innumerable 
hurt  and  maimed.  A  warning  to  such  who  take  more 
pleasure  on  the  Lord's  day  to  be  in  a  theater  beholding 
carnal  sports  than  to  be  in  the  church  in  serving  of  God. 

At  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire,  Mr.  Cotton  being  their  for- 
mer minister,  when  he  was  gone  the  bishop  desired  to  have 
organs  set  up  in  the  church,  but  the  parish  was  unwill- 
ing to  yield  ;  but,  however,  the  bishop  prevailed  to  be  at 
the  cost  to  set  them  up.  But  they  being  newly  up  (not 
playing  very  often  with  them),  a  violent  storm  came  in  at 
one  window,  and  blew  the  organs  to  another  window,  and 
brake  both  organs  and  window  down  ;  and  to  this  day  the 
window  is  out  of  reputation,  being  boarded  and  not  glazed. 

The  Puritans  were  naturally  much  aroused  when 
Charles  reissued  a  declaration  of  his  father's,  permitting, 
and  even  encouraging,  popular  amusements  on  Sunday 
when  the  afternoon  service  was  over. 

I  Our  dear  father  of  blessed  memory,  in  his  return  from 
Scotland,  coming  through  Lancashire,  found  that  his  sub- 
jects were  debarred  from  lawful  recreations  upon  Sundays 
after  evening  prayers  ended  and,  upon  holydays  ;  and  he 
prudently  considered  that  if  these  times  were  taken  from 
them,  the  meaner  sort,  who  labor  hard  all  the  week,  should 
have  no  recreations  at  all  to  refresh  their  spirits  ;  and  after 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government  229 

his  return  he  further  saw  that  his  loyal  subjects  in  all  other 
parts  of  his  kingdom  did  suffer  in  the  same  kind,  though 
perhaps  not  in  the  same  degree  ;  and  did  therefore,  in  his 
princely  wisdom,  publish  a  declaration  to  all  his  loving 
subjects  concerning  lawful  sports  to  be  used  at  such  times, 
which  was  printed  and  published  by  his  royal  command- 
ment in  the  year  16 18,  in  the  tenor  which  hereafter  fol- 
loweth : 

.  .  .  Whereas  we  did  justly  in  our  progress  through 
Lancashire  rebuke  some  Puritans  and  precise  people  and 
took  order  that  the  like  unlawful  carriage  should  not  be 
used  by  any  of  them  hereafter,  in  the  prohibiting  and 
unlawful  punishing  of  our  good  people  for  using  their  law- 
ful recreations  and  honest  exercises  upon  Sunday  and  other 
holydays,  after  the  afternoon  sermon  or  service,  we  now 
find  that  two  sorts  of  people  wherewith  that  country  is 
much  infected  —  we  mean  papists  and  Puritans  —  have 
maliciously  traduced  and  calumniated  those  our  just  and 
honorable  proceedings.  .  .  .  We  have  therefore  thought 
good  hereby  to  clear  and  make  our  pleasure  to  be  mani- 
fested to  all  our  good  people  in  those  parts.  .   .   . 

Our  pleasure  likewise  is,  that  the  bishop  of  that  diocese 
take  the  like  strait  order  with  all  the  Puritans  and  preci- 
sians within  the  same,  either  constraining  them  to  conform 
themselves  or  to  leave  the  county,  according  to  the  laws  of 
our  kingdom  and  canons  of  our  Church,  and  so  to  strike 
equally  on  both  hands  against  the  contemners  of  our 
authority  and  adversaries  of  our  Church  ;  and  as  for  our 
good  people's  lawful  recreation,  our  pleasure  likewise  is, 
that  after  the  end  of  divine  service  our  good  people  be  not 
disturbed,  letted,  or  discouraged  from  any  lawful  recrea- 
tion, such  as  dancing,  either  men  or  women  ;  archery  for 
men,  leaping,  vaulting,  or  any  other  such  harmless  recrea- 
tion, nor  from  having  of  May-games,  Whitsun-ales,  and 
Morris-dances,  and  the  setting  up  of  Maypoles  and  other 
sports  therewith  used,  so  as  the  same  be  had  in  due  and 
convenient  time,  without  impediment  or  neglect  of  divine 
service ;  and  that  women  shall  have  leave  to  carry  rushes 


230  Readings  in  European  History 

to  the  church  for  the  decorating  of  it,  according  to  their 
old  custom  ;  but  withal  we  do  here  account  still  as  pro- 
hibited all  unlawful  games  to  be  used  upon  Sundays  only, 
as  bear  and  bull  baitings,  interludes,  and  at  all  times  in 
the  meaner  sort  of  people  by  law  prohibited,  bowling. 

To  the  ardent  Puritan  the  Church  of  England,  as  rep- 
resented by  Archbishop  Laud,  the  tyrannical  king,  and 
the  corrupt  courts  and  judges,  formed  a  single  great 
conspiracy  against  civil  and  religious  liberty.  One  of 
the  innumerable  pamphlets  of  the  time  describes  a  new 
treaty  just  concluded  between  the  devil,  the  pope,  and 
the  Jesuits,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  English  courts  on 
the  other. 

310.  Puritan  Articles  of  agreement  made,  concluded,  and  done  this  28th  of 
pamphlet  September,  in  the  year  of  grace  1641,  and  of  the  world  5662, 

the  king's  by  an^  betwee?i  the  high  and  mighty  prince,  Lucifer,  king  of 

courts  (1641).       Styx  a?id  Phlegethon,  the  holy  and  most  superstitious  primate 
(Extract.)  Qy  ^lg  ftoman  Church,  the  cardinals,  bishops,  fesuits,  priests, 

and  seminaries,  of  the  one  party  ;  and  fudge  Bribery,  Law- 
yer Corruption,  Attorney  Conte?ition,  Solicitor  Sedition,  fus- 
tice  Connivance,  failor  Oppression,  and  State  Negligence,  of 
the  other  party,  in  ma?i7ier  and  form  following  : 

It  is  this  day  mutually  agreed,  by  and  between  the  several 
parties  above  named,  that  there  shall  be  a  league,  offensive 
and  defensive,  concluded  and  confirmed  by  both  parties,  at 
or  before  Holy-rood  day  next  ensuing  the  date  hereof. 

Item  :  That  whereas  there  hath  been  lately,  by  the  subtle 
practices  of  some  parliamentary  reformists,  a  discord  and 
dissension  raised  between  the  state  ecclesiastic  and  the 
state  of  the  inns  of  court,  whereby  there  hath  happened  no 
small  prejudice  unto  the  ecclesiastic  state  ;  the  like  whereof 
is  to  be  doubted  may  also  fall  upon  the  state  of  the  inns  of 
court,  and  so  consequently  upon  the  crown  and  dignity  of 
our  sovereign  lord,  King  Lucifer ;  it  is  therefore  mutually 
agreed  that  all  former  controversies  and  contentions  between 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         231 

both  parties  shall  cease,  and  that  all  unity,  peace,  and  con- 
cord shall  be  embraced,  on  either  side,  according  to  the 
expressions  in  the  precedent  article,  to  the  honor  of  our 
sovereign  lord,  King  Lucifer,  his  crown  and  dignity. 

Item  :  It  is  agreed  that  the  said  state  of  the  inns  of 
court  and  the  state  ecclesiastic  aforesaid  shall  jointly  and 
severally  use  the  uttermost  of  their  strength,  power,  and 
policy  to  resist  and  suppress  all  such  proceedings  of  this 
present  Parliament  which  shall  any  way  tend  to  the  refor- 
mation and  suppression  of  oppression,  extortion,  bribery, 
contention,  and  tradition  ;  and  that  they  shall  and  will, 
with  all  their  might,  power,  and  policy,  endeavor  and 
strive  to  broach,  advance,  and  maintain  all  the  said  several 
impieties  again,  to  the  honor  of  our  sovereign  lord,  King 
Lucifer,  his  crown  and  dignity. 

Item  :  It  is  agreed  by  and  between  our  sovereign  lord, 
King  Lucifer,  and  the  whole  state  ecclesiastic,  of  the  one 
part,  and  Judge  Bribery,  that  forthwith,  upon  the  dissolu- 
tion of  this  present  Parliament,  he,  the  said  Judge  Bribery, 
is  then  again  to  put  in  practice  the  taking  of  bribes,  pass- 
ing of  false  judgment,  and  maintaining  his  false  and  corrupt 
sentences  and  decrees  to  be  things  sacred  and  infallible ; 
oppressing  the  innocent  by  close  imprisonment,  and  also 
favoring  all  Jesuits,  priests,  and  seminaries,  if  any  of  them 
happen  by  the  instruments  of  justice  to  be  laid  hold  on  ; 
animating  and  instructing  all  attorneys,  solicitors,  and 
clerks,  for  and  to  the  sowing  of  strife  and  contention 
amongst  the  people  of  the  land,  to  the  honor  of  our  sover- 
eign lord,  King  Lucifer,  his  crown  and  dignity. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  not  wanting  satires  on 
the  dissenters,  who  stood  out  against  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer  and  the  service  therein  prescribed  by  the 
government.  The  pompous  discussions  among  cobblers 
and  tinkers  of  matters  of  which  they  had  little  under- 
standing naturally  provoked  mirth  and  scorn,  as  is  shown 
by  the  following  lampoon. 


232 


Readings  in  European  History 


311.  Amin- 
adab  Blower 
rejects  the 
Book  of 
Common 
Prayer. 
(A  satire 
of  uncertain 
date.) 


Some  small  and  simple  reasons,  delivered  in  a  hollow  tree,  in 
Waltham  Forest,  in  a  lecture,  on  the  jjd  of  March  last,  by 
A7ni?iadab  Blower,  a  devout  bellows  mender  of  Pimlico  ;  show- 
i?ig  the  causes,  in  general  and  particular,  wherefore  they  do, 
might,    would,   should,    or  ought,   except  against  a?id  quite 
refuse  the  Liturgy  or  Book  of  Common  Prayer : 
My  dear  beloved  and  zealous  brethren  and  sisters  here 
assembled  in  this  holy  congregation,  I  am  to  unfold,  unravel, 
untwist,  untie,  unloose,  and  undo,  to  your  uncapable  under- 
standings, some  small  reasons,  the  matter,  the  causes,  the 
motives,  the  grounds,  the  principles,  the  maxims,  the  whys 
and  the  wherefores,   wherefore  and  why,  we  reject,  omit, 
abandon,  contemn,  despise,  and  are  and  ought  to  be  with- 
standers  and  opposers  of  the  service  book,  called  by  the 
hard  name  of  Liturgy,  or  Common  Prayer,  which  hath  con- 
tinued in  the  Church  of  England  eighty-four  years. 

I  have  exactly  examined  and  collected  some  notes  and 
observations  out  of  the  learned  Hebrew  translated  volumes 
of  Rabbi  Ananias,  Rabbi  Ahitophel,  Rabbi  Iscariot,  Rabbi 
Simon  Magus,  Rabbi  Demas,  and  Rabbi  Alexander  the 
coppersmith,  and  all  nor  any  of  their  writings  doth  in  any 
place  so  much  as  mention  that  book,  or  any  such  kind  of 
service,  to  be  used  at  all  by  them.  I  have  farther  taken 
pains  in  looking  over  some  Chaldean,  Persian,  Egyptian, 
Arabian,  and  Arminian  authors,  of  which  I  understood  not 
one  word  ;  I  also  (with  the  like  diligence  and  understand- 
ing) have  viewed  the  Turkish  Alchoran,  and  there  I  found 
not  a  syllable  concerning  either  Liturgy,  Common  Prayer, 
or  divine  service.  As  for  Greek  authors,  I  must  confess  I 
understand  them  not,  or  negatively,  for  which  reason  I 
leave  them  as  impertinent ;  and,  touching  the  Latin  writ- 
ers, they  are  partial  in  this  case,  the  tongue  being  Roma- 
nian and  the  idiom  Babylonish,  which  seems  to  me  an 
intricate  confusion. 

I,  having'  carefully  viewed  the  tomes  and  tenets  of  reli- 
gion and  books  of  all  manner  of  hieroglyphics,  writings, 
scrolls,  tallies,  scores,  and  characters,  and  finding  nothing 
for  the  maintaining  of  that  book  or  Liturgy,  I  looked  into  the 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Govemmeiit         233 

ecclesiastical  history  written  by  one  Eusebius,  and  another 
fellow  they  call  Socrates,1  wherein  I  found  many  arguments 
and  incitements  to  move  men  to  such  doctrine  as  is  com- 
prised and  compiled  in  the  Liturgy.  After  that  I  searched 
into  the  acts  and  monuments  of  this  kingdom,  written  by 
old  Fox,2  and  there  I  found  that  the  composers  of  it  were 
bishops  and  doctors,  and  great  learned  schoolmen  of 
unfeigned  integrity,  of  impregnable  constancy,  who,  with 
invincible  faith,  suffered  most  glorious  martyrdom  by  the 
papal  tyranny,  for  the  writing  and  maintaining  that  book, 
with  the  true  Protestant  religion  contained  in  it. 

Brethren,  I  must  confess  that  I  was  somewhat  puzzled 
in  my  mind  at  these  things,  and  I  could  not  be  satisfied 
till  I  had  consulted  with  some  of  our  devout  brothers.  Our 
brother  How,  the  cobbler,  was  the  first  I  broke  my  mind  to, 
and  we  advised  to  call  or  summon  a  synod  to  be  held  in 
my  Lord  Brook's  stable,  the  Reverend  Spencer,  the  stable 
groom,  being  the  metropolitan  there.  At  our  meeting  there 
was  Greene  the  felt  maker,  Barebones  the  leather  seller, 
Squire  the  tailor,  with  Hoare  a  weaver,  and  Davison  a 
bone-lace  maker  of  Messenden,  and  Paul  Hickeson  of 
Wickham,  tailor,  with  some  four  or  five  baker's  dozens  of 
weavers,  millers,  tinkers,  botchers,  broom  men,  porters, 
of  all  trades,  many  of  them  bringing  notes  with  them  fit- 
ting for  our  purpose.  .  .  . 


IV.  The  Early  Acts  of  the  Long  Parliament 

The  attempt  of  Charles  I,  Laud,  and  the  Episcopal 
party  to  force  a  new  religious  service  on  the  Scotch 
provoked  a  struggle  which  led  to  war.  A  clergyman,  in 
a  letter  to  Strafford,  dated  October  9,  1637,  describes 
the  reception  accorded  to  the  innovation  by  the 
Scotch. 

1  A  church  historian  somewhat  later  than  Eusebius. 

2  The  author  of  the  well-known  Book  of  Martyrs.    See  above,  p.  199. 


234 


Readings  in  European  History 


312.  Opposi-       I  mentioned  before  an  attempt  to  bring  in  our  English 

tionofthe       church  service  into  Scotland,  which  made  a  great  hubbub 

Scotch  to  ... 

the  church      there,  and  was  repelled  with  much  violence  by  the  common 

service  intro-  people,  though  women  appeared  most  in  action,  flinging 
Chariest  their  stools  at  the  bishop,  and  renting  his  episcopal  gar- 
ments off  him  as  he  went  forth  of  the  church,  others  fling- 
ing stones  at  him  in  the  streets,  so  that  if  the  earl  of 
Roxborough  had  not  sought  to  quiet  them,  and  received 
him  into  his  coach,  they  had  stoned  him  to  death.  A  sec- 
ond attempt  hath  been  made,  of  which  fresh  news  is  come 
thence  to  the  court,  wherein  they  have  sped  worse.  Besides, 
some  of  the  nobles  and  many  of  the  gentry  and  better  sort 
appear  in  it,  who  withstand  it  with  greater  violence  than 
before,  so  that  there  is  no  hope  that  it  will  be  effected. 

By  the  war  with  the  Scotch,  Charles  was  placed  in  a 
sad  financial  plight,  and  was  forced  to  summon  Parlia- 
ment again  in  order  to  raise  money.1  A  Scotch  army 
was  in  the  north  of  England,  remaining  inactive  only  on 
condition  that  .£850  a  day  was  paid  them  for  mainte- 
nance. This  money  Charles  could  not  secure  unless  he 
yielded  to  the  demands  of  Parliament  for  reform  and  the 
redress  of  grievances.  It  was  thus  that  the  important 
measures  of  the  Long  Parliament  during  the  first  months 
of  its  existence  were  accepted  under  compulsion  by  the 
king.  The  conviction  that  the  king  had  not  surrendered 
of  his  own  free  will  produced  a  deep  distrust  of  his 
motives  and  actions,  which  continued  throughout  the 
civil  war  and  until  his  execution. 


313.  Sum- 
mary of  the 
work  of  the 
Long  Parlia- 
ment in  1641. 
(From 

Memoirs  of  the 
Life  of  Colonel 
Hutchinson.) 


They  [the  Parliament]  began  by  throwing  down  monop- 
olies, and  then  impeached  the  earl  of  Strafford  of  high 
treason,  who,  after  a  solemn  trial  and  hot  disputes  on  both 

1  The  so-called  "  Short "  Parliament  was  summoned  in  April,  1640, 
but  in  three  weeks  was  dissolved  by  the  irritated  king.  The  sessions 
of  the  "  Long"  Parliament  began  in  November,  1640. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         235 

sides,  was  at  length  attainted  of  treason  ;  and  the  king, 
against  his  own  mind,  to  serve  his  ends,  gave  him  up  to 
death.  The  archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  also  made  pris- 
oner upon  an  accusation  of  high  treason,  for  which  he 
after  suffered ;  Wren,  bishop  of  Norwich,  was  likewise  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower  ;  several  other  prelatical  preachers  were 
questioned  for  popish  and  treasonable  doctrines  ;  the  Star 
Chamber,  an  unjust  and  arbitrary  court,  was  taken  away, 
and  the  High  Commission  Court ;  an  act  was  procured  for 
a  triennial  Parliament,  and  another  for  the  continuation 
of  this,  that  it  should  not  be  broken  up  without  their  own 
consent.  There  were  great  necessities  for  money  by  reason 
of  the  two  armies  that  were  then  maintained  in  England, 
and  the  people  would  give  the  king  no  money  without  some 
ease  of  grievances,  which  forced  him,  against  his  inclina- 
tion, to  grant  those  bills,  with  which,  after  he  had  granted, 
he  found  he  had  bound  up  his  own  hands,  and  therefore 
privately  encouraged  plots  that  were  in  those  times  con- 
trived against  the  Parliament. 


The  Grand  Remonstrance,  which  the  commons  drew 
up  after  spending  a  year  in  rectifying  the  abuses  of 
Charles'  personal  government,  contains  a  gloomy  review 
of  his  reign  and  an  account  of  the  measures  already 
passed  by  the  Long  Parliament  with  a  view  of  doing 
away  with  the  abuses.  Some  notion  of  this  remarkable 
document  may  be  derived  from  the  following  extracts.1 

The  commons  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled 
having,  writh  much  earnestness  and  faithfulness  of  affection 
and  zeal  to  the  public  good  of  this  kingdom  and  his 
Majesty's  honor  and  service,  for  the  space  of  twelve  months, 
wrestled  with  great  dangers  and  fears,  the  pressing  miseries 
and  calamities,  the  various  distempers  and  disorders  which 

1  The  full  text  of  the  Grand  Remonstrance  would  fill  toward  thirty 
pages  of  this  volume.  The  whole  document  is  given  by  Gardiner,  Con- 
stitutional Documents,  pp.  202-232. 


314.  Ex- 
tracts from 
the  Grand 
Remon- 
strance of 
the  com- 
mons, pre- 
sented to 
Charles  I, 
December  z, 
1641. 


236 


Readings  in  European  History 


Objects  of 
the  present 
remonstrance. 


The  Jesuits. 


had  not  only  assaulted  but  even  overwhelmed  and  extin- 
guished the  liberty,  peace,  and  prosperity  of  this  kingdom, 
the  comfort  and  hopes  of  all  his  Majesty's  good  subjects, 
and  exceedingly  weakened  and  undermined  the  foundation 
and  strength  of  his  own  royal  throne,  do  yet  find  an  abound- 
ing malignity  and  opposition  in  those  parties  and  factions 
who  have  been  the  cause  of  those  evils  and  do  still  labor 
to  cast  aspersions  upon  that  which  hath  been  done,  and  to 
raise  many  difficulties  for  the  hindrance  of  that  which 
remains  yet  undone,  and  to  foment  jealousies  between  the 
king  and  Parliament,  that  so  they  may  deprive  him  and 
his  people  of  the  fruit  of  his  own  gracious  intentions,  and 
their  humble  desires  of  procuring  the  public  peace,  safety, 
and  happiness  of  this  realm. 

For  the  preventing  of  those  miserable  effects,  which  such 
malicious  endeavors  may  produce,  we  have  thought  good 
to  declare  the  root  and  the  growth  of  these  mischievous 
designs  ;  the  maturity  and  ripeness  to  which  they  have  at- 
tained before  the  beginning  of  the  Parliament  ;  the  effec- 
tual means  which  have  been  used  for  the  extirpation  of 
those  dangerous  evils,  and  the  progress  which  hath  therein 
been  made  by  his  Majesty's  goodness  and  the  wisdom  of 
the  Parliament ;  the  ways  of  obstruction  and  opposition  by 
which  that  progress  hath  been  interrupted  ;  the  courses  to 
be  taken  for  the  removing  those  obstacles,  and  for  the 
accomplishing  of  our  most  dutiful  and  faithful  intentions 
and  endeavors  of  restoring  and  establishing  the  ancient 
honor,  greatness,  and  security  of  this  crown  and  nation. 

The  root  of  all  this  mischief  we  find  to  be  a  malignant 
and  pernicious  design  of  subverting  the  fundamental  laws 
and  principles  of  government,  upon  which  the  religion  and 
justice  of  this  kingdom  are  firmly  established.  The  actors 
and  promoters  hereof  have  been  : 

i.  The  Jesuited  papists,  who  hate  the  laws  as  the  obsta- 
cles of  that  change  and  subversion  of  religion  which  they  so 
much  long  for. 

2.  The  bishops  and  the  corrupt  part  of  the  clergy,  who 
cherish  'formality  and   superstition   as  the  natural  effects 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Governmetit  237 

and   more  probable   supports   of    their   own    ecclesiastical 
tyranny  and  usurpation. 

3.  Such  councilors  and  courtiers  as  for  private  ends 
have  engaged  themselves  to  further  the  interests  of  some 
foreign  princes  or  states  to  the  prejudice  of  his  Majesty 
and  the  state  at  home.  .  .  . 

In  the  beginning  of  his  Majesty's  reign,  the  [Catholic] 
party  began  to  revive  and  flourish  again,  having  been 
somewhat  damped  by  the  breach  with  Spain  in  the  last 
year  of  King  James,  and  by  his  Majesty's  marriage  with 
France  .  .  .,  the  papists  of  England,  having  ever  been 
more  addicted  to  Spain  than  France  ;  yet  they  still  retained 
a  purpose  and  resolution  to  weaken  the  Protestant  parties 
in  all  parts,  and  even  in  France,  whereby  to  make  way  for 
the  change  of  religion  which  they  intended  at  home.  .  .  . 
[The  effects  and  evidence  of  their  recovery  have  been:] 

The  Petition  of  Right,  which  was  granted  in  full  Parlia-    The  Petition 
ment,  blasted  with  an  illegal  declaration  to  make  it  destruc-    of  Ri§ht 
tive  to  itself,  to  the  power  of  Parliament,  to  the  liberty  of    nugatory. 
the  subject,  and  to  that  purpose  printed  with  it,  and  the 
petition  made  of  no  use  but  to  show  the  bold  and  presump- 
tuous injustice  of  such  ministers  as  durst  break  the  laws 
and  suppress  the  liberties  of  the  kingdom,  after  they  had 
been  so  solemnly  and  evidently  declared.   .  .  . 

After  the  breach  of  the  Parliament  in  the  fourth  [year] 
of  his  Majesty,  injustice,  oppression,  and  violence  broke  in 
upon  us  without  any  restraint  or  moderation,  and  yet  the 
first  project  was  the  great  sums  exacted  through  the  whole 
kingdom  for  the  default  of  knighthood,  which  seemed  to 
have  some  color  and  shadow  of  a  law,  yet  if  it  be  rightly 
examined  by  that  obsolete  law  which  was  pretended  for  it, 
it  will  be  found  to  be  against  all  the  rules  of  justice.  .  .  . 

Tonnage  and  poundage 1  hath  been  received  without 
color  or  pretense  of  law  ;  many  other  heavy  impositions 
continued  against  law,  and  some  so  unreasonable  that  the 
sum  of  the  charge  exceeds  the  value  of  the  goods.  .  .  . 

1  For  an  explanation  of  these  royal  exactions  on  imports  and  exports, 
see  Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England \  p.  417. 


238 


Readings  in  European  History 


Ship  money 


Monopolies 
in  the  king's 
interest. 

Court  of  Star 
Chamber. 


Court  of 
High  Com- 
mission. 


And  although  all  this  was  taken  upon  pretense  of  guard- 
ing the  seas,  yet  a  new  unheard-of  tax  of  ship  money  was 
devised,  and  upon  the  same  pretense,  by  both  which  there 
was  charged  upon  the  subject  near  ^"700,000  some  years; 
and  yet  the  merchants  have  been  left  so  naked  to  the  violence 
of  the  Turkish  pirates  that  many  great  ships  of  value  and 
thousands  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  have  been  taken  by 
them,  and  do  still  remain  in  miserable  slavery.   .  .  . 

The  monopolies  of  soap,  salt,  wine,  leather,  sea  coal, 
and  in  a  manner  of  all  things  of  most  common  and  neces- 
sary use.  .  .  . 

The  Court  of  Star  Chamber  hath  abounded  in  extrava- 
gant censures  not  only  for  the  maintenance  and  improve- 
ment of  monopolies  and  other  unlawful  taxes,  but  for 
divers  other  causes  where  there  hath  been  no  offense,  or 
very  small ;  whereby  his  Majesty's  subjects  have  been  op- 
pressed by  grievous  fines,  imprisonments,  stigmatizings, 
mutilations,  whippings,  pillories,  gags,  confinements,  ban- 
ishments; after  so  rigid  a  manner  as  hath  not  only  deprived 
men  of  the  society  of  their  friends,  exercise  of  their  profes- 
sions, comfort  of  books,  use  of  paper  or  ink,  but  even  vio- 
lated that  near  union  which  God  hath  established  between 
men  and  their  wives,  by  forced  and  constrained  separation, 
whereby  they  have  been  bereaved  of  the  comfort  and  con- 
versation one  of  another  for  many  years  together,  without 
hope  of  relief,  if  God  had  not,  by  his  overruling  providence, 
given  some  interruption  to  the  prevailing  power  and  coun- 
sel of  those  who  were  the  authors  and  promoters  of  such 
peremptory  and  heady  courses.  .   .  . 

The  High  Commission  grew  to  such  excess  of  sharpness 
and  severity  as  was  not  much  less  than  the  Romish  Inqui- 
sition. .  .  .  The  bishops  and  their  courts  were  as  eager  in 
the  country  ;  although  their  jurisdiction  could  not  reach  so 
high  in  rigor  and  extremity  of  punishment,  yet  were  they 
no  less  grievous  in  respect  of  the  generality  and  multipli- 
city of  vexations,  which,  lighting  upon  the  meaner  sort  of 
tradesmen  and  artificers,  did  impoverish  many  thousands, 
and  so  afflict  and  trouble  others  that  great  numbers,  to  avoid 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government  239 


their  miseries,  departed  out  of  the  kingdom,  some  into  New 
England  and  other  parts  of  America,  others  into  Holland.  .  .  . 

This  faction  was  grown  to  that  height  and  entireness    Objects  of 
of  power  that  now  they  began  to  think  of  finishing  their    Charles' late 
work,  which  consisted  of  these  three  parts  : 

I.  The  government  must  be  set  free  from  all  restraint  of 
laws  concerning  our  persons  and  estates. 

II.  There  must  be  a  conjunction  betw-een  papists  and 
Protestants  in  doctrine,  discipline,  and. ceremonies,  only  it 
must  not  yet  be  called  popery. 

III.  The  Puritans,  under  which  name  they  include  all 
that  desire  to  preserve  the  laws  and  liberties  of  the  king- 
dom and  to  maintain  religion  in  the  power  of  it,  must  be 
either  rooted  out  of  the  kingdom  with  force  or  driven  out 
with  fear. 

For  the  affecting  of  this  it  was  thought  necessary  to  Scottish 
reduce  Scotland  to  such  popish  superstitions  and  innova- 
tions as  might  make  them  apt  to  join  with  England  in  that 
great  change  which  was  intended.  Whereupon  new  canons 
and  a  new  liturgy  were  pressed  upon  them,  and  when  they 
refused  to  admit  of  them  an  army  was  raised  to  force  them 
to  it,  towards  which  the  clergy  and  the  papists  were  very 
forward  in  their  contribution.1 


wars. 


V.   The  Civil  War 

On  August  22,  1642,  the  king  raised  his  standard  at 
Nottingham,  and  the  settlement  of  the  deadlock  between 
him  and  Parliament  was  intrusted  to  the  fortunes  of  war. 
The  first  stage  of  the  contest  lasted  until  the  middle  of 
1646.  During  this  period  the  famous  battles  of  Edge- 
hill  (1642),  Marston  Moor  (1644),  and  Naseby  2  (1645) 

1  The  Parliament,  after  enumerating  the  abuses  here  given  and  many 
others,  reviews  at  length  the  legislation  of  preceding  months  by  which 
it  has  sought  to  establish  the  government  on  a  firm  and  legal  basis. 

2  A  description  of  the  battle  of  Naseby  by  a  member  of  the  Long 
Parliament  is  to  be  found  in  Kendall,  Source  Book,  pp.  245  sqq. 


240 


Readings  in  European  History 


315.  A  Puri- 
tan's ac- 
count of  the 
battle  of 
Edgehill. 
(From 
Nehemiah 
Wallington.) 


How  God 
guided  the 
bullets. 


were  fought.  A  devout  Puritan  thus  describes  the  mar- 
velous manner  in  which  the  Lord  aided  the  raw  troops 
in  their  fight  against  the  king's  army  at  Edgehill. 

1642.  October  the  23d,  being  the  Lord's  day  in  the  fore- 
noon, both  the  armies  met  in  the  midway  between  Banbury 
and  Stratford-upon-Avon.  And  they  had  a  very  hot  skir- 
mish, their  ordnance  playing  very  hot  from  twelve  o'clock 
till  three  in  the  afternoon,  and  made  a  great  slaughter,  and 
then  the  main  forces  joined  battle,  both  horse  and  foot,  and 
had  a  furious  skirmish  on  both  sides,  which  continued  for 
all  that  day. 

But  that  which  I  would  take  notice  of  is  God's  great 
mercy  and  providence,  which  was  seen  to  his  poor  despised 
children,  that  although  the  enemy  came  traitorously  and 
suddenly  upon  them,  and  unexpectedly,  and  four  of  our 
regiments  falling  from  us,  and  our  soldiers  being  a  company 
of  despised,  inexperienced  youths,  which  never  used  to  lie 
in  the  fields  on  the  cold  ground  before  the  enemy,  they 
being  strong,  old,  experienced  soldiers.  But  herein  we  see 
God's  great  mercy,  for  all  that  to  give  us  the  victory  ;  for, 
as  I  hear,  the  slaughter  was  in  all  five  thousand  five  hun- 
dred and  seventeen  ;  but  ten  of  the  enemy's  side  were  slain 
to  one  of  ours.  And  observe  God's  wonderful  works,  for 
those  that  were  slain  of  our  side  were  mostly  of  them  that 
ran  away ;  but  those  that  stood  most  valiantly  to  it,  they 
were  most  preserved ;  so  that  you  may  see  the  Lord  stands 
for  them  that  stand  for  him. 

If  I  could  but  relate  how  admirably  the  hand  of  Provi- 
dence ordered  our  artillery  and  bullets  for  the  destruction 
of  the  enemy,  when  a  piece  of  ordnance  was  shot  off, 
what  a  lane  was  made  in  their  army  i  Oh,  how  God  did 
guide  the  bullets  [of  the  enemy  also]  (as  I  wrote  afore  at 
Southam),  that  some  fell  down  before  them,  some  grazed 
along,  some  bullets  went  over  their  heads,  and  some  one 
side  of  them  !  Oh,  how  seldom  or  never  almost  were  they 
hurt  that  stood  valiant  to  it,  by  their  bullets  !  You  would 
stand  and  wonder.  .   .  „ 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         241 


Again,  consider  one  wonderful  work  of  our  God  more  ; 
which  is,  that  many  of  our  youths  that  went  forth  were 
weakly  and  sickly,  some  with  the  king's  evil,  some  with 
agues,  and  some  with  the  toothache,  which  their  parents 
and  friends  were  in  great  care  and  grief  for ;  yet,  when 
they  have  lain  days  and  nights  in  the  wet  and  cold  fields, 
which  one  would  think  should  make  a  well  body  sick,  much 
more  to  increase  their  misery  and  pain  that  were  ill,  yet 
they  have  testified  that  their  pain  had  left  them,  and  [they 
were]  never  better  in  all  their  lives. 

This  is  the  Lord's  doing,  and  it  is  marvelous  in  my  eyes. 

I  did  forget  to  write  this  remarkable  passage,  how  the 
king's  army  shot  off  thirty  pieces  of  ordnance  and  killed 
not  passing  four  of  our  men  ;  and  the  first  time  we  shot 
we  made  a  lane  among  them,  cutting  off  two  of  their  colors. 

A  pamphleteer  of  the  time  sees  only  the  horrors  and 
desolation  of  the  civil  strife. 

The  war  went  on  with  horrid  rage  in  many  places  at  one 
time  ;  and  the  fire,  when  once  kindled,  cast  forth,  through 
every  corner  of  the  land,  not  only  sparks  but  devouring 
flames  ;  insomuch  that  the  kingdom  of  England  was  divided 
into  more  seats  of  war  than  counties  ;  nor  has  she  more 
fields  than  skirmishes,  nor  cities  than  sieges  ;  and  almost 
all  the  palaces  of  lords,  and  other  great  houses,  were  turned 
everywhere  into  garrisons  of  war.  They  fought  at  once  by 
sea  and  land  ;  and  through  all  England  (who  could  but 
lament  the  miseries  of  his  country  !)  sad  spectacles  were 
seen  of  plundering  and  firing  villages  ;  and  the  fields,  other- 
wise waste  and  desolate,  were  rich  only  and  terribly  glori- 
ous in  camps  and  armies. 


God's  mercy 
toward  them 
in  the  Parlia- 
ment's army 
that  were 
sickly. 


316.  The 
general 
desolation 
caused  by 
the  civil 
war.    (From 
a  pamphlet 
of  the  time.) 


VI.   The  Execution  of  Charles  I  (1649) 

The  death  warrant  of  Charles  I,  issued  by  "  the  High 
Court  of  Justice  for  the  trying  and  judging  of  Charles 
Stuart,  king  of  England,"  reads  as  follows  : 


242 


Readings  in  European  History 


Whereas  Charles  Stuart,  king  of  England,  is,  and  stand- 
eth  convicted,  attainted,  and  condemned  of  high  treason, 


317.  Death 

warrant  of 

Charles  I 

(January  29,    ano-  other  high  crimes  ;  and  sentence  upon  Saturday  last 


1649.) 


318.  Charles' 
parting 
words  to  his 
daughter 
Elizabeth. 


was  pronounced  against  him  by  this  Court,  to  be  put 
to  death  by  the  severing  of  his  head  from  his  body ;  of 
which  sentence,  execution  yet  remaineth  to  be  done  ;  these 
[presents]  are  therefore  to  will  and  require  you  to  see  the 
said  sentence  executed  in  the  open  street  before  Whitehall, 
upon  the  morrow,  being  the  thirtieth  day  of  this  instant 
month  of  January,  between  the  hours  of  ten  in  the  morning 
and  five  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  with  full  effect. 
And  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  sufficient  warrant.  And 
these  are  to  require  all  officers,  soldiers,  and  others,  the 
good  people  of  this  nation  of  England,  to  be  assisting  unto 
you  in  this  service. 

To  Colonel  Francis  Hacker,  Colonel  Huncks,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Phayre,  and  to  every  of  them. 

Given  under  our  hands  and  seals. 

John  Bradshaw. 
Thomas  Grey. 
Oliver  Cromwell. 

A  relation  of  the  king's  last  words  to  his  daughter, 
Lady  Elizabeth,  from  her  own  hand  1 : 

He  told  me  he  was  glad  I  had  come  ;  and  although  he 
had  not  time  to  say  much,  yet  somewhat  he  had  to  say  to 
me  which  he  had  not  to  another,  or  leave  in  writing, 
because  he  feared  their  cruelty  was  such  as  that  they  would 
not  have  permitted  him  to  write  to  me.  He  wished  me  not 
to  grieve  and  torment  myself  for  him,  for  that  would  be  a 
glorious  death  that  he  should  die,  it  being  for  the  laws  and 
liberties  of  this  land,  and  for  maintaining  the  true  Protes- 
tant religion.  He  bid  me  read  Bishop  Andrews'  sermons, 
Hooker's    Ecclesiastical  Politie,    and    Bishop    Laud's    book 


1  In  regard  to  the  famous  Eikon  Basilike,  purporting  to  have  been 
written  by  Charles  during  his  last  days,  see  below,  p.  267. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         243 

against  Fisher,  which  would  ground  me  against  popery. 
He  told  me  he  had  forgiven  all  his  enemies,  and  hoped  God 
would  forgive  them  also  ;  and  commanded  us,  and  all  the 
rest  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  to  forgive  them.  He  bid 
me  tell  my  mother  that  his  thoughts  had  never  strayed 
from  her,  and  that  his  love  should  be  the  same  to  the  last. 
Withal  he  commanded  me  and  my  brother  to  be  obedient 
to  her,  and  bid  me  send  his  blessing  to  the  rest  of  my 
brothers  and  sisters,  with  commendation  to  all  his  friends. 
So  after  he  had  given  me  his  blessing,  I  took  my  leave. 

Further,  he  commanded  us  all  to  forgive  those  people, 
but  never  to  trust  them,  for  they  had  been  most  false  to 
him,  and  to  those  that  gave  them  power  ;  and  he  feared 
also  to  their  own  souls  ;  and  desired  me  not  to  grieve  for 
him,  for  he  should  die  a  martyr  ;  and  that  he  doubted  not 
but  the  Lord  would  settle  his  throne  upon  his  son,  and  that 
we  should  all  be  happier  than  we  could  have  expected  to 
have  been  if  he  had  lived;  with  many  other  things,  which 
at  present  I  cannot  remember. 


Charles  I  closed  a  brief  address  which  he  made  at  the 
last  moment  as  follows  : 

[As  for  the  people,]  truly  I  desire  their  liberty  and  free-    319.  An 
dom  as  much  as  anybody  whomsoever  :  but  I  must  tell  vou    account  of 

the  6X- 

that  their  liberty  and  freedom  consist  in  having  of  govern-  ecution  of 
ment,  those  laws  by  which  their  life  and  their  goods  may  Charles  I. 
be  most  their  own.  It  is  not  for  having  share  in  govern- 
ment, sirs ;  that  is  nothing  pertaining  to  them  ;  a  subject 
and  a  sovereign  are  clear  different  things.  And  therefore 
until  they  do  that,  I  mean  that  you  do  put  the  people  in 
that  liberty,  as  I  say,  certainly  they  will  never  enjoy  them- 
selves. Sirs,  it  was  for  this  that  now  I  am  come  here.  If  I 
would  have  given  way  to  an  arbitrary  way,  for  to  have  all 
laws  changed  according  to  the  power  of  the  sword,  I  needed 
not  to  have  come  here ;  and  therefore  I  tell  you  (and  I 
pray  God  it  be  not  laid  to  your  charge)  that  I  am  the 
martyr  of  the  people.  .  .  . 


244  Readings  in  European  History 

And  to  the  executioner  he  said,  "  I  shall  say  but  very- 
short  prayers,  and  when  I  thrust  out  my  hands  —  " 

Then  he  called  to  the  bishop  for  his  cap,  and  having  put 
it  on,  asked  the  executioner,  "Does  my  hair  trouble  you?" 
who  desired  him  to  put  it  all  under  his  cap  ;  which,  as  he 
was  doing  by  the  help  of  the  bishop  and  the  executioner, 
he  turned  to  the  bishop,  and  said,  "I  have  a  good  cause, 
and  a  gracious  God  on  my  side." 

The  bishop  said,  "There  is  but  one  stage  more,  which, 
though  turbulent  and  troublesome,  yet  is  a  very  short  one. 
You  may  consider  it  will  soon  carry  you  a  very  great  way  ; 
it  will  carry  you  from  earth  to  heaven  ;  and  there  you  shall 
find  to  your  great  joy  the  prize  you  hasten  to,  a  crown 
of  glory." 

The  king  adjoins,  "  I  go  from  a  corruptible  to  an  incor- 
ruptible crown  ;  where  no  disturbance  can  be,  no  disturb- 
ance in  the  world." 

The  bishop.  "  You  are  exchanged  from  a  temporal  to  an 
eternal  crown,  —  a  good  exchange." 

Then  the  king  asked  the  executioner,  "  Is  my  hair  well  ?" 

And  taking  off  his  cloak  and  George,1  he  delivered  his 
George  to  the  bishop,   .  .  . 

Then  putting  off  his  doublet  and  being  in  his  waistcoat, 
he  put  on  his  cloak  again,  and  looking  upon  the  block, 
said  to  the  executioner,  "You  must  set  it  fast." 

The  executioner.     "It  is  fast,  sir." 

King.    "  It  might  have  been  a  little  higher." 

Executioner.    "  It  can  be  no  higher,  sir." 

King.   "When  I  put  out  my  hands  this  way,  then  —  " 

Then  having  said  a  few  words  to  himself,  as  he  stood, 
with  hands  and  eyes  lift  up,  immediately  stooping  down 
he  laid  his  neck  upon  the  block ;  and  the  executioner, 
again  putting  his  hair  under  his  cap,  his  Majesty,  thinking 
he  had  been  going  to  strike,  bade  him,  "Stay  for  the  sign." 

Executioner.    "Yes,  I  will,  an  it  please  your  Majesty." 

1  The  jeweled  pendant  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  bearing  a  figure  of 
St.  George. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         245 

After  a  very  short  pause,  his  Majesty  stretching  forth  his 
hands,  the  executioner  at  one  blow  severed  his  head  from 
his  body  ;  which,  being  held  up  and  showed  to  the  people, 
was  with  his  body  put  into  a  coffin  covered  with  black  vel- 
vet and  carried  into  his  lodging. 

His  blood  was  taken  up  by  divers  persons  for  different 
ends :  by  some  as  trophies  of  their  villainy ;  by  others  as 
relics  of  a  martyr ;  and  in  some  hath  had  the  same  effect, 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  which  was  often  found  in  his  sacred 
touch  when  living. 


VII.   The  Commonwealth  and  Cromwell 

March  17,  1649,  Parliament  abolished  the  office  of 
king. 

Whereas  Charles  Stuart,  late  king  of  England,  Ireland, 
and  the  territories  and  dominions  thereunto  belonging, 
hath,  by  authority  derived  from  Parliament,  been  and  is 
hereby  declared  to  be  justly  condemned,  adjudged  to  die, 
and  put  to  death,  for  many  treasons,  murders,  and  other 
heinous  offenses  committed  by  him,  by  which  judgment  he 
stood,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be,  attainted  of  high  trea- 
son, whereby  his  issue  and  posterity,  and  all  others  pre- 
tending title  under  him,  are  become  incapable  of  the  said 
crowns  or  of  being  king  or  queen  of  the  said  kingdom  or 
dominions,  or  either  or  any  of  them  ;  be  it  therefore  enacted 
and  ordained,  and  it  is  enacted,  ordained,  and  declared,  by 
this  present  Parliament  and  by  the  authority  thereof,  that 
all  the  people  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  the  dominions 
and  territories  thereunto  belonging,  of  what  degree  or  con- 
dition soever,  are  discharged  of  all  fealty,  homage,  and 
allegiance  which  is  or  shall  be  pretended  to  be  due  unto 
any  of  the  issue  and  posterity  of  the  said  late  king,  or 
any  claiming  under  him,  and  that  Charles  Stuart,  eldest 
son,  and  James,  called  duke  of  York,  second  son,  and  all 
other  the  issue  and  posterity  of  him  the  said  late  king,  and 
all  and  every  person  and  persons  pretending  title  from,  by, 


320.  Act 

abolishing 
the  office  of 
king  in 
England  and 
Ireland 
(March  17, 
1649). 


246  Readings  in  European  History 

or  under  him,  are  and  be  disabled  to  hold  or  enjoy  the  said 
crown  of  England  and  Ireland.  .   .   . 

And  whereas  it  is  and  hath  been  found  by  experience 
that  the  office  of  a  king  in  this  nation  and  Ireland,  and  to 
have  the  power  thereof  in  any  single  person,  is  unneces- 
sary, burdensome,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberty,  safety, 
and  public  interest  of  the  people,  and  that  for  the  most 
part  use  hath  been  made  of  the  regal  power  and  preroga- 
tive to  oppress  and  impoverish  and  enslave  the  subject ; 
and  that  usually  and  naturally  any  one  person  in  such 
power  makes  it  his  interest  to  encroach  upon  the  just  free- 
dom and  liberty  of  the  people,  and  to  promote  the  setting 
up  of  their  own  will  and  power  above  the  laws,  that  so  they 
might  enslave  these  kingdoms  to  their  own  lust ;  be  it 
therefore  enacted  and  ordained  by  this  present  Parliament, 
and  by  authority  of  the  same,  that  the  office  of  a  king  in 
this  nation  shall  not  henceforth  reside  in,  or  be  exercised 
by,  any  one  single  person  ;  and  that  no  one  person  whatso- 
ever shall  or  may  have  or  hold  the  office,  style,  dignity, 
power,  or  authority  of  king  of  the  said  kingdoms  and 
dominions.1  .   .   . 

By  the  spring  of  1653  the  Long  Parliament,  which 
had  been  in  session  nearly  thirteen  years,  was  reduced 
to  a  mere  "rump,"  as  its  enemies  called  it.  There  were 
only  a  hundred  or  so  members  left.  Cromwell  was  con- 
vinced that  the  members  were  corrupt  and  that  they 
meant  to  keep  the  power  in  their  hands  in  spite  of  their 

1  The  existing  Long  Parliament  agrees  in  the  following  paragraphs 
to  dissolve  itself  as  soon  as  it  can  safely  do  so.  The  supreme  author- 
ity is  declared  to  reside  in  "  this  [Parliament]  and  the  successive  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  of  this  nation,  and  in  them  only."  Two  days 
later  the  House  of  Lords  was  abolished.  "  The  commons  of  England 
assembled  in  Parliament,  finding  by  too  long  experience  that  the  House 
of  Lords  is  useless  and  dangerous  to  the  people  of  England  to  be  con- 
tinued, have  thought  fit  to  ordain  and  enact,  and  be  it  ordained  and 
enacted  by  this  present  Parliament  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 
that  from  henceforth  the  House  of  Lords  in  Parliament  shall  be  and  is 
hereby  wholly  abolished  and  taken  away.  .  .  ." 


Struggle  for  Constitiitional  Government         247 


talk  of  dissolving  themselves.  He  most  reluctantly  de- 
cided that  it  was  his  duty  to  scatter  them.  The  famous 
scene  here  described  is  taken  from  the  journal  kept  by 
Sidney,  whose  son  Algernon  was  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished members  of  the  "  rump." 

Wednesday,  20th  April.  The  Parliament  sitting  as  usual, 
and  being  on  debate  upon  the  bill1  with  amendments, 
which  it  was  thought  would  have  been  passed  that  day, 
the  Lord  General  Cromwell  came  into  the  House,  clad  in 
plain  black  clothes,  with  gray  stockings,  and  sat  down,  as 
he  used  to  do,  in  an  ordinary  place.  After  a  while  he 
rose  up,  put  off  his  hat,  and  spake  ;  at  first  and  for  a  good 
while  he  spake  to  the  commendation  of  the  Parliament,  for 
their  pains  and  care  of  the  public  good ;  but  afterwards  he 
changed  his  style,  told  them  of  their  injustice,  delays  of 
justice,  self-interest,  and  other  faults.  Then  he  said,  "  Per- 
haps you  think  this  is  not  parliamentary  language  ;  I  con- 
fess it  is  not,  neither  are  you  to  expect  any  such  from  me." 

Then  he  put  on  his  hat,  went  out  of  his  place,  and 
walked  up  and  down  the  stage  or  floor  in  the  midst  of  the 
House,  with  his  hat  on  his  head,  and  chid  them  soundly, 
looking  sometimes,  and  pointing  particularly,  upon  some 
persons,  as  Sir  R.  Whitlock,  one  of  the  Commissioners  for 
the  Great  Seal ;  Sir  Henry  Vane,  to  whom  he  gave  very 
sharp  language,  though  he  named  them  not,  but  by  his 
gestures  it  was  well  known  that  he  meant  them. 

After  this  he  said  to  Colonel  Harrison  (who  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House),  "Call  them  in."  Then  Harrison  went 
out,  and  presently  brought  in  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wortley 
(who  commanded  the  General's  own  regiment  of  foot),  with 
five  or  six  files  of  musketeers,  about  twenty  or  thirty  with 
their  muskets.  Then  the  General,  pointing  to  the  Speaker 
in  his  chair,  said  to  Harrison,  "Fetch  him  down."  Harri- 
son went  to  the  Speaker  and  spoke  to  him  to  come  down, 
but  the  Speaker  sat  still  and  said  nothing.    "Take  him 


321.  How 
Cromwell 
broke  up 
the  rem- 
nants of 
the  Long 
Parliament 


1  To  dissolve  itself. 


248 


Readiiigs  in  European  History 


down,"  said  the  General ;  then  Harrison  went  and  pulled 
the  Speaker  by  the  gown,  and  he  came  down. 

It  happened  that  day  that  Algernon  Sidney  sat  next  to 
the  Speaker  on  the  right  hand ;  the  General  said  to  Har- 
rison, "  Put  him  out."  Harrison  spake  to  Sidney  to  go 
out,  but  he  said  he  would  not  go  out,  and  sat  still.  The 
General  said  again,  "Put  him  out."  Then  Harrison  and 
Wortley  put  their  hands  upon  Sidney's  shoulders,  as  if  they 
would  force  him  to  go  out ;  then  he  rose  and  went  towards 
the  door. 

Then  the  General  went  to  the  table  where  the  mace1  lay, 
which  used  to  be  carried  before  the  Speaker,  and  said, 
"Take  away  these  baubles."  So  the  soldiers  took  away 
the  mace,  and  all  the  House  went  out ;  and  at  the  going 
out,  they  say,  the  General  said  to  young  Henry  Vane,  call- 
ing him  by  his  name,  that  he  might  have  prevented  this 
extraordinary  course,  but  he  was  a  juggler  and  had  not  so 
much  as  common  honesty.  All  being  gone  out,  the  door  of 
the  House  was  locked,  and  the  key  with  the  mace  was  car- 
ried away,  as  I  heard,  by  Colonel  Otley.2 


A  distinguished  enemy  of  Cromwell's,  Clarendon,  has 
given  a  remarkable  picture  of  the  Protector  in  his  His- 
tory of  the  Rebellion. 

322.  Claren-        He  was  one  of  those  men  quos  vituperare  ne  inimici  qui- 

don's  esti-       dem  possimt  nisi  ut  simul  I  an  dent ;   for  he  could  never  have 

Cromwell.       done  half  that  mischief  without  great  parts  of  courage  and 

industry  and  judgment.    And  he  must  have  had  a  wonderful 


1  The  mace  still  lies  on  the  table  when  the  House  of  Commons  is 
sitting. 

2  Another  account  of  this  scene,  written  by  an  ardent  enemy  of 
Cromwell's,  maybe  found  in  Kendall's  Source  Book  of  English  History, 
pp.  251  sqq.  It  corresponds  essentially  with  that  given  above.  It  closes 
as  follows :  "  Then  Cromwell  applied  himself  to  the  members  of  the 
House,  who  were  in  number  between  eighty  and  one  hundred,  and  said 
to  them,  "  It 's  you  that  have  forced  me  to  this,  for  I  have  sought  the 
Lord  night  and  day  that  he  would  rather  slay  me  than  put  upon  me  the 
doing  of  this  work." 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         249 

understanding  in  the  natures  and  humours  of  men,  and  as 
great  a  dexterity  in  the  applying  them,  who  from  a  private 
and  obscure  birth  (though  of  a  good  family),  without  interest 
of  estate,  alliance,  or  friendships,  could  raise  himself  to  such 
a  height,  and  compound  and  knead  such  opposite  and  con- 
tradictory tempers,  humours,  and  interests  into  a  consistence 
that  contributed  to  his  designs  and  to  their  own  destruction, 
whilst  himself  grew  insensibly  powerful  enough  to  cut  off 
those  by  whom  he  had  climbed  in  the  instant  that  they  pro- 
jected to  demolish  their  own  building.  .  .  .  Without  doubt, 
no  man  with  more  wickedness  ever  attempted  anything, 
or  brought  to  pass  what  he  desired  more  wickedly,  more  in 
the  face  and  contempt  of  religion  and  moral  honesty  ;  yet 
wickedness  as  great  as  his  could  never  have  accomplished 
those  trophies  without  the  assistance  of  a  great  spirit,  an 
admirable  circumspection  and  sagacity,  and  a  most  magnani- 
mous resolution. 

When  he  appeared  first  in  the  Parliament,  he  seemed  to 
have  a  person  in  no  degree  gracious,  no  ornament  of  dis- 
course, none  of  those  talents  which  use  to  reconcile  the 
affections  of  the  standers-by  ;  yet  as  he  grew  into  place  and 
authority,  his  parts  seemed  to  be  renew[ed],  as  if  he  had 
concealed  faculties  till  he  had  occasion  to  use  them ;  and 
when  he  was  to  act  the  part  of  a  great  man,  he  did  it  with- 
out any  indecency  through  the  want  of  custom. 

After  he  was  confirmed  and  invested  Protector  by  the 
humble  Petition  and  Advice,  he  consulted  with  very  few 
upon  any  action  of  importance,  nor  communicated  any  enter- 
prise he  resolved  upon  with  more  than  those  who  were  to 
have  principal  parts  in  the  execution  of  it  ;  nor  to  them 
sooner  than  was  absolutely  necessary.  What  he  once  resolved, 
in  which  he  was  not  rash,  he  would  not  be  dissuaded  from, 
nor  endure  any  contradiction  of  his  power  and  authority, 
but  extorted  obedience  from  them  who  were  not  willing  to 
yield  to  it.  .   .  . 

In  all  other  matters  which  did  not  concern  the  life  of  his 
jurisdiction,  he  seemed  to  have  great  reverence  for  the  law, 
and  rarely  interposed  between  party  and  party.    And  as  he 


250  Readings  in  European  History 

proceeded  with  this  kind  of  indignation  and  haughtiness 
with  those  who  were  refractory  and  dared  to  contend  with 
his  greatness,  so  towards  those  who  complied  with  his  good 
pleasure,  and  courted  his  protection,  he  used  a  wonderful 
civility,  generosity,  and  bounty. 

To  reduce  three  nations,  which  perfectly  hated  him,  to  an 
entire  obedience  to  all  his  dictates  ;  to  awe  and  govern  those 
nations  by  an  army  that  was  indevoted  to  him  and  wished 
his  ruin ;  was  an  instance  of  a  very  prodigious  address. 
But  his  greatness  at  home  was  but  a  shadow  of  the  glory  he 
had  abroad.  It  was  hard  to  discover  which  feared  him  most, 
France,  Spain,  or  the  Low  Countries,  where  his  friendship 
was  current  at  the  value  he  put  upon  it.  And  as  they  did 
all  sacrifice  their  honour  and  their  interest  to  his  pleasure, 
so  there  is  nothing  he  could  have  demanded  that  either  of 
them  would  have  denied  him.  To  manifest  which,  there 
need  only  two  instances.  The  first  is,  when  those  of  the 
valley  of  Lucerne  had  unwarily  rebelled  against  the  duke  of 
Savoy,1  which  gave  occasion  to  the  pope  and  the  neighbour 
princes  of  Italy  to  call  and  solicit  for  their  extirpation,  which 
their  prince  positively  resolved  upon,  Cromwell  sent  his 
agent  to  the  duke  of  Savoy  (a  prince  with  whom  he  had  no 
correspondence  or  commerce),  and  so  engaged  the  Cardinal 
[Mazarin],  and  even  terrified  the  pope  himself,  without  so 
much  as  doing  any  grace  to  the  English  Catholics  (nothing 
being  more  usual  than  his  saying  that  his  ships  in  the  Medi- 
terranean should  visit  Civita  Vieca,  and  that  the  sound  of 
his  canon  should  be  heard  in  Rome),  that  the  duke  of  Savoy 
thought  it  necessary  to  restore  all  that  he  had  taken  from 
them,  and  did  renew  all  those  privileges  they  had  formerly 
enjoyed  and  newly  forfeited. 

A  pamphlet  of  the  time  shows  how  a  great  part  of 
the  English  must  have  felt  in  1659  m  regard  to  the  expe- 
diency of  calling  back  Charles  II. 

1  Clarendon  appears  to  be  somewhat  confused  at  this  point.  He 
evidently  refers  to  the  massacre  of  the  Vaudois  by  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
which  aroused  Protestant  Europe  in  1655. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         251 

If  we  take  a  view  of  the  several  pretensions,  carried  on  323.  Parties 

in  the  nation  apart,  we  shall  find  the  most  considerable  to  !n  EnSland 

be  the  Roman  Catholic,  the  Royalist,  the  Presbyterian,  the  expediency 

Anabaptist,    the   Army,    the   Protectorian,  and   that    of   the  of  calling  in 

Parliament.  Charles  II. 

,_,         .  .     . .    ,  (From  a 

1.  lis  the  Roman  Catholics  aim  not  only  to  abrogate    pamphlet  of 

the  penal  laws,  and  become  capable  of  all  employments  in    the  time.) 
the  Commonwealth,  but  to  introduce  his  religion,  to  restore 
the  rights  of  the  Church,  and  utterly  eradicate  all  that  he 
esteems  heresy. 

2.  'Tis  the  Royalist's  desire  to  bring  in  the  king  as  a 
conqueror,  to  recover  their  losses  in  the  late  war,  be  ren- 
dered capable  of  civil  employments,  and  have  the  former 
government  of  the  Church. 

3.  'Tis  the  Presbyterian's  desire  to  set  up  his  discipline, 
to  have  the  covenant  reenforced,  and  only  such  as  take  it  to 
be  employed  in  church  or  state ;  to  be  indemnified  in  refer- 
ence to  what  they  have  done,  and  secured  of  what  they 
possess. 

4.  'Tis  the  wish  of  the  baptized  churches  that  there  might 
be  no  ecclesiastical  government  of  any  kind,  nor  ministerial 
function,  or  provision  for  it ;  and  that  only  persons  so  minded 
should  be  capable  of  employment ;  likewise  to  be  indemni- 
fied for  what  they  have  done. 

5.  'Tis  the  aim  of  the  Army  to  govern  the  nation,  to  keep 
themselves  from  being  disbanded,  or  engaged  in  war,  to 
secure  their  pay,  and  to  be  indemnified  for  all  past  action. 

6.  'Tis  the  desire  of  the  family  of  the  late  Protector  to 
establish  the  heir  of  the  house,  that  they  may  rule  him,  and 
he  the  nation,  and  so  both  preserve  and  advance  them- 
selves. 

7.  'Tis  the  wish  of  the  present  Parliament  (as  far  as  they 
have  one  common  design)  to  continue  themselves  in  absolute 
power  by  the  specious  name  of  a  popular  government  ;  to 
new-model  and  divide,  and,  at  last,  take  down,  the  Army ; 
and,  finally,  under  the  pretences  of  a  committee  of  Parlia- 
ment, or  council  of  state,  set  up  an  oligarchy  resembling  that 
of  the  Thirty  Tyrants  in  Athens. 


252  Readings  in  European  History 

Lastly,  't  is  the  general  interest  of  the  nation  to  establish 
the  ancient  fundamental  laws,  upon  which  every  one's  pro- 
priety and  liberty  are  built,  to  settle  religion,  to  procure 
a  general  indemnity  for  all  actions  past,  to  revive  their 
languishing  and  almost  dead  trade,  gain  an  alliance  with  our 
neighbour  states ;  to  put  the  government  in  such  hands  as, 
besides  present  force,  can  plead  a  legal  title  to  it ;  into  the 
hands  of  such  with  whose  private  interest  that  of  the  public 
not  only  consists,  but  in  which  't  is  necessarily  involved, 
which  likewise  does  least  contradict  the  aims  of  particular 
parties ;  lastly,  the  hands  of  such  whose  counsel  is  fit  to 
direct  in  matters  of  deliberation,  and  courage  fit  to  vindicate 
the  injuries  of  the  nation. 

From  which  premises  we  may  conclude  that  the  preten- 
sions of  no  party  now  on  foot  in  the  nation  are  attainable  ; 
or,  if  attained,  are  consistent  with  the  good  of  other  parties, 
or  of  the  nation  ;  or,  in  fine,  with  their  own  ;  and  from  hence 
likewise  one  would  be  apt  to  conclude  that  the  ruin  of  the 
public  is  inevitable  ;  there  being  no  door  of  hope  left  open 
to  receive,  no  method  visible  to  unite,  such  distant  and 
incompatible  ends. 

But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  'tis  not  impossible  —  no, 
nor  hard  —  to  find  an  expedient  that  shall  evacuate  all  these 
difficulties  ;  not  only  establish  the  general  concernment,  but 
(exorbitant  passion  only  retrenched)  satisfy  the  real  interest 
of  every  party  —  nay,  single  person  —  in  the  nation. 

Now  to  the  cheerful  reception  of  such  an  overture,  I  sup- 
pose there  is  no  need  to  persuade,  nor  even  to  admonish, 
that  words  and  names,  however  rendered  odious,  ought  not 
to  frighten  us  from  our  certain  benefit  and  dearest  interest. 
All  that  is  demanded  here  is  that  if,  upon  serious  consider- 
ation, the  proposal  be  found  reasonable,  men  would  be  so 
kind  to  themselves  as  to  receive  it.  The  assertion  I  doubt 
not  to  make  most  plain  and  evident,  and  therefore  shall  as 
plainly  pronounce  it.  'T  is  this  :  the  calling  in  the  king  is 
the  certain  and  only  means  for  the  preservation  of  the  king- 
dom, and  also  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  all  single  per- 
sons in  it. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         253 


VIII.   The  Restoration  of  the   Stuarts  :   Charles  II 

It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  a  more  satisfactory 
description  than  that  given  of  Charles  II  at  the  time  of 
his  accession  by  the  distinguished  historian  of  the  period, 
Burnet. 

The  king  was  then  thirty  years  of  age,  and,  as  might  324.  A  pic- 
have    been   supposed,   past  the  levities   of    youth   and   the  ture  of 
extravagance  of  pleasure.    He  had  a  very  good  understand-  ray  Gilbert 
ing :  he  knew  well  the  state  of  affairs  both  at  home  and  Burnet,  in 
abroad.    He  had  a  softness  of  temper  that  charmed  all  who  his  mstory°t 

r  t  my  own  Time.) 

came  near  him,  till  they  found  out  how  little  they  could 
depend  on  good  looks,  kind  words,  and  fair  promises,  in 
which  he  was  liberal  to  excess,  because  he  intended  nothing 
by  them  but  to  get  rid  of  importunity  and  to  silence  all 
further  pressing  upon  him. 

He  seemed  to  have  no  sense  of  religion  ;  both  at  prayers 
and  sacrament,  he,  as  it  were,  took  care  to  satisfy  people 
that  he  was  in  no  sort  concerned  in  that  about  which  he  was 
employed ;  so  that  he  was  very  far  from  being  an  hypocrite, 
unless  his  assisting  at  those  performances  was  a  sort  of  hypoc- 
risy, as  no  doubt  it  was  ;  but  he  was  sure  not  to  increase  that 
by  any  the  least  appearance  of  devotion.  He  said  once  to 
myself,  he  was  no  atheist,  but  he  could  not  think  God  would 
make  a  man  miserable  only  for  taking  a  little  pleasure  out 
of  the  way.  He  disguised  his  popery  to  the  last ;  but  when 
he  talked  freely  he  could  not  help  letting  himself  out  against 
the  liberty  that  under  the  Reformation  all  men  took  of  in- 
quiring into  matters,  for  from  their  inquiring  into  matters 
of  religion  they  carried  the  humor  further  to  inquire  into 
matters  of  state.  He  said  often  he  thought  government  was 
a  much  safer  and  easier  thing  where  the  authority  was 
believed  infallible,  and  the  faith  and  submission  of  the  peo- 
ple was  implicit;  about  which  I  had  once  much  discourse 
with  him. 

He  was  affable  and  easy,  and  loved  to  be  made  so  by 
all  about  him.    The  great  art  of  keeping  him  long  was  the 


254 


Readings  in  European  History 


324a.  How 
England 
went  mad 
over  the 
return  of 
Charles  II. 
(From 
Burnet.) 


being  easy  and  the  making  everything  easy  to  him.  He  had 
made  such  observations  on  the  French  government  that  he 
thought  a  king  who  might  be  checked,  or  have  his  ministers 
called  into  account  by  a  Parliament,  was  but  a  king  in  name. 
He  had  a  great  compass  of  knowledge,  though  he  was  never 
capable  of  great  application  or  study.  He  understood  the 
mechanics  and  physic,  and  was  a  good  chemist,  and  much 
set  on  several  preparations  of  mercury,  chiefly  the  fixing  it. 
He  understood  navigation  well;  but  above  all,  he  knew  the 
architecture  of  ships  so  perfectly  that  in  that  respect  he  was 
exact  rather  more  than  became  a  prince.  His  apprehension 
was  quick  and  his  memory  good,  and  he  was  an  everlasting 
talker.  He  told  his  stories  with  a  good  grace,  but  they  came 
in  his  way  too  often. 

He  had  a  very  ill  opinion  both  of  men  and  women,  and 
did  not  think  there  was  either  sincerity  or  chastity  in  the 
world  out  of  principle,  but  that  some  had  either  the  one  or 
the  other  out  of  humor  or  vanity.  He  thought  that  nobody 
served  him  out  of  love ;  and  so  he  was  quits  with  all  the 
world,  and  loved  others  as  little  as  he  thought  they  loved 
him.  He  hated  business  and  could  not  be  easily  brought  to 
mind  any;  but  when  it  was  necessary,  and  he  was  set  to  it, 
he  would  stay  as  long  as  his  ministers  had  work  for  him. 
The  ruin  of  his  reign,  and  of  all  his  affairs,  was  occasioned 
chiefly  by  his  delivering  himself  up  at  his  first  coming  over 
to  a  mad  range  of  pleasure. 

The  king's  subjects,  according  to  Burnet,  also  delivered 
themselves  up  to  wild  rejoicing  and  indulgence. 

With  the  restoration  of  the  king,  a  spirit  of  extravagant 
joy  being  spread  over  the  nation,  that  brought  on  with  it  the 
throwing  off  the  very  professions  of  virtue  and  piety  :  all 
ended  in  entertainments  and  drunkenness,  which  overran  the 
three  kingdoms  to  such  a  degree  that  it  very  much  corrupted 
all  their  morals.  Under  the  color  of  drinking  the  king's 
health,  there  were  great  disorders  and  much  riot  everywhere  ; 
and  the  pretenses  to  religion,  both  in  those  of  the  hypocriti- 
cal  sort   and  of   the   more  honest  but    no    less   pernicious 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         255 


enthusiasts,  gave  great  advantages,  as  well  as  they  furnished 
much  matter,  to  the  profane  mockers  at  all  true  piety.1 

Two  remarkable  diaries  of  this  period  have  been  pre- 
served,—  one  by  Samuel  Pepys  (1633-1703),  a  very 
active  government  official  under  Charles  II  ;  the  other 
by  John  Evelyn  (1620- 1706),  a  gentleman  fond  of 
science,  letters,  and  gardening.  These  diaries  are  the 
most  delightful  sources  for  the  period  they  cover.  The 
following  entries  give  a  picture  of  the  barbarous  habits 
of  the  time. 

October  13,  1660.  I  went  out  to  Charing  Cross  to  see 
Major-General  Harrison2  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered; 
which  was  done  there,  he  looking  as  cheerful  as  any  man 
could  do  in  that  condition.  He  was  presently  cut  down, 
and  his  head  and  heart  shown  to  the  people,  at  which 
there  was  great  shouts  of  joy.  It  is  said  that  he  said  that 
he  was  sure  to  come  shortly  at  the  right  hand  of  Christ 
to  judge  them  that  now  judged  him  ;  and  that  his  wife  do 
expect  his  coming  again.  Thus  it  was  my  chance  to  see 
the  king  beheaded  at  Whitehall,  and  to  see  the  first  blood 
shed  in  revenge  for  the  king  at  Charing  Cross. 

October  15,  1660.  This  morning  Mr.  Carew  was  hanged 
and  quartered  at  Charing  Cross  ;  but  his  quarters,  by  a 
great  favor,  are  not  to  be  hanged  up. 

October  17,  1660.  Scot,  Scroope,  Cook,  and  Jones  suf- 
fered for  the  reward  of  their  iniquities  at  Charing  Cross, 
in  sight  of  the  place  where  they  put  to  death  their  natural 
Prince,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  his  son,  whom 
they  also  sought  to  kill.  I  saw  not  their  execution,  but 
met  their  quarters  mangled  and  cutt  and  reeking  as  they 
were  brought  from  the  gallows  in  baskets  on  the  hurdle. 
O  the  miraculous  providence  of  God ! 

1  This  account  of  Burnet's  is  substantiated  by  the  orders  issued 
against  drunkenness  and  rioting  throughout  the  realm. 

2  See  above,  pp.  247  sq. 


325.  Savage 
vengeance 
taken  upon 
the  leaders 
of  the  late 
rebellion. 
(From  Pepys' 
Diary.) 


326.  Execu- 
tion of  the 
regicides. 
(From 
Evelyn's 
Diary.) 


256 


Readings  in  European  History 


January  jo,  1661.  This  day  (O  the  stupendious  and 
inscrutable  judgments  of  God !)  were  the  carcasses  of 
those  arch-rebells  Cromwell,  Bradshaw,  the  Judge  who 
condemned  his  Majestie,  and  Ireton,  sonn-in-law  to  ye 
Usurper,  dragged  out  of  their  superb  tombs  in  Westmin- 
ster among  the  kings,  to  Tyburne,  and  hanged  on  the  gal- 
lows from  9  in  the  morning  till  6  at  night,  and  then  buried 
under  that  fatal  and  ignominious  monument  in  a  deepe 
pitt ;  thousands  of  people  who  had  seene  them  in  all  their 
pride  being  spectators. 

May  22,  1661.  The  Scotch  Covenant  was  burnt  by  the 
common  hangman  in  divers  places  in  London.  O  pro- 
digious change ! 


327.  Act  of 
Uniformity 
(1662). 
(Extracts.) 


IX.   Religious  Questions  under  Charles  II 

Charles  II  and  Parliament  had  to  face  the  old  diffi- 
culty of  steering  a  middle  course  between  the  various 
Protestant  sects,  on  the  one  hand,  —  Presbyterians,  In- 
dependents, etc.,  who  were  supposed  to  be  disaffected 
toward  the  government  as  well  as  toward  the  Estab- 
lished Church,  —  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Catholics, 
whom  Parliament  and  the  nation  at  large  abhorred, 
although  the  king  was  secretly  favorable  to  them.  Fol- 
lowing the  policy  of  Elizabeth,  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
was  passed  in  1662. 

Whereas,  in  the  first  year  of  the  late  Queen  Elizabeth, 
there  was  one  uniform  order  of  common  service  and  prayer, 
and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  rites,  and  cere- 
monies in  the  Church  of  England  (agreeable  to  the  word 
of  God  and  usage  of  the  primitive  Church),  compiled  by 
the  reverend  bishops  and  clergy,  set  forth  in  one  book,  en- 
titled The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  .  .  .  and  enjoined  to 
be  used  by  act  of  Parliament  holden  in  the  said  first  year  of 
the  said  late  queen,  entitled  "An  act  for  the  uniformity  of 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         257 

common  prayer  and  service  in  the  Church  and  administra- 
tion of  the  sacraments,"  very  comfortable  to  all  good  peo- 
ple desirous  to  live  in  Christian  conversation,  and  most 
profitable  to  the  estate  of  this  realm  ;  upon  the  which  the 
mercy,  favor,  and  blessing  of  Almighty  God  is  in  no  wise 
so  readily  and  plentifully  poured  as  by  common  prayers, 
due  using  of  the  sacraments,  and  often  preaching  of  the 
gospel,  with  devotion  of  the  hearers  ;  and  yet,  this  notwith- 
standing, a  great  number  of  people  in  divers  parts  of  this  Perversity 
realm,  following  their  own   sensuality,  and  living  without    °? the 

dissenters* 

knowledge  and  due  fear  of  God,  do  willfully  and  schismat- 
ically  abstain  and  refuse  to  come  to  their  parish  churches, 
and  other  public  places  where  common  prayer,  administra- 
tion of  the  sacraments,  and  preaching  of  the  word  of  God 
is  used  upon  the  Sundays  and  other  days  ordained  and  ap- 
pointed to  be  kept  and  observed  as  holydays  ;  and  whereas, 
by  the  great  and  scandalous  neglect  of  ministers  in  using 
the  said  order  or  liturgy  so  set  forth  and  enjoined  as  afore- 
said, great  mischiefs  and  inconveniences,  during  the  times 
of  the  late  unhappy  troubles,  have  arisen  and  grown,  and 
many  people  have  been  led  into  factions  and  schisms,  to 
the  great  decay  and  scandal  of  the  reformed  religion  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  to  the  hazard  of  many  souls,  .  .  . 
be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  by  the 
advice  and  with  the  consent  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral, and  of  the  commons  in  this  present  Parliament 
assembled,  that  all  and  singular  ministers  in  any  cathe- 
dral, collegiate,  or  parish  church  or  chapel,  or  other  place 
of  public  worship,  shall  be  bound  to  say  and  use  the 
morning  prayer,  evening  prayer,  celebration  and  adminis- 
tration of  both  the  sacraments,  and  all  other  the  public 
and  common  prayer,  in  such  order  and  form  as  is  men- 
tioned in  the  said  book  annexed  and  joined  to  this  present 
act  and  entitled  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer.1  .  .  . 

1  The  act  provides  in  the  succeeding  clauses  that  all  clergymen  who 
refuse  to  declare  their  "  unfeigned  assent  and  consent  to  all  and  every- 
thing contained  and  prescribed  in  and  by  the  book  entitled  "  The  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  "  shall  be  deprived  of  their  benefices. 


258 


Readings  in  Etiropean  History 


Next,  Parliament,  in  1664,  declared  all  religious  meet- 
ings, except  those  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the 
Church  of  England,  to  be  illegal.  Any  meeting  for  reli- 
gious worship  at  which  five  were  present  besides  the 
family  was  declared  a  "conventicle,"  and  every  person 
above  sixteen  there  present  was  to  lie  three  months 
in  prison  or  pay  £$  for  the  first  offense;  six  months 
or  ,£20  fine  for  the  second  offense  ;  for  the  third  offense 
he  was  to  be  banished  to  any  plantation,  except  New 
England  or  Virginia,  or  pay  .£100.  Burnet  thus  speaks 
of  the  repassing  of  this  act  in  1670  : 


328.  Harsh 
act  against 
dissenters. 
(From 
Burnet.) 


Bold  opposi- 
tion of  the 
Quakers. 


When  [after  the  great  London  fire  of  1666]  the  city  was 
pretty  well  rebuilt,  they  began  to  take  care  of  the  churches, 
which  had  lain  in  ashes  some  years  ;  and  in  that  time  con- 
venticles abounded  in  all  parts  of  the  city.  It  was  thought 
hard  to  hinder  men  from  worshiping  God  any  way  as  they 
could,  when  there  were  no  churches,  nor  ministers  to  look 
after  them.  But  now  they  began  to  raise  churches  of 
boards,  till  the  public  allowance  should  be  raised  towards 
the  building  of  churches.  These  they  called  tabernacles, 
and  they  fitted  them  up  with  pews  and  galleries  as  churches. 
So  now  an  act  was  proposed  reviving  the  former  act  against 
conventicles.  .  .  .  This  act  was  executed  in  the  city  very 
severely  in  Starling's  mayoralty,  and  put  things  in  such 
disorder  that  many  of  the  trading  men  of  the  city  began  to 
talk  of  removing  with  their  stock  over  to  Holland  ;  but  the 
king  ordered  a  stop  be  put  to  further  severities. 

Many  of  the  sects  either  discontinued  their  meetings  or 
held  them  very  secretly,  with  small  numbers,  and  not  in 
the  hours  of  public  worship ;  yet  informers  were  encour- 
aged and  were  everywhere  at  work.  The  behavior  of  the 
Quakers  was  more  particular,  and  had  something  in  it 
that  looked  bold.  They  met  at  the  same  place  and  at  the 
same  hour  as  before  ;  and  when  they  were  seized,  none  of 
them  would  go  out  of  the  way :  they  went  all  together  to 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         259 

prison  ;  they  stayed  there  till  they  were  dismissed,  for  they 
would  not  petition  to  be  set  at  liberty,  nor  would  they  pay 
the  fines  set  on  them,  nor  so  much  as  the  jail  fees,  calling 
these  wages  of  unrighteousness.  And  as  soon  as  they  were 
let  out  they  went  to  their  meeting-houses  again  ;  and  when 
they  found  these  were  shut  up  by  order,  they  held  their 
meetings  on  the  street,  before  the  doors  of  those  houses. 
They  said  that  they  would  not  disown  or  be  ashamed  of 
their  meeting  together  to  worship  God ;  but,  in  imitation 
of  Daniel,  they  would  do  it  the  more  publicly  because  they 
were  forbidden  doing  it.  Some  called  this  obstinacy,  while, 
others  called  it  firmness.  But  by  it  they  carried  their  point, 
for  the  government  grew  weary  of  dealing  with  so  much 
perverseness  and  so  began  with  letting  them  alone. 


X.    James  II  and  the  Revolution  of  1688 

Two  writers  of  the  time  make  clear  the  impression 
which  James  II' s  attempt  to  restore  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith  in  England  made  upon  the  Protestants. 

November  20, 168 '5.  The  popish  party  at  this  time  behaved 
themselves  with  an  insolence  which  did  them  a  prejudice. 
The  king  of  France  continued  to  practice  all  the  cruelties 
imaginable  towards  the  Protestants  in  France  to  make  them 
turn  papists,  commanding  that  all  extremities  should  be  used 
but  death,  —  as  seizing  their  lands,  razing  their  temples  and 
houses,  taking  all  their  goods,  putting  them  into  prisons, 
quartering  dragoons  with  them  to  eat  up  their  estates  and  to 
watch  them  that  they  should  not  sleep  till  they  changed  their 
religion.  Many  of  them  fled  into  all  parts  as  they  could 
escape,  poor  and  naked  ;  for  their  estates  were  stopped  and 
themselves  condemned  to  the  gallows  if  they  wrere  taken 
attempting  to  fly. 

March  1,  1686.  Though  it  could  not  be  said  that  there 
was  as  yet  any  remarkable  invasion  upon  the  rights  of  the 
Church  of  England,  yet  the  king  gave  all  the  encouragement 
he  could  to  the  increase  of  his  own,  by  putting  more  papists 


329.  James 
II,  like  the 
French  king, 
seems  about 
to  restore 
the  Roman 
Catholic 
Church. 
(From 
Reresby's 
Memoires.) 


260  .  Readings  in  European  History 

into  office,  but  especially  in  Ireland ;  by  causing  or  allowing 
popish  books  to  be  printed  and  sold  and  cried  publicly;  by 
publishing  some  popish  papers  found  in  the  late  king's  closet 
and  the  declaration  of  his  dying  a  papist  and  the  manner  of 
it ;  ...  by  sending  my  Lord  Castlemain  upon  a  solemn 
embassy  to  the  pope,  and  many  other  such  things ;  which 
made  all  men  expect  that  more  would  follow  of  a  greater 
concern. 

330.  Roman        December  2Q,  1686.    I  went  to  hear  the  musiq  of  the  Italians 

Catholic  jn  ^g  New  Chapel,  now  first  open'd  publickly  at  Whitehall 

services  3.t 

Tames  IPs      f°r  tne  Popish  service.  ....    The  throne  where  the  King 

court.  (From  and  Queene  sit  is  very  glorious,  in  a  closet  above,  just 
velyn  s  opposite  to  the  altar.  Here  we  saw  the  Bishop  in  his  mitre 
and  rich  copes,  with  6  or  7  Jesuits  and  others  in  rich  copes, 
sumptuously  habited,  often  taking  off  and  putting  on  the 
Bishop's  mitre,  who  satte  in  a  chair  with  arms  pontificaly, 
was  ador'd  and  cens'd  by  3  Jesuits  in  their  copes ;  then  he 
went  to  the  altar  and  made  divers  cringes,  then  censing  the 
images  and  glorious  tabernacle  plac'd  on  the  altar,  and  now 
and  then  changing  place  :  the  crosier  which  was  of  silver 
was  put  into  his  hand  with  a  world  of  mysterious  ceremony, 
the  musiq  playing  with  singing.  I  could  not  have  believed 
I  should  ever  have  seene  such  things  in  the  King  of  Eng- 
land's Palace,  after  it  had  pleas'd  God  to  enlighten  this 
Nation ;  but  owr  greate  sin  has,  for  the  present,  eclips'd  the 
blessing,  which  I  hope  He  will  in  mercy  and  his  good  time 
restore  to  its  purity. 

This  chapter  on  the  long  struggle  between  the  Stuarts 
and  the  English  nation  as  represented  in  the  Parliament 
may  appropriately  close  with  some  extracts  from  the 
celebrated  Declaration  of  Right  presented  to  William  and 
Mary  in  February,  1689.1 

1  This  document  is  commonly  known  as  "  The  Bill  of  Rights,"  for 
it  was  under  that  title  that  it  was  reenacted  in  December  of  the  same 
year,  1689,  and  is  included  in  the  statutes  of  the  realm  in  the  form  here 
v  given. 


Struggle  for  Cojistitutional  Government         261 


Whereas  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons 
assembled  at  Westminster,  lawfully,  fully,  freely  representing 
all  the  estates  of  the  people  of  this  realm,  did  upon  the  thir- 
teenth day  of  February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1688,1  pre- 
sent unto  their  Majesties,  then  called  and  known  by  the 
names  and  style  of  William  and  Mary,  prince  and  princess 
of  Orange,  being  present  in  their  proper  persons,  a  certain 
declaration  in  writing  made  by  the  said  lords  and  commons 
in  the  words  following,  viz. : 

Whereas  the  late  King  James  II,  by  the  assistance  of 
diverse  evil  counselors,  judges,  and  ministers  employed  by 
him,  did  endeavor  to  subvert  and  extirpate  the  Protestant 
religion  and  the  laws  and  liberties  of  this  kingdom : 

1.  By  assuming  and  exercising  a  power  of  dispensing  with 
and  suspending  of  laws,  and  the  execution  of  laws,  without 
consent  of  Parliament. 

2.  By  committing  and  prosecuting  divers  worthy  prelates, 
for  humbly  petitioning  to  be  excused  from  concurring  to  the 
same  assumed  power. 

3.  By  issuing  and  causing  to  be  executed  a  commission 
under  the  Great  Seal  for  erecting  a  court,  called  the  "  Court 
of  Commissioners  for  Ecclesiastical  Causes." 

4.  By  levying  money  for  and  to  the  use  of  the  crown,  by 
pretense  of  prerogative,  for  other  time  and  in  other  manner 
than  the  same  was  granted  by  Parliament. 

5.  By  raising  and  keeping  a  standing  army  within  this 
kingdom  in  time  of  peace,  without  consent  of  Parliament, 
and  quartering  soldiers  contrary  to  law. 

6.  By  causing  several  good  subjects,  being  Protestants,  to 
be  disarmed,  at  the  same  time  when  papists  were  both  armed 
and  employed  contrary  to  law. 

7.  By  violating  the  freedom  of  election  of  members  to 
serve  in  Parliament. 

1  February,  1688,  would,  according  to  our  habit  of  beginning  the 
year  on  January  1,  fall  in  1689.  Until  1751,  when  Protestant  England 
tardily  accepted  the  salutary  reform  of  the  calendar  first  recommended 
in  1582  by  Gregory  XIII,  the  year  was  regarded  in  that  country  as 
beginning  March  25. 


331.  Ex- 
tracts from 
the  Declara- 
tion of 
Right 
(February, 
1689). 


Charges 
against 
James  II. 


262  Readings  in  European  History 

8.  By  prosecutions  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  for 
matters  and  causes  cognizable  only  in  Parliament ;  and  by 
diverse  other  arbitrary  and  illegal  courses. 

10.  And  excessive  bail  hath  been  required  of  persons 
committed  in  criminal  cases,  to  elude  the  benefit  of  laws 
made  for  the  liberty  of  the  subjects. 

11.  And  excessive  fines  have  been  imposed;  and  illegal 
and  cruel  punishments  inflicted. 

12.  And  several  grants  and  promises  made  of  fines  and 
forfeitures,  before  any  conviction  or  judgment  against  the 
persons  upon  whom  the  same  were  to  be  levied. 

All  which  are  utterly  and  directly  contrary  to  the  known 
laws  and  statutes  and  freedom  of  this  realm.  f 

And  whereas  the  said  late  King  James  II  having  abdicated 
the  government,  and  the  throne  being  thereby  vacant,*his 
Highness  the  prince  of  Orange  (whom  it  hath  pleased 
Almighty  God  to  make  the  glorious  instrument  of  delivering 
this  kingdom  from  popery  and  arbitrary  power)  did  (by  the 
advice  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  and  divers  princi- 
pal persons  of  the  commons)  cause  letters  to  be  written  to 
the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  being  Protestants;  and  other 
letters  to  the  several  counties,  cities,  universities,  boroughs  i» 
[for  choosing  representatives  to  a  Parliament  which  might 
vindicate  and  assert  the  ancient  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
nation].1  .   .  . 

Having  therefore  an  entire  confidence  that  his  said  High- 
ness the  prince  of  Orange  will  perfect  the  deliverance  so  far 
advanced  by  him,  and  will  still  preserve  them  [Parliament] 
from  the  violation  of  their  rights,  which  they  have  here 
asserted,  and  from  all  other  attempts  upon  their  religion, 
rights,  and  liberties,  the  said  lords  spiritual  and  temporal, 
and  commons  assembled  at  Westminster,  do  resolve  that 
William  and  Mary,  prince  and  princess  of  Orange,  be  and 

1  Here  follows  a  statement  of  the  rights  of  the  people  and  their 
representatives  as  against  the  usurpations  of  James  II,  enumerated  at 
the  opening  of  the  document. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         263 


be  declared  king  and  queen  of  England,  France,1  and  Ire- 
land, and  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging,  to  hold  the 
crown  and  royal  dignity  of  the  said  kingdoms  and  dominions 
to  them  the  said  prince  and  princess  during  their  lives  and 
the  life  of  the  survivor  of  them ;  .  .  .  and  that  the  oaths 
hereafter  mentioned  be  taken  by  all  persons  of  whom  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy  might  be  required  by 
law.  ....  * 

I,  A.  B.,  do  swear  that  I  do  from  my  heart  abhor,  detest, 
and  abjure,  as  impious  and  heretical,  this  damnable  doctrine 
and  position  that  princes  excommunicated  or  deprived  by 
the  pope,  or  any  authority  of  the  see  of  Rome,  may  be 
deposed  or  murdered  by  their  subjects,  or  any  other  what- 
soever. And  I  do  declare  that  no  foreign  prince,  person, 
prelate,  state,  or  potentate  has,  or  ought  to  have,  any  juris- 
diction, power,  superiority,  preeminence,  or  authority,  eccle- 
siastical or  spiritual,  within  this  realm.     So  help  me  God. 

Upon  which  their  said  Majesties  did  accept  the  crown 
and  royal  dignity  of  the  kingdoms  of  England,  France,  and 
Ireland,  and  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging,  according 
to  the  resolution  and  desire  of  the  said  lords  and  commons 
contained  in  the  said  declaration.   .   .  . 

And  whereas,  it  hath  been  found  by  experience  that  it  is    Exclusion  of 
inconsistent  with  the  safety  and  welfare  of  this  Protestant    Catholics 
kingdom  to  be  governed  by  a  popish  prince  or  by  any  king    throne. 
or  queen   marrying   a   papist,  the  said   lords  spiritual  and 
temporal,    and   commons,  do   further   pray  that   it   may  be 
enacted  that  all  and  every  person  and  persons  that  is,  are, 
or  shall  be  reconciled  to,  or  shall  hold  communion  with,  the 
see  or  Church  of  Rome,  or  shall  profess  the  popish  religion, 
or  shall   marry  a  papist,    shall    be    excluded    and    be   for- 
ever incapable  to  inherit,  possess,  or  enjoy  the  crown  and 
government  of  this  realm.   .  .   . 

1  The  English  kings  continued  to  include  their  long-lost  French  pos- 
sessions in  the  list  of  their  domains. 


264 


Readings  ill  European  History 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


The  Opening  of  the  Constitutional  Struggle  under  James  I :  Green, 
Short  History  of  the  English  People,  Chapter  VIII,  sect.  2  ;  Andrews, 
History  of  England,  pp.  329-343  ;  Cheyney,  A  Short  History  of  Eng- 
land, pp.  383-410  ;  Terry,  History  of  England,  pp.  618-642  ;  Kendall, 
Source  Book  of  English  History,  pp.  209-2 1 9 ;  Lee,  Source  Book  of  Eng- 
lish Histojy,  pp.  335-347  ;  Colby,  Selections  front  the  Sources  of  English 
History,  pp.  1 81-184. 

The  Petition  of  Right :  Green,  Chapter  VIII,  sect.  3  ;  Cheyney, 
pp.  410-418;    Terry,   pp.   642-650;    Lee,   pp.    348-352;   Andrews, 

PP-  343-348. 

Personal  Government  of  Charles  I :  Green,  Chapter  VIII,  sect.  5  ; 
Andrews,  pp.  348-354;  Cheyney,  pp.  418-429;  Terry,  pp.  650- 
668;  Colby,  pp.  188-193. 

The  Puritans  :  Green,  Chapter  VIII,  sect.  1 ;  Andrews,  pp.  319- 
323;  Kendall,  pp.  225-227. 

The  Work  of  the  Long  Parliament :  Green,  Chapter  VIII,  sect.  6 ; 
Andrews,  pp.  354-359  ;  Cheyney,  pp.  431-442  ;  Terry,  pp.  669-680; 
Kendall,  pp.  232-240. 

The  Civil  War  and  Death  of  Charles  I :  Green,  Chapter  VIII, 
sect.  7;  Andrews,  pp.  359-369;  Cheyney,  pp.  442-453;  Terry, 
pp.  681-704  ;  Kendall,  pp.  240-250;  Colby,  pp.  193-195. 

Commonwealth  and  Protectorate :  Green,  Chapter  VIII,  sects.  9 
and    10;   Andrews,  pp.   369-382;   Cheyney,  pp.  453-465;   Terry, 

pp.  705-74I- 

The  Restoration  and  Ecclesiastical  Settlement:  Green,  Chapter 
IX,  sect.  2;  Andrews,  pp.  381-387  ;  Cheyney,  pp.  466-478;  Terry, 
pp.  742-759;  Kendall,  pp.  265-267;  Colby,  pp.  203-205. 

Constitutional  Struggle  under  James  II :  Green,  Chapter  IX,  sect.  6; 
Andrews,  pp.  398-403  ;  Cheyney,  pp.  498-515  ;  Terry,  pp.  782-804  ; 
Kendall,  pp.  284-289  ;  Colby,  pp.  214-218. 

Revolution  of  1688:  Green,  Chapter  IX,  sect.  7;  Andrews, 
pp.  404-412;  Kendall,  pp.  289-297;  Colby,  pp.  219-223. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 

English. 


Gardiner,  The  First  Two  Stuarts  and  The  Puritan  Revolution;  Airy, 
The  English  Restoration  and  Louis  XIV  to  i68g  ;  Hale,  Fall  of  the 
Stuarts  and  Western  Europe.  These  little  volumes  in  the  Epochs  of 
Modern  History  Series  form  a  valuable  short  history  of  the  Stuart 
period,  with  full  reference  to  foreign  affairs. 


Struggle  for  Constitutional  Government         265 

Gooch,  History  of  English  Democratic  Ideas  in  the  Seventeenth  Cen- 
tury, and  Figgis,  The  Theory  of  the  Divine  Right  of  R~ings,  are  useful 
summaries  of  opposing  political  theories. 

Firth,  Cromwell,  1900  (Heroes  of  the  Nations  Series).  The  most 
scholarly  short  life  of  Cromwell.  The  lives  of  Cromwell  by  Harrison, 
Morley,  and  Roosevelt  are  sympathetic  apologies,  but  are  worth 
reading. 

Taylor,  England  under  Charles  II,  1660-1678,  in  English  History 
by  Contemporary  Writers,  edited  by  Professor  F.  York  Powell ;  Figgis, 
English  History  Illustrated  from  Original  Sources,  1660-iyij  (1902),  in 
the  series  edited  by  Warner.  Two  small  source  books  containing  a 
variety  of  illustrative  materials. 

Hutton,  The  English  Church  fro?n  the  Accession  of  Charles  I  to  the 
Death  of  Anne,  1903.  A  scholarly  work,  with  useful  bibliographies 
attached  to  each  chapter. 

For  the  lives  of  Pym,  Hampden,  Laud,  Strafford,  and  other  great  men 
of  the  time,  the  student  should  consult  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,  which  gives  extensive  bibliographies. 


The  fullest  and  most  judicial  account  of  the  first  half  of  the  seven-    C.  Materials 
teenth  century  is  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  the  late  S.  R.  Gardiner  :   for  advanced 
History  of  England  from  the  Accession  of  fames  I  to  the  Outbreak  of  the    siudy- 
Civil  War,  10  vols.,  1900  ;  History  of  the   Great  Civil  War,  1642-1649, 
4  vols.,  1897-1898  ;  History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  1649— 
i6j6,  3  vols. 

Ranke,  History  of  England,  Principally  in  the  Seventeenth  Century, 
6  vols.,  1S75.  Especially  valuable  for  foreign,  Scotch,  and  Irish  rela- 
tions. Volume  VI  contains  a  criticism  of  some  important  sources  and 
a  number  of  illustrative  extracts. 

Shaw,  A  History  of  the  English  Church  during  the  Civil  War  and    Religious 
the  Commonwealth,  1640-1661,  2  vols.,  1900.    A  sympathetic  but  schol-    history, 
arly  account.    Masson,  The  Life  of  John  Milton,  6  vols.,  1858  sqq.    The 
Catholic  point  of  view  is  fairly  represented  in  Lingard's  History  of 
England. 

Gardiner,  Cromwell s  Place  in  History,  1896,  and  Cromwell,  1901,    Cromwellian 
contain  the  mature  views  of  the  author.    Carlyle  edited  in  his  inimitable    materials, 
fashion  the  letters  and  speeches  of  Cromwell.    New  edition  by  Lomas, 
with   an    introduction    by    Professor  Firth,    3   vols.,    1904.    Stainer, 
Speeches  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  1644-1658.    Critical  and  exhaustive.  „      ,       . 

Prothero,  Statutes  and  Constitutional  Documents,  1559-1625  ;  Gar-     lections  of 
DINER,  Constitutional  Documents  of  the  Puritan  Revolutioti,  edition  of    sources. 


266 


Readings  in  European  History 


Great  col- 
lections of 
sources. 


1899;  Robertson,  Select  Statutes,  Cases,  and  Documents,  1660-1832, 
1904.  These  three  volumes  contain  the  leading  documents  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  and  are  indispensable  for  the  student  of  constitutional 
history. 

In  addition  to  the  statutes  and  calendars  mentioned  above,  p.  155, 
there  are  several  large  collections  of  materials,  of  which  the  following 
are  the  most  important. 

Rushworth,  Historical  Collectio?i,  3  vols.,  7  parts,  1659.  Contains 
leading  documents  and  speeches,  supplemented  by  notes  by  the  editor,  a 
barrister  in  the  employ  of  the  Long  Parliament. 

Thurloe,  A  Collection  of  the  State  Papers  of  John  Thurloe,  edited 
by  Birch,  7  vols.,  1742.  Contains  letters,  dispatches,  and  a  variety  of 
papers  interspersed  with  comments  by  Thurloe,  secretary  to  the  Council 
of  State  and  the  two  Protectors. 

SCOBELL,  Collection  of  Acts  and  Ordinances  (1640-1656),  2  vols.,  1658. 
Indispensable  for  the  official  acts  of  the  revolutionary  period. 

Cobbett,  Parliametitary  History  of  England,  36  vols.  The  first  five 
volumes  contain  a  record  of  parliamentary  proceedings  during  the  seven- 
teenth century. 

Clarke  Papers,  4  vols.,  Camden  Society.  Edited  with  a  remarkable 
introduction  by  Professor  Firth.  Of  special  importance  for  the  political 
doings  of  the  leaders  of  the  army  at  the  most  critical  period. 


Diaries,  me- 
moirs, and 
histories. 


The  chronicle  has  now  practically  disappeared  as  a  source,  and  its 
place  has  been  taken  by  innumerable  diaries,  memoirs,  histories,  trac- 
tates, and  private  papers.    The  pamphlets  number  tens  of  thousands. 

Clarendon,  The  History  of  the  Rebellion  and  Civil  Wars  in  Eng- 
land, edited  by  Macray,  6  vols.,  1888.  A  monumental  work  by  the 
famous  royalist.  Contains  full  accounts  of  the  important  events  and 
striking  characterizations  of  contemporaries,  but  is  marred  by  bitter 
partisanship. 

Ludlow  (i6iy(?)-i6g^),  Memoirs,  2  vols.,  1894,  edited  by  Firth.  A 
valuable  work  by  a  strong  sympathizer  with  the  republicans  and  levelers. 
Often  heavy  and  sometimes  inaccurate. 

Wallington  (1 598-1658),  Historical  Notices,  2  vols.,  1869,  edited 
by  Webb.  Valuable  largely  for  the  insight  afforded  into  the  mental 
attitude  of  a  lower-class  Puritan. 

Hutchinson,  Life  of  Colonel  Hutchi?ison,  2  vols.,  edited  by  Firth. 
A  remarkable  account  of  a  cultured  Puritan. 

Evelyn  (1620-1706),  Diary  and  Correspondence,  edited  by  Bray  and 
Wheatley,  4  vols.,  1879.  Interesting  glimpses  of  many  aspects  of  English 
life,  by  a  versatile  royalist. 


Struggle  for  Co7istitutional  Government         267 

Pepys  (1633-1703),  Diary,  fullest  edition  by  Wheatley,  8  vols., 
1893  sqq.  Covers  ten  years,  1659-1669.  Entertaining  tales  by  a  con- 
vivial but  efficient  public  official. 

Burnet  (1643-17 15),  History  of  My  Own  Time,  edited  by  Airy, 
2  vols.,  with  a  supplementary  volume,  1897.  Though  colored  by  Whig 
sympathies,  this  is  an  honest  work.  The  character  sketches  are  inter- 
esting and  valuable. 

The  Works  of  Sir  William  Te?nple,  4  vols.,  1757.  Useful  for  English 
and  foreign  affairs  during  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

Valuable  material  is  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  James  I  and  Charles  I.1 
The  advanced  student  should  also  be  familiar  with  the  extensive  publi- 
cations of  the  Camden  Society,  the  Fairfax,  Marchmont,  Shaftesbury, 
Shrewsbury,  and  Clarendon  papers  and  correspondence,  Carte's  collec- 
tion of  letters,  Maseres'  Select  Tracts,  Howell's  State  Trials,  and  the 
Harleian  Miscellany. 

1  The  Eikon  Basilike,  a  small  book  which  appeared  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Charles  I  and  purported  to  be  from  his  pen,  was  really  written  by  Dr.  Gauden. 
It  was  accepted  as  authentic  and  ran  through  innumerable  editions.  Pretending 
to  reveal  the  profound  spiritual  nature  of  the  king,  it  did  much  to  establish  the 
conception  of  Charles  I  as  a  martyr  to  Puritan  brutality.  See  Gardiner, 
History  of  the  Great  Civil  War,  Vol.  IV,  p.  325. 


CHAPTER   XXXI 

THE  ASCENDENCY  OF  FRANCE  UNDER  LOUIS  XIV 

I.   Richelieu  and  his  Policy  of  strengthening 

the  Kingship 

Richelieu  was  evidently  very  desirous  to  leave  to  pos- 
terity a  full  account  of  his  deeds  and  a  complete  justifica- 
tion of  his  policy.  He  undertook  to  collect  material  for 
an  elaborate  history  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIII,  but  fear- 
ing that  his  frail  constitution  would  never  permit  him 
to  complete  the  work,  he  conceived  it  to  be  his  duty 
to  leave  some  statement,  at  least  of  the  most  needed  re- 
forms, as  a  guide  for  the  king  when  his  minister  should 
be  dead.  In  this  way  Richelieu's  famous  "  Political  Tes- 
tament "  originated.    It  opens  as  follows  : 

332.  Riche-  At  the  time  when  your  Majesty  resolved  to 'admit  me 
lieu's  ac-  both  to  your  council  and  to  an  important  place  in  your  con- 
condition  0/  ndence  for  the  direction  of  your  affairs,  I  may  say  that  the 
France  when  Huguenots  shared  the  state  with  you;  that  the  nobles  con- 
he  became  ducted  themselves  as  if  they  were  not  your  subjects,  and  the 
in  1624.  most  powerful  governors  of  the  provinces  as  if  they  were 

sovereign  in  their  offices. 

I  may  say  that  the  bad  example  of  all  of  these  was  so 
injurious  to  this  realm  that  even  the  best  regulated  parle- 
ments 1  were  affected  by  it,  and  endeavored,  in  certain  cases, 
to  diminish  your  royal  authority  as  far  as  they  were  able  in 
order  to  stretch  their  own  powers  beyond  the  limits  of  reason. 
I  may  say  that  every  one  measured  his  own  merit  by  his 
audacity ;  that  in  place  of  estimating  the  benefits  which  they 

1  The  higher  law  courts. 
268 


The  Asceniency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    269 

received  from  your  Majesty  at  their  proper  worth,  all  valued 
them  only  in  so  far  as  they  satisfied  the  extravagant  demands 
of  their  imagination ;  that  the  most  arrogant  were  held  to  be 
the  wisest,  and  found  themselves  the  most  prosperous. 

I  may  also  say  that  the  foreign  alliances  were  unfortunate, 
individual  interests  being  preferred  to  those  of  the  public ; 
in  a  word,  the  dignity  of  the  royal  majesty  was  so  disparaged, 
and  so  different  from  what  it  should  be,  owing  to  the  mal- 
feasance of  those  who  conducted  your  affairs,  that  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  perceive  its  existence. 

It  was  impossible,  without  losing  all,  to  tolerate  longer 
the  conduct  of  those  to  whom  your  Majesty  had  intrusted 
the  helm  of  state ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  everything  could 
not  be  changed  at  once  without  violating  the  laws  of  pru- 
dence, which  do  not  permit  the  abrupt  passing  from  one 
extreme  to  another. 

The  sad  state  of  your  affairs  seemed  to  force  you  to  hasty 
decisions,  without  permitting  a  choice  of  time  or  of  means ; 
and  yet  it  was  necessary  to  make  a  choice  of  both,  in  order 
to  profit  by  the  change  which  necessity  demanded  from  your 
prudence. 

Thoughtful  observers  did  not  think  that  it  would  be  pos- 
sible to  escape  all  the  rocks  in  so  tempestuous  a  period ; 
the  court  was  full  of  people  who  censured  the  temerity ^of 
those  who  wished  to  undertake  a  reform ;  all  well  knew  that 
princes  are  quick  to  impute  to  those  who  are  near  them  the 
bad  outcome  of  the  undertakings  upon  which  they  have  been 
well  advised;  few  people  consequently  expected  good  results 
from  the  change  which  it  was  announced  that  I  wished  to 
make,  and  many  believed  my  fall  assured  even  before  your 
Majesty  had  elevated  me. 

Notwithstanding  these  difficulties  which  I  represented  to 
your  Majesty,  knowing  how  much  kings  may  do  when  they 
make  good  use  of  their  power,  I  ventured  to  promise  you, 
with  confidence,  that  you  would  soon  get  control  of  your 
state,  and  that  in  a  short  time  your  prudence,  your  cour- 
age, and  the  benediction  of  God  would  give  a  new  aspect  to 
the  realm. 


270 


Readings  in  European  History 


333.  Edict 
of  1626 
ordering  the 
demolition  of 
the  feudal 
castles  in 
France. 


I  promised  your  Majesty  to  employ  all  my  industry  and 
all  the  authority  which  it  should  please  you  to  give  me  to 
ruin  the  Huguenot  party,  to  abase  the  pride  of  the  nobles, 
to  bring  back  all  your  subjects  to  their  duty,  and  to  ele- 
vate your  name  among  foreign  nations  to  the  point  where  it 
belongs. 

Two  years  after  Richelieu  became  minister  the  king 
issued  an  edict  ordering  the  destruction  of  all  the  for- 
tresses in  the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  in  which  the 
unruly  nobles  had  been  wont  to  defy  the  royal  power. 

Whereas  formerly  the  assemblies  of  the  estates  of  this 
realm  and  those  of  notable  persons  chosen  to  give  ativice 
to  ourselves,  and  to  the  late  king,  our  very  honorable  lord 
and  father,  on  important  affairs  of  this  realm,  and  likewise 
the  assembly  of  the  estates  of  the  province  of  Brittany  held 
by  us  in  the  year  16 14,  have  repeatedly  requested  and  very 
humbly  supplicated  our  said  lord  and  father  and  ourselves 
to  cause  the  demolition  of  many  strongholds  in  divers  places 
of  this  realm,  which,  being  neither  on  hostile  frontiers  nor 
in  important  passes  or  places,  only  serve  to  augment  our 
expenses  by  the  maintenance  of  useless  garrisons,  and  also 
serve  as  retreats  for  divers  persons  who  on  the  least  provoca- 
tion disturb  the  provinces  where  they  are  located ;  .  .  . 

For  these  reasons,  we  announce,  declare,  ordain,  and  will 
that  all  the  strongholds,  either  towns  or  castles,  which  are 
in  the  interior  of  our  realm  or  provinces  of  the  same,  not 
situated  in  places  of  importance  either  for  frontier  defense 
or  other  considerations  of  weight,  shall  be  razed  and  demol- 
ished ;  even  ancient  walls  shall  be  destroyed  so  far  as  it 
shall  be  deemed  necessary  for  the  well-being  and  repose  of 
our  subjects  and  the  security  of  this  state,  so  that  our  said 
subjects  henceforth  need  not  fear  that  the  said  places  will 
cause  them  any  inconvenience,  and  so  that  we  shall  be  freed 
from  the  expense  of  supporting  garrisons  in  them. 

Richelieu  was  much  interested  in  the  encouragement 
of  science,  art,  and  literature.    The  French  Academy, 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    271 


which  he  induced  the  king  to  establish  by  the  following 
order,  had  begun  with  the  informal  conference  of  a  few 
men  of  letters,  who  met  at  one  another's  houses. 

When  God  called  us  to  the  headship  of  the  state  we 
cherished  the  purpose  not  only  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
disorders  caused  by  the  civil  wars  which  had  so  long  dis- 
tracted the  realm,  but  we  also  aimed  to  adorn  the  state  with 
all  the  ornaments  appropriate  to  the  oldest  and  most  illus- 
trious of  existing  monarchies.  Although  we  have  labored 
without  intermission  to  realize  this  purpose,  it  has  been 
impossible  hitherto  fully  to  accomplish  it.  .  .  .  [But  now] 
the  confusion  has  at  last  given  way  to  good  order,  which  we 
have  reestablished  by  the  best  of  all  means,  namely,  by 
reviving  commerce,  enforcing  military  discipline  in  our 
armies,  adjusting  the  taxes,  and  checking  luxury.  Every 
one  is  aware  of  the  part  that  our  very  dear  and  beloved 
cousin,1  the  cardinal,  duke  of  Richelieu,  has  had  in  the 
accomplishment  of  all  these  things. 

Consequently  when  we  communicated  our  intention  to 
him,  he  represented  to  us  that  one  of  the  most  glorious 
proofs  of  the  happiness  of  a  realm  is  that  the  sciences  and 
arts  nourish  within  it,  and  that  letters  as  well  as  arms  are 
held  in  esteem,  since  these  constitute  one  of  the  chief  orna- 
ments of  a  powerful  state ;  that,  after  so  many  memorable 
exploits,  we  had  now  only  to  add  the  agreeable  to  the 
essential,  and  to  adorn  the  useful.  He  believed  that  we 
could  not  do  better  than  to  commence  with  the  most  noble 
of  all  arts,  namely,  eloquence.  The  French  language,  which 
has  suffered  much  hitherto  from  neglect  on  the  part  of  those 
who  might  have  rendered  it  the  most  perfect  of  modern 
tongues,  is  now  more  capable  than  ever  of  taking  its  high 
place,  owing  to  the  great  number  of  persons  who  possess  a 
special  knowledge  of  the  advantages  which  it  enjoys  and  who 
can  augment  these  advantages.  The  cardinal  informed  us 
that,  with  a  view  of  establishing  fixed  rules  for  the  language, 

1  A  term  of  respect  generally  reserved  by  the  French  kings  for  their 
fellow  monarchs  and  roval  relatives. 


334.  Letters 
patent 
establishing 
the  French 
Academy 
in  1635. 


Importance 
of  cultivating 
the  French 
language. 


272  Readings  in  European  History 

he  had  arranged  meetings  of  scholars  whose  decisions  in 
these  matters  had  met  with  his  hearty  approval,  and  that 
in  order  to  put  these  decisions  into  execution  and  render 
the  French  language  not  only  elegant  but  capable  of  treating 
all  the  arts  and  sciences,  it  would  only  be  necessary  to  per- 
petuate these  gatherings.  This  could  be  done  with  great 
advantage  should  it  please  us  to  sanction  them,  to  permit 
rules  and  regulations  to  be  drawn  up  for  the  order  of  pro- 
cedure to  be  observed,  and  to  reward  those  who  compose  the 
association  by  some  honorable  marks  of  our  favor. 

For  these  reasons,  and  in  view  of  the  advantages  which 
our  subjects  may  derive  from  the  said  meetings,  acceding 
to  the  desires  of  our  said  cousin  : 

We  do  permit,  by  our  special  favor,  power,  and  royal 
authority,  and  do  authorize  and  approve  by  these  presents, 
signed  by  our  hand,  the  said  assemblies  and  conferences. 
We  will  that  they  continue  hereafter  in  our  good  city  of 
Paris,  under  the  name  of  the  French  Academy ;  that  our  said 
cousin  shall  be  designated  as  its  head  and  protector  ;  that 
the  number  of  members  be  limited  to  forty  persons.  .  .  . 

II.   Kings  "  by  the  Grace  of  God  " 

It  is  especially  difficult  with  our  modern  democratic 
notions  to  understand  the  views  and  sentiments  of  those 
who  have  regarded  obedience  to  the  king,  however  per- 
verse and  licentious  he  might  be,  as  a  sacred  obligation. 
Nowhere  is  the  divine  nature  of  the  kingly  power  set 
forth  with  more  eloquence  and  ardor  than  in  the  work  of 
the  distinguished  prelate,  orator,  and  theologian,  Bossuet, 
whom  Louis  XIV  chose  as  the  preceptor  of  his  son,  the 
dauphin  (1670-168 1).  His  treatise  on  Politics  drazvn 
from  the  Very  Words  of  Holy  Scripture  was  prepared 
with  a  view  of  giving  the  heir  to  the  French  throne  a 
proper  idea  both  of  his  lofty  position  and  of  his  heavy 
responsibilities.    No    one    can  read  this  work  without 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    273 


335.  Ex- 
tracts from 
Bossuet's 
work  on 
kingship. 


being  profoundly  impressed  with  the  irresistible  appeal 
which  kingship,  as  Bossuet  represents  it,  must  make  to 
a  mind  that  looked  to  the  Scriptures  for  its  theories  of 

government. 

The  essential  characteristics  of  royalty,  Bossuet  ex- 
plains, are,  first,  that  it  is  sacred;  second,  paternal; 
third,  absolute  ;  and  fourth,  subject  to  reason.  He  then 
continues  as  follows  : 

We  have  already  seen  that  all  power  is  of  God.1  The 
ruler,  adds  St.  Paul,  "  is  the  minister  of  God  to  thee  for 
good'.  But  if  thou  do  that  which  is  evil,  be  afraid ;  for  he 
beareth  not  the  sword  in  vain  :  for  he  is  the  minister  of  God, 
a  revenger  to  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doeth  evil." 
Rulers  then  act  as  the  ministers  of  God  and  as  his  lieutenants 
on  earth.  It  is  through  them  that  God  exercises  his  empire. 
Think  ye  "to  withstand  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  in  the 
hand  of  the  sons  of  David"?3  Consequently,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  royal  throne  is  not  the  throne  of  a  man,  but  the 
throne  of  God  himself.  The  Lord  "hath  chosen  Solomon 
my  son  to  sit  upon  the  throne  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord 
over  Israel."4    And  again,  "Solomon  sat  on  the  throne  of 

the  Lord."  5 

Moreover,  that  no  one  may  assume  that  the  Israelites  Cingship 
were  peculiar  in  having  kings  over  them  who  were  estab- 
lished by  God,  note  what  is  said  in  Ecclesiasticus  :  "  God 
has  given  to  every  people  its  ruler,  and  Israel  is  manifestly 
reserved  to  him."6  He  therefore  governs  all  peoples  and 
gives  them  their  kings,  although  he  governed  Israel  in  a 
more  intimate  and  obvious  manner. 

1  Referring  to  St. Paul's  words  (Romans  xiii.  1,  2):  "Let  every  soul 
be  subject  unto  the  higher  powers.  For  there  is  no  power  but  of  God : 
the  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God.  Whosoever  therefore  resisteth 
the  power,  resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God :  and  they  that  resist  shall 
receive  to  themselves  damnation." 

2  See  Rom.  xiii.  1-7.  5  J  Chron.  xxix.  23. 

3  2  Chron.  xiii.  8.  6  Ecclesiasticus  xvii.  14,  15. 

4  1  Chron.  xxviii.  5. 


a  divine 
institution 


274 


Readings  in  European  History 


Warning  to 
kings  to  ex- 
ercise their 
power  in  the 
fear  of  the 
Lord.  * 


It  appears  from  all  this  that  the  person  of  the  king 
is  sacred,  and  that  to  attack  him  in  any  way  is  sacri- 
lege. God  has  the  kings  anointed  by  his  prophets  with  the 
holy  unction  in  like  manner  as  he  has  bishops  and  altars 
anointed.  But  even  without  the  external  application  in  thus 
being  anointed,  they  are  by  their  very  office  the  represent- 
atives of  the  divine  majesty  deputed  by  Providence  for 
the  execution  of  his  purposes.  Accordingly  God  calls  Cyrus 
his  anointed.  "Thus  saith  the  Lord  to  his  anointed,  to  Cyrus, 
whose  right  hand  I  have  holden,  to  subdue  nations  before 
him.''1  .  .  .  Kings  should  be  guarded  as  holy  things,  and 
whosoever  neglects  to  protect  them  is  worthy  of  death.  .  .  . 

There  is  something  religious  in  the  respect  accorded  to  a 
prince.  The  service  of  God  and  the  respect  for  kings  are 
bound  together.  St.  Peter  unites  these  two  duties  when  he 
says,  "  Fear  God.    Honour  the  king."  2  .  .  . 

^iit  kings,  although  their  power  comes  from  on  high,  as 
has  been  said,  should  not  regard  themselves  as  masters  of 
that  power  to  use  it  at  their  pleasure  ;  .  .  .  they  must  employ 
it  with  fear  and  self-restraint,  as  a  thing  coming  from  God 
and  of  which  God  will  demand  an  account.  "  Hear,  O  kings, 
and  take  heed,  understand,  judges  of  the  earth,  lend  your 
ears,  ye  who  hold  the  peoples  under  your  sway,  and  delight 
to  see  the  multitude  that  surround  you.  It  is  God  who  gives 
you  the  power.  Your  strength  comes  from  the  Most  High, 
who  will  question  your  works  and  penetrate  the  depths  of 
your  thoughts,  for,  being  -ministers  of  his  kingdom,  ye  have 
not  given  righteous  judgments  nor  have  ye  walked  according 
to  his  will.  He  will  straightway  appear  to  you  in  a  terrible 
manner,  for  to  those  who  command  is  the  heaviest  punish- 
ment reserved.  The  humble  and  the  weak  shall  receive 
mercy,  but  the  mighty  shall  be  mightily  tormented.  For  God 
fears  not  the  power  of  any  one,  because  he  made  both  great 
and  small  and  he  has  care  for  both."j^  .  . 

Kings  should  tremble  then  as  they  use  the  power  God 
has  granted  them  ;  and  let  them  think  how  horrible  is  the 


1  Isa.  xlv.  i. 


i  Pet.  ii.  17. 


3  Book  of  Wisdom  vi.  2  sqq. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    275 

sacrilege  if  they  use  for  evil  a  power  which  comes  from  God. 
We  behold  kings  seated  upon  the  throne  of  the  Lord,  bear- 
ing in  their  hand  the  sword  which  God  himself  has  given 
them.  What  profanation,  what  arrogance,  for  the  unjust  king 
to  sit  on  God's  throne  to  render  decrees  contrary  to  his  laws 
and  to  use  the  sword  which  God  has  put  in  his  hand  for 
deeds  of  violence  and  to  slay  his  children !  .  .  . 

''The  royal  power  is  absolute.    With  the  aim  of  making  this    The  royal 
truth  hateful  and  insufferable,  many  writers  have  tried  to    Pow^r  1S 

•  1  1  •  absolute 

confound  absolute  government  with  arbitrary  government. 
But  no  two  things  could  be  more  unlike,  as  we  shall  show 
when  we  come  to  speak  of  justice. 

The  prince  need  render  account  of  his  acts  to  no  one. 
"I  counsel  thee  to  keep  the  king's  commandment,  and  that 
in  regard  of  the  oath  of  God.  Be  not  hasty  to  go  out  of  his 
sight :  stand  not  on  an  evil  thing  for  he  doeth  whatsoever 
pleaseth  him.  Where  the  word  of  a  king  is,  there  is  power : 
and  who  may  say  unto  him,  What  doest  thou  ?  Whoso 
keepeth  the  commandment  shall  feel  no  evil  thing."  *  With- 
out this  absolute  authority  the  king  could  neither  do  good 
nor  repress  evil.  It  is  necessary  that  his  power  be  such  that 
no  one  can  hope  to  escape  him,  and,  finally,  the  only  pro- 
tection of  individuals  against  the  public  authority  should 
be  their  innocence.  This  conforms  with  the  teaching  of 
St.  Paul :  "  Wilt  thou  then  not  be  afraid  of  the  power  ?  do 
that  which  is  good."^ 

I  do  not  call  majesty  that  pomp  which  surrounds  kings    The  real 
or   that    exterior   magnificence    which    dazzles    the  vulgar.    g;andeuro1 
That  is  but  the  reflection  of  majesty  and  not  majesty  itself. 
Majesty  is  the  image  of  the  grandeur  of  God  in  the  prince. 
/God  is  infinite,  God  is  all.    The  prince,  as  prince,  is  not    The  whole 
*"   regarded  as  a  private  person :  he  is  a  public  personage,  all    j^PJj1^ 
the  state  is  in  him  ;  the  will  of  all  the  people  is  included  in    the  prince. 
his.    As  all  perfection  and  all  strength  are  united  in  God, 
so  all  the  power  of  individuals  is  united  in  the  person  of  the 
prince.    What  grandeur  that  a  single  man  should  embody  so 
much !/ 

1  Ecclesiasticus  viii.  2-5.  2  Rom.  xiii.  3. 


276 


Readings  in  European  History 


Summary. 


Yet  kings  are 
but  mortal, 


The  power  of  God  makes  itself  felt  in  a  moment  from  one 
extremity  of  the  earth  to  another.  Royal  power  works  at  the 
same  time  throughout  all  the  realm.  It  holds  all  the  realm 
in  position,  as  God  holds  the  earth.  Should  God  withdraw 
his  hand,  the  earth  would  fall  to  pieces ;  should  the  king's 
authority  cease  in  the  realm,  all  would  be  in  confusion. 

Look  at  the  prince  in  his  cabinet.  Thence  go  out  the 
orders  which  cause  the  magistrates  and  the  captains,  the 
citizens  and  the  soldiers,  the  provinces  and  the  armies  on 
land  and  on  sea,  to  work  in  concert.  He  is  the  image  of 
God,  who,  seated  on  his  throne  high  in  the  heavens,  makes 
all  nature  move.  .  .  . 

Finally,  let  us  put  together  the  things  so  great  and  so 
v  august  which  we  have  said  about  royal  authority.  Behold 
an  immense  people  united  in  a  single  person ;  behold  this 
holy  power,  paternal  and  absolute ;  behold  the  secret  cause 
which  governs  the  whole  body  of  the  state,  contained  in  a 
single  head :  you  see  the  image  of  God  in  the  king,  and  you 
have  the  idea  of  royal  majesty.  God  is  holiness  itself,  good- 
ness itself,  and  power  itself.  In  these  things  lies  the  majesty 
of  God.  In  the  image  of  these  things  lies  the  majesty  of  the 
prince. 

So  great  is  this  majesty  that  it  cannot  reside  in  the  prince 
as  in  its  source;  it  is  borrowed  from  God,  who  gives  it  to 
him  for  the  good  of  the  people,  for  whom  it  is  good  to  be 
checked  by  a  superior  force.  Something  of  divinity  itself  is 
attached  to  princes  and  inspires  fear  in  the  people.  The 
king  should  not  forget  this.  "  I  have  said,"  —  it  is  God  who 
speaks,  —  "I  have  said,  Ye  are  gods;  and  all  of  you  are 
children  of  the  Most  High.  But  ye  shall  die  like  men,  and 
fall  like  one  of  the  princes."1  "  I  have  said,  Ye  are  gods  "; 
that  is  to  say,  you  have  in  your  authority,  and  you  bear  on 
your  forehead,  a  divine  imprint.  "  You  are  the  children  of 
the  Most  High";  it  is  he  who  has  established  your  power 
for  the  good  of  mankind.  But,  O  gods  of  flesh  and  blood, 
gods  of  clay  and  dust,  "  ye  shall  die  like  men,  and  fall  like 


1  Ps.  lxxxii.  6,  7. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    277 

princes."    Grandeur  separates  men  for  a  little  time,  but  a 
common  fall  makes  them  all  equal  at  the  end. 

O  kings,  exercise  your  power  then  boldly,  for  it  is  divine 
and  salutary  for  human  kind,  but  exercise  it  with  humility. 
You  are  endowed  with  it  from  without.  At  bottom  it  leaves 
you  feeble,  it  leaves  you  mortal,  it  leaves  you  sinners,  and 
charges  you  before  God  with  a  very  heavy  account. 

III.   Colbert  and  his  Work 

The  finances  of  France  were  in  an  almost  chronic 
state  of  disorder.  It  was  financial  difficulties  which 
were  finally  to  prove  the  immediate  cause  of  the  great 
French  Revolution  in  1789.  The  picture  which  Colbert 
gives  of  the  situation  before  he  became  minister  is,  on 
the  whole,  a  fair  account  of  the  conditions  which  pre- 
vailed during  the  succeeding  century  and  which  we  find 
on  the  eve  of  the  French  Revolution. 

As  we  have  had  only  examples  of  want  and  necessity  in    336.  Col- 
our finances  since  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  it  will  be  well  to 
determine  how  it  has  come  about  that  for  so  long  a  time    financial 
there  has  not  been,  if  not  abundance,  at  least  a  tolerably    disorders 
satisfactory  income,  —  something  else  than  dearth  and  desti- 
tution, some  approximation  of  equality  between  output  and 
revenue.  .  .  . 

During  the  twenty  years  immediately  following  the  death 
of  Henry  IV,  the  superintendents  of  the  finances  either 
gorged  themselves  with  wealth,  —  all  the  other  financial 
officials  following  their  example,  —  or,  if  they  were  upright 
men,  they  did  not  have  sufficient  penetration  to  perceive 
the  abuses,  malfeasance,  thefts,  and  waste  which  went  on 
under  cover  of  their  authority,  and  even  under  their  eyes, 
so  that  the  state  was  always  in  need.  It  even  happened 
that  the  incompetency  of  the  superintendents  was  com- 
monly more  prejudicial  to  the  state  and  the  people  than  their 
personal  thefts,  seeing  that  there  never  was  a  time  when  the 


bert's  ac- 
count of  the 


27S 


Readings  in  European  History 


Premiums 
to  those  who 
advanced 
money  to  the 
government. 


superintendents  appeared  to  be  more  honest  than  from 
1616  to  1630.  .  .  . 

But  since  the  expiration  of  these  twenty  years  the  change 
in  the  character  of  the  persons  chosen  to  fill  this  post  has 
not  altered  the  fate  of  the  state ;  on  the  contrary,  the  most 
pernicious  maxims  took  root  in  their  minds  and  controlled 
their  conduct  and,  in  the  course  of  time,  assumed  such 
strength  that  they  have  come  to  be  considered  fixed  and 
unquestionable,  and  it  seems  to  be  assumed  that  they  are 
not  endangering  the  state.    These  maxims  were  : 

This  realm  can  exist  only  in  confusion  and  disorder ; 

The  secret  of  finance  consists  solely  in  making  and  un- 
making, in  bestowing  emoluments  and  new  honors  on  old 
officers,  in  creating  new  offices  of  every  kind  and  character, 
in  alienating  rights  and  sources  of  income,  withdrawing  these 
and  then  reestablishing  them  once  more  ; 

Causing  the  payment  of  taxes  on  all  kinds  of  pretexts ; 

Increasing  the  indirect  taxes  and  tallies,  alienating  rights, 
then  reducing  or  withdrawing  them  to  alienate  them  anew; 

Consuming  for  current  expenses  the  ordinary  and  extraor- 
dinary receipts  of  the  two  years  following ; 

Giving  prodigious  discounts  for  advances  in  cash,  not 
only  in  raising  exceptional  revenue,  but  even  in  the  collec- 
tion of  the  ordinary  revenue,  more  than  half  of  which  is 
consumed  by  discounts  and  interest  on  money  advanced ; 

Giving  the  opportunity  to  the  treasurers  of  the  public 
funds,  other  financial  agents,  and  farmers  of  the  revenue !  of 
making  immense  profits;  maintaining  that  the  grandeur  of 
the  state  consists  in  having  a  small  number  of  persons  who 
can  furnish  prodigious  sums  and  astonish  foreign  princes ; 

Neglecting  the  farmed  taxes  x  and  general  receipts  which 
constitute  the  ordinary  revenues,  in  order  to  apply  themselves 
actively  to  extraordinary  sources  of  income. 

All  these  pernicious  maxims  were  so  firmly  established 
that  the  most  able  and  enlightened  persons  connected  with 

1  Most  of  the  indirect  taxes  were  collected  for  the  French  govern- 
ment by  a  company  of  capitalists  called  the  "  farmers  "  of  the  revenue. 
See  below,  p.  361. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    279 


the  government  of  the  state  thought  that  in  a  matter  so  deli- 
cate it  would  be  more  dangerous  to  try  a  new  policy  than  to 
submit  to  the  existing  evils. 

It  is  not  astonishing  that  superintendents  of  finance  regu- 
lated their  conduct  by  these  maxims,  since  they  found  in 
them  two  considerable  advantages  :  the  first  was  that  in  this 
confusion  they  enjoyed  plenty  of  opportunity  to  enrich  them- 
selves and  to  make  important  gifts  to  their  relatives  and 
friends  and  to  all  the  persons  of  the  court  whose  good  offices 
they  had  need  of  in  order  to  maintain  themselves  in  all  the 
disorder;  and  the  second,  that  they  were  persuaded  that 
this  policy  rendered  their  services  necessary  and  that  no 
resolution  to  remove  them  could  be  considered. 

A  letter  addressed  by  Louis  XIV  to  the  town  officers 
and  people  of  Marseilles  in  1664,  shortly  after  Colbert 
had  become  the  financial  head  of  the  realm,  clearly  shows 
the  active  means  which  the  new  minister  proposed  to 
take  to  promote  the  material  welfare  of  France. 

Very  dear  and  well  beloved : 

Considering  how  advantageous  it  would  be  to  this  realm  to 
reestablish  its  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  ...  we  have 
resolved  to  establish  a  council  particularly  devoted  to  com- 
merce, to  be  held  every  fortnight  in  our  presence,  in  which 
all  the  interests  of  merchants  and  the  means  conducive  to 
the  revival  of  commerce  shall  be  considered  and  determined 
upon,  as  well  as  all  that  which  concerns  manufactures. 

We  also  inform  you  that  we  are  setting  apart,  in  the  ex- 
penses of  our  state,  a  million  livres  each  year  for  the  encour- 
agement of  manufactures  and  the  increase  of  navigation,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  considerable  sums  which  we  cause  to  be 
raised  to  supply  the  companies  of  the  East  and  West  Indies  ; 

That  we  are  working  constantly  to  abolish  all  the  tolls 
which  are  collected  on  the  navigable  rivers ; 

That  there  has  already  been  expended  more  than  a  million 
livres  for  the  repair  of  the  public  highways,  to  which  we 
shall  also  devote  our  constant  attention; 


337.  Com- 
mercial 
policy  of 
Colbert  as 
shown  in  a 
letter  of 
the  king's 
(August  26, 
1664). 


280  Readings  in  European  History 

That  we  will  assist  by  money  from  our  royal  treasury  all 
those  who  wish  to  reestablish  old  manufactures  or  to  under- 
take new  ones ; 

That  we  are  giving  orders  to  all  our  ambassadors  or  resi- 
dents at  the  courts  of  the  princes,  our  allies,  to  make,  in  our 
name,  all  proper  efforts  to  cause  justice  to  be  rendered  in 
all  cases  involving  our  merchants,  and  to  assure  for  them 
entire  commercial  freedom ; 

That  we  will  comfortably  lodge  at  our  court  each  and 
every  merchant  who  has  business  there  during  all  the  time 
that  he  shall  be  obliged  to  remain  there,  having  given  orders 
to  the  grand  marshal  of  our  palace  to  indicate  a  proper 
place  for  that  purpose,  which  shall  be  called  the  House  of 
Commerce ;  .  .  . 

That  all  the  merchants  and  traders  by  sea  who  purchase 
vessels,  or  who  build  new  ones,  for  traffic  or  commerce  shall 
receive  from  us  subsidies  for  each  ton  of  merchandise  which 
they  export  or  import  on  the  said  voyages. 

We  desire,  in  this  present  letter,  not  only  to  inform  you 
concerning  all  these  things,  but  to  require  you,  as  soon  as 
you  have  received  it,  to  cause  to  be  assembled  all  the  mer- 
chants and  traders  of  your  town  of  Marseilles,  and  explain 
to  them  very  particularly  our  intentions  in  all  matters  men- 
tioned above,  in  order  that,  being  informed  of  the  favorable 
treatment  which  we  desire  to  give  them,  they  may  be  the 
more  desirous  of  applying  themselves  to  commerce.  Let 
them  understand  that  for  everything  that  concerns  the  wel- 
fare and  advantage  of  the  same  they  are  to  address  them- 
selves to  Sieur  Colbert.  ... 

IV.   The  Ascendency  of  France  in   167  i 

Sir  William  Temple,  an  able  English  diplomat  and  man 
of  letters,  gives  a  striking  picture  of  the  flourishing  con- 
dition of  France  during  the  first  half  of  Louis  XIV's  reign. 

The  crown  of  France,  considered  in  the  extent  of  country, 
in  the  number  of  people,  in  the  riches  of  commodities,  in 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    281 


the  revenues  of  the  king,  the  greatness  of  the  land  forces 
now  on  foot,  and  the  growth  of  those  at  sea  (within  these 
two  years  past),  the  number  and  bravery  of  their  officers, 
the  conduct  of  their  ministers,  and  chiefly  in  the  genius  of 
their  present  king ;  a  prince  of  great  aspiring  thoughts,  un- 
wearied application  to  whatever  is  in  pursuit,  severe  in  the 
institution  and  preservation  of  order  and  discipline ;  in  the 
main  a  manager  of  his  treasure  and  yet  bountiful  from  his 
own  motions  wherever  he  intends  the  marks  of  favour  and 
discerns  particular  merit ;  to  this,  in  the  flower  of  his  age, 
at  the  head  of  all  his  armies,  and  hitherto  un foiled  in  any  of 
his  attempts  either  at  home  or  abroad  :  I  say,  considered  in 
all  these  circumstances,  France  may  appear  to  be  designed 
for  greater  achievements  in  empires  than  have  been  seen  in 
Christendom  since  that  of  Charlemagne. 

The  present  greatness  of  this  crown  maybe  chiefly  derived 
from  the  fortune  it  has  had  of  two  great  ministers  [Richelieu 
and  Mazarin]  succeeding  one  another,  between  two  great 
kings,  Henry  IV  and  this  present  prince ;  so  as  during  the 
course  of  one  unactive  life  and  of  a  long  minority  that  crown 
gained  a  great  deal  of  ground  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
instead  of  losing  it,  which  is  the  common  fate  of  kingdoms 
upon  those  occasions. 

The  latter  greatness  of  this  crown  began  in  the  time  of 
Lewis  XI  by  the  spoils  of  the  house  of  Burgundy  and  the 
divisions  of  the  princes,  which  gave  that  king  the  heart  of 
attempting  to  bring  the  government  (as  he  called  it)  hors  de 
page;  [the  monarchs]  being  before  controlled  by  their  princes, 
and  restrained  by  their  states,1  and  in  point  of  revenue  kept 
within  the  bounds  of  the  king's  desmesnes  and  the  subjects' 
voluntary  contributions. 

'Tis  not  here  necessary  to  observe  by  what  difficulties 
and  dangers  to  the  crown  this  design  of  Lewis  was  pursued 
by  many  succeeding  kings,  —  like  a  great  stone  forced  up 
a  hill,  and,  upon  every  slacking  of  either  strength  or  care, 
rolling  a  great  way  back,  often  to  the  very  bottom  of  the 


338.  Sir 
William 
Temple's 
account  of 
France 
in  1671. 


Important 
services  of 
Richelieu 
and  Mazarin 


1  I.e.  estates. 


282  Readings  in  European  History 

hill,  and  sometimes  with  the  destruction  of  those  that  forced 
it  on,  —  till  the  time  of  Cardinal  Richelieu.  It  was  in  this 
great  minister  most  to  be  admired  that,  finding  the  regency 
shaken  by  the  factions  of  so  many  great  ones  within,  and 
awed  by  the  terror  of  the  Spanish  greatness  without,  he 
durst  resolve  to  look  them  both  in  the  face,  and  begin  a  war 
by  the  course  of  which  for  so  many  years  (being  pursued  by 
Mazarin  till  the  year  1660)  the  crown  of  France  grew  to  be 
powerfully  armed ;  the  peasants  were  accustomed  to  pay- 
ments (which  could  have  seemed  necessary  only  by  a  war, 
and  which  none  but  a  successful  one  could  have  helped  to 
digest)  and  grew  heartless  as  they  grew  poor.  The  princes 
were  sometimes  satisfied  with  commands  of  the  army,  some- 
times mortified  and  suppressed  by  the  absoluteness  or  ad- 
dresses of  the  ministry.  The  most  boiling  blood  of  the 
nobility  and  gentry  was  let  out  in  so  long  a  war,  or  wasted 
with  age  and  exercise ;  at  last  it  ended  at  the  Pyrenees  in 
a  peace  and  the  match  so  advantageous  to  France  as  the 
reputation  of  them  contributed  much  to  the  authority  of  the 
young  king,  who  was  bred  up  in  the  councils  and  served  by 
the  tried  instruments  of  the  former  ministry;  but  most  of  all, 
advantaged  by  his  own  personal  qualities,  fit  to  make  him 
obeyed,  grew  absolute  master  of  the  factions  of  the  great 
men,  as  well  as  the  purses  of  his  people.  .  .  . 
The  common  If  there  were  any  certain  height  where  the  flights  of 
lot  m  France.  p0wer  an(j  ambition  used  to  end,  one  might  imagine  that 
the  interest  of  France  were  but  to  conserve  its  present 
greatness,  so  feared  by  its  neighbours  and  so  glorious  in  the 
world  ;  but  besides  that  the  motions  and  desires  of  human 
minds  are  endless,  it  may  perhaps  be  necessary  for  France 
(from  respects  within)  to  have  some  war  or  other  in  pursuit 
abroad  which  may  amuse  the  nation,  and  keep  them  from 
reflecting  upon  their  condition  at  home,  hard  and  uneasy  to 
all  but  such  as  are  in  charge  or  in  pay  from  the  court.  I  do 
not  say  miserable  (the  term  usually  given  it),  because  no 
condition  is  so  but  to  him  that  esteems  it  so ;  and  if  a  paisan 
of  France  thinks  of  no  more  than  his  coarse  bread  and 
his  onions,  his  canvass  cloaths,  and  wooden  shoes,  labours 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV    283 

contentedly  on  working  days,  and  dances  or  plays  merrily  on 
holy-days  ;  he  may,  for  aught  I  know,  live  as  well  as  a  boor 
of  Holland,  who  is  either  weary  of  his  very  ease  or  whose 
cares  of  growing  still  richer  and  richer  waste  his  life  in  toils 
on  land,  or  dangers  at  sea,  and  perhaps  fool  him  so  far  as 
to  make  him  enjoy  less  of  all  kind  in  his  riches  than  the 
other  in  his  poverty. 


V.  Louis  XIV  and  his  Court 

In  167 1,  when  Louis  XIV  decided  upon  war  with 
Holland,  he  honored  his  commander,  the  prince  of 
Conde,  by  a  visit  to  him  at  Chantilly,  where  a  grand 
fete  was  given  in  the  forest,  for  which  elaborate  prepa- 
rations were  made  by  Vatel,  the  prince  of  cooks.  The 
following  spirited  account  of  the  occasion  and  of  the 
cook's  sad  end  is  from  a  letter  of  Madame  de  Sevigne's, 
whose  charming  correspondence  with  her  daughter  and 
friends  constitutes  an  important  source  for  the  period 
and  for  the  life  at  Louis'  court. 

It  is  Sunday,  the  26th  of  April ;  this  letter  will  not  go  till 
Wednesday.  It  is  not  really  a  letter,  but  an  account,  which 
Moreuil  has  just  given  me  for  your  benefit,  of  what  happened 
at  Chantilly  concerning  Vatel.  I  wrote  you  on  Friday  that 
he  had  stabbed  himself ;  here  is  the  story  in  detail. 

The  promenade,  the  collation  in  a  spot  carpeted  with  jon- 
quils, —  all  was  going  to  perfection.  Supper  came  ;  the  roast 
failed  at  one  or  two  tables  on  account  of  a  number  of  unex- 
pected guests.  This  upset  Vatel.  He  said  several  times, 
"  My  honor  is  lost ;  this  is  a  humiliation  that  I  cannot  en- 
dure." To  Gourville  he  said,  "My  head  is  swimming;  I 
have  not  slept  for  twelve  nights ;  help  me  to  give  my 
orders."  Gourville  consoled  him  as  best  he  could,  but  the 
roast  which  had  failed,  not  at  the  king's,  but  at  the  twenty- 
fifth  table,  haunted  his  mind.  Gourville  told  Monsieur  le 
Prince  about  it,  and  Monsieur  le  Prince  went  up  to  Vatel  in 


339.  How 
Louis  and 
his  court 
were  enter- 
tained by 
the  prince 
of  Conde  at 
Chantilly 
(1671).  " 


284  Readings  in  European  History 

his  own  room  and  said  to  him,  "Vatel,  all  goes  well;  there 
never  was  anything  so  beautiful  as  the  king's  supper."  He 
answered,  "  Monseigneur,  your  goodness  overwhelms  me.  I 
know  that  the  roast  failed  at  two  tables."  "  Nothing  of  the 
sort,"  said  Monsieur  le  Prince.  "  Do  not  disturb  yourself,  — 
all  is  well." 

Midnight  comes.  The  fireworks  do  not  succeed  on  account 
of  a  cloud  that  overspreads  them  (they  cost  sixteen  thousand 
francs).  At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  Vatel  is  wandering 
about  all  over  the  place.  Everything  is  asleep.  He  meets  a 
small  purveyor  with  two  loads  of  fish  and  asks  him,  "  Is  this 
all?"  "Yes,  sir."  The  man  did  not  know  that  Vatel  had 
sent  to  all  the  seaport  towns  in  France.  Vatel  waits  some 
time,  but  the  other  purveyors  do  not  arrive  ;  he  gets  excited  ; 
he  thinks  that  there  will  be  no  more  fish.  He  finds  Gourville 
and  says  to  him,  "  Sir,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  survive  this  dis- 
grace." Gourville  only  laughs  at  him.  Then  Vatel  goes  up 
to  his  own  room,  puts  his  sword  against  the  door,  and  runs 
it  through  his  heart,  but  only  at  the  third  thrust,  for  he  gave 
himself  two  wounds  which  were  not  mortal.    He  falls  dead. 

Meanwhile  the  fish  is  coming  in  from  every  side,  and 
people  are  seeking  for  Vatel  to  distribute  it.  They  go  to 
his  room,  they  knock,  they  burst  open  the  door,  they  find 
him  lying  bathed  in  his  blood.  They  send  for  Monsieur  le 
Prince,  who  is  in  utter  despair.  Monsieur  le  Due  bursts  into 
tears  ;  it  was  upon  Vatel  that  his  whole  journey  to  Burgundy 
depended.  Monsieur  le  Prince  informed  the  king,  very  sadly  ; 
they  agreed  that  it  all  came  from  Vatel's  having  his  own 
code  of  honor,  and  they  praised  his  courage  highly  even 
while  they  blamed  him.  The  king  said  that  for  five  years  he 
had  delayed  his  coming  because  he  knew  the  extreme  trouble 
his  visit  would  cause.  He  said  to  Monsieur  le  Prince  that 
he  ought  not  to  have  but  two  tables  and  not  burden  himself 
with  the  responsibility  for  everybody,  and  that  he  would  not 
permit  Monsieur  le  Prince  to  do  so  again ;  but  it  was  too 
late  for  poor  Vatel. 

Gourville,  however,  tried  to  repair  the  loss  of  Vatel,  and 
did  repair  it.    The  dinner  was  excellent ;  so  was  the  luncheon. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  tinder  Louis  XIV    285 

They  supped,  they  walked,  they  played,  they  hunted.    The 
scent  of  jonquils  was  everywhere ;  it  was  all  enchanting. 

Saint-Simon,  the  king  of  memoir  writers,  when  seventy- 
two  years  old,  wrote  an  account  of  the  first  three  Bourbon 
kings.  The  following  passage  from  this  work  sums  up 
the  characteristics  of  Louis  XIV,  which  are  exhibited  in 
greater  detail  throughout  Saint-Simon's  famous  Memoirs. 

The  king's  great  qualities  shone  more  brilliantly  by  reason    340.  Saint 
of  an  exterior  so  unique  and  incomparable  as  to  lend  infinite    Simon's 
distinction  to  his  slightest  actions ;  the  very  figure  of  a  hero,    \on^s  xrv 
so  impregnated  with  a  natural  but  most  imposing  majesty 
that  it  appeared  even  in  his  most  insignificant  gestures  and 
movements,  without  arrogance  but  with  simple  gravity;  pro- 
portions such  as  a  sculptor  would  choose  to  model;  a  perfect 
countenance  and  the  grandest  air  and  mien  ever  vouchsafed 
to  man ;  all  these  advantages  enhanced  by  a  natural  grace 
which  enveloped  all  his  actions  with  a  singular  charm  which 
has  never  perhaps  been  equaled.    He  was  as  dignified  and 
majestic  in  his  dressing  gown  as  when  dressed  in  robes  of 
state,  or  on  horseback  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 

He  excelled  in  all  sorts  of  exercise  and  liked  to  have 
every  facility  for  it.  No  fatigue  nor  stress  of  weather  made 
any  impression  on  that  heroic  figure  and  bearing ;  drenched 
with  rain  or  snow,  pierced  with  cold,  bathed  in  sweat  or 
covered  with  dust,  he  was  always  the  same.  I  have  often 
observed  with  admiration  that  except  in  the  most  extreme 
and  exceptional  weather  nothing  prevented  his  spending 
considerable  time  out  of  doors  every  day. 

A  voice  whose  tones  corresponded  with  the  rest  of  his 
person ;  the  ability  to  speak  well  and  to  listen  with  quick 
comprehension  ;  much  reserve  of  manner  adjusted  with  ex- 
actness to  the  quality  of  different  persons  ;  a  courtesy  always 
grave,  always  dignified,  always  distinguished,  and  suited  to 
the  age,  rank,  and  sex  of  each  individual,  and,  for  the  ladies, 
always  an  air  of  natural  gallantry.  So  much  for  his  exterior, 
which  has  never  been  equaled  nor  even  approached. 


286  Readings  in  European  History 

In  whatever  did  not  concern  what  he  believed  to  be  his 
rightful  authority  and  prerogative,  he  showed  a  natural  kind- 
ness of  heart  and  a  sense  of  justice  which  made  one  regret 
the  education,  the  flatteries,  the  artifice  which  resulted  in 
preventing  him  from  being  his  real  self  except  on  the  rare 
occasions  when  he  gave  way  to  some  natural  impulse  and 
showed  that, — prerogative  aside,  which  choked  and  stifled 
everything,  —  he  loved  truth,  justice,  order,  reason,  —  that 
he  loved  even  to  let  himself  be  vanquished. 
How  Louis  Nothing  could  be  regulated  with  greater  exactitude  than 

spent  his  day.  were  his  days  and  hours.  In  spite  of  all  his  variety  of  places, 
affairs,  and  amusements,  with  an  almanac  and  a  watch  one 
might  tell,  three  hundred  leagues  away,  exactly  what  he  was 
doing.  .  .  .  Except  at  Marly,  any  man  could  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  speak  to  him  five  or  six  times  during  the  day ;  he 
listened,  and  almost  always  replied,  "  I  will  see,"  in  order 
not  to  accord  or  decide  anything  lightly.  Never  a  reply  or 
a  speech  that  would  give  pain ;  patient  to  the  last  degree 
in  business  and  in  matters  of  personal  service ;  completely 
master  of  his  face,  manner,  and  bearing  ;  never  giving  way 
to  impatience  or  anger.  If  he  administered  reproof,  it  was 
rarely,  in  few  words,  and  never  hastily.  He  did  not  lose 
control  of  himself  ten  times  in  his  whole  life,  and  then  only 
with  inferior  persons,  and  not  more  than  four  or  five  times 
seriously. 

Now  for  the  reverse  of  the  picture : 

340a.  Out-  Louis   XIV's  vanity  was  without   limit  or  restraint ;   it 

rageous  colored   everything  and   convinced  him   that  no  one  even 

the  king.  approached  him  in  military  talents,  in  plans  and  enterprises, 
in  government.  Hence  those  pictures  and  inscriptions  in 
the  gallery  at  Versailles  which  disgust  every  foreigner ;  those 
opera  prologues  that  he  himself  tried  to  sing ;  that  flood  of 
prose  and  verse  in  his  praise  for  which  his  appetite  was 
insatiable ;  those  dedications  of  statues  copied  from  pagan 
sculpture,  and  the  insipid  and  sickening  compliments  that 
were  continually  offered  to  him  in  person  and  which  he 
swallowed  with  unfailing  relish ;  hence  his  distaste  for  all 


The  Ascendency  of  Fratice  under  Louis  XIV    287 

merit,  intelligence,  education,  and,  most  of  all,  for  all  inde- 
pendence of  character  and  sentiment  in  others ;  his  mis- 
takes of  judgment  in  matters  of  importance  ;  his  familiarity 
and  favor  reserved  entirely  for  those  to  whom  he  felt  him- 
self superior  in  acquirements  and  ability ;  and,  above  every- 
thing else,  a  jealousy  of  his  own  authority  which  determined 
and  took  precedence  of  every  other  sort  of  justice,  reason, 
and  consideration  whatever. 


VI.   Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685) 

As  the  culmination  of  a  consistent  policy  of  repression, 
all  the  privileges  of  the  Protestants  were  finally  withdrawn 
by  annulling  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  France  and  Navarre,  to  all 
present  and  to  coine,  greeting : 

King  Henry  the  Great,  our  grandfather  of  glorious  memory, 
being  desirous  that  the  peace  which  he  had  procured  for  his 
subjects  after  the  grievous  losses  they  had  sustained  in  the 
course  of  domestic  and  foreign  wars,  should  not  be  troubled 
on  account  of  the  R.P.R.,1  as  had  happened  in  the  reigns  of 
the  kings,  his  predecessors,  by  his  edict,  granted  at  Nantes 
in  the  month  of  April,  1598,  regulated  the  procedure  to  be 
adopted  with  regard  to  those  of  the  said  religion,  and  the 
places  in  which  they  might  meet  for  public  worship,  estab- 
lished extraordinary  judges  to  administer  justice  to  them, 
and,  in  fine,  provided  in  particular  articles  for  whatever 
could  be  thought  necessary  for  maintaining  the  tranquillity 
of  his  kingdom  and  for  diminishing  mutual  aversion  between 
the  members  of  the  two  religions,  so  as  to  put  himself  in  a 
better  position  to  labor,  as  he  had  resolved  to  do,  for  the 
reunion  to  the  Church  of  those  who  had  so  lightly  withdrawn 
from  it. 

As  the  intention  of  the  king,  our  grandfather,  was  frus- 
trated by  his  sudden  death,  and  as  the  execution  of  the  said 

1  I.e.  Religion  pretendue  reformee,  "  the  religion  called  the  Reformed." 
See  above,  p.  184  n. 


341.  Revo- 
cation of  the 
Edict  of 
Nantes 
(October  22, 
1685). 


Objects  of 
Henry  IV  in 
granting  the 
edict. 


288 


Readings  in  Eitropean  History 


Policy  of 
Louis  XIII 
and  reduction 
of  the  privi- 
leges of  the 
Huguenots. 


Policy  of 
Louis  XIV 
himself  and 
the  alleged 
conversion  of 
the  greater 
part  of  the 
Huguenots. 


edict  was  interrupted  during  the  minority  of  the  late  king, 
our  most  honored  lord  and  father  of  glorious  memory,  by 
new  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the  adherents  of  the  said 
R.P.R.,  which  gave  occasion  for  their  being  deprived  of 
divers  advantages  accorded  to  them  by  the  said  edict ; 
nevertheless  the  king,  our  late  lord  and  father,  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  usual  clemency,  granted  them  yet  another 
edict  at  Nimes,  in  July,  1629,  by  means  of  which,  tranquillity 
being  established  anew,  the  said  late  king,  animated  by  the 
same  spirit  and  the  same  zeal  for  religion  as  the  king,  our 
said  grandfather,  had  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  this 
repose  to  attempt  to  put  his  said  pious  design  into  execu- 
tion. But  foreign  wars  having  supervened  soon  after,  so 
that  the  kingdom  was  seldom  tranquil  from  1635  to  the 
truce  concluded  in  1684  with  the  powers  of  Europe,  nothing 
more  could  be  done  for  the  advantage  of  religion  beyond 
diminishing  the  number  of  places  for  the  public  exercise  of 
the  R.P.R.,  interdicting  such  places  as  were  found  estab- 
lished to  the  prejudice  of  the  dispositions  made  by  the 
edicts,  and  suppressing  of  the  bi-partisan  courts,  these  having 
been  appointed  provisionally  only. 

God  having  at  last  permitted  that  our  people  should 
enjoy  perfect  peace,  we,  no  longer  absorbed  in  protecting 
them  from  our  enemies,  are  able  to  profit  by  this  truce 
(which  we  have  ourselves  facilitated),  and  devote  our  whole 
attention  to  the  means  of  accomplishing  the  designs  of  our 
said  grandfather  and  father,  which  we  have  consistently  kept 
before  us  since  our  succession  to  the  crown. 

And  now  we  perceive,  with  thankful  acknowledgment  of 
God's  aid,  that  our  endeavors  have  attained  their  proposed 
end,  inasmuch  as  the  better  and  the  greater  part  of  our  sub- 
jects of  the  said  R.P.R.  have  embraced  the  Catholic  faith. 
And  since  by  this  fact  the  execution  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
and  of  all  that  has  ever  been  ordained  in  favor  of  the  said 
R.P.R.  has  been  rendered  nugatory,  we  have  determined 
that  we  can  do  nothing  better,  in  order  wholly  to  obliterate 
the  memory  of  the  troubles,  the  confusion,  and  the  evils 
which  the  progress  of  this  false  religion  has  caused  in  this 


The  Ascende7icy  of  France  under  Louis  XIV     289 


r 


kingdom,  and  which  furnished  occasion  for  the  said  edict 
and  for  so  many  previous  and  subsequent  edicts  and  dec- 
larations, than  entirely  to  revoke  the  said  Edict  of  Nantes, 
with  the  special  articles  granted  as  a  sequel  to  it,  as 
well  as  all  that  has  since  been  done  in  favor  of  the  said 
religion. 

I.  Be  it  known  that  for  these  causes  and  others  us  here- 
unto moving,  and  of  our  certain  knowledge,  full  power,  and 
royal  authority,  we  have,  by  this  present  perpetual  and 
irrevocable  edict,  suppressed  and  revoked,  and  do  suppress 
and  revoke,  the  edict  of  our  said  grandfather,  given  at 
Nantes  in  April,  1598,  in  its  whole  extent,  together  with  the 
particular  articles  agreed  upon  in  the  month  of  May  follow- 
ing, and  the  letters  patent  issued  upon  the  same  date  ;  and 
also  the  edict  given  at  Nimes  in  July,  1629  ;  we  declare  them 
null  and  void,  together  with  all  concessions,  of  whatever 
nature  they  may  be,  made  by  them  as  well  as  by  other 
edicts,  declarations,  and  orders,  in  favor  of  the  said  persons 
of  the  R.P.R.,  the  which  shall  remain  in  like  manner  as  if 
they  had  never  been  granted;  and  in  consequence  we  desire, 
and  it  is  our  pleasure,  that  all  the  temples  of  those  of  the 
said  R.P.R.  situate  in  our  kingdom,  countries,  territories,  and 
the  lordships  under  our  crown,  shall  be  demolished  without 
delay. 

II.  We  forbid  our  subjects  of  the  R.P.R.  to  meet  any 
more  for  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion  in  any  place  or 
private  house,  under  any  pretext  whatever,  .   .   . 

III.  We  likewise  forbid  all  noblemen,  of  what  condition 
soever,  to  hold  such  religious  exercises  in  their  houses  or 
fiefs,  under  penalty  to  be  inflicted  upon  all  our  said  subjects 
who  shall  engage  in  the  said  exercises,  of  imprisonment  and 
confiscation. 

IV.  We  enjoin  all  ministers  of  the 'said  R.P.R.,  who  do 
not  choose  to  become  converts  and  to  embrace  the  Catholic, 
apostolic,  and  Roman  religion,  to  leave  our  kingdom  and  the 
territories  subject  to  us  within  a  fortnight  of  the  publication 
of  our  present  edict,  without  leave  to  reside  therein  beyond 
that  period,  or,  during  the  said  fortnight,  to  engage  in  any 


The  Edict 
of  Nantes 
revoked. 


All  Protes- 
tant churches 
to  be  de- 
molished. 


No  Protes- 
tant services 
in  private 
houses. 


All  Protes- 
tant minis- 
ters to  leave 
the  country 
within  a 
fortnight. 


290 


Readings  in  European  History 


Protestant 

schools 

forbidden. 


Children  of 
Protestants 
to  be  baptized 
by  Catholic 
priests. 


Huguenots 
who  have 
emigrated 
may  return 
within  four 
months. 


Huguenots 
may  not 
leave  France. 


preaching,  exhortation,  or   any  other  function,  on  pain  of 
being  sent  to  the  galleys.1  .  .  . 

VII.'  We  forbid  private  schools  for  the  instruction  of 
children  of  the  said  R.P.R.,  and  in  general  all  things  what- 
ever which  can  be  regarded  as  a  concession  of  any  kind  in 
favor  of  the  said  religion. 

VIII.  As  for  children  who  may  be  born  of  persons  of  the 
said  R.P.R.,  we  desire  that  from  henceforth  they  be  baptized 
by  the  parish  priests.  We  enjoin  parents  to  send  them  to 
the  churches  for  that  purpose,  under  penalty  of  five  hundred 
livres  fine,  to  be  increased  as  circumstances  may  demand ; 
and  thereafter  the  children  shall  be  brought  up  in  the  Catho- 
lic, apostolic,  and  Roman  religion,  which  we  expressly  enjoin 
the  local  magistrates  to  see  done. 

IX.  And  in  the  exercise  of  our  clemency  towards  our  sub- 
jects of  the  said  R.P.R.  who  have  emigrated  from  our  king- 
dom, lands,  and  territories  subject  to  us,  previous  to  the 
publication  of  our  present  edict,  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure 
that  in  case  of  their  returning  within  the  period  of  four 
months  from  the  day  of  the  said  publication,  they  may, 
and  it  shall  be  lawful  for  them  to,  again  take  possession 
of  their  property,  and  to  enjoy  the  same  as  if  they  had 
all  along  remained  there :  on  the  contrary,  the  property 
abandoned  by  those  who,  during  the  specified  period  of  four 
months,  shall  not  have  returned  into  our  kingdom,  lands, 
and  territories  subject  to  us,  shall  remain  and  be  confis- 
cated in  consequence  of  our  declaration  of  the  20th  of 
August  last. 

X.  We  repeat  our  most  express  prohibition  to  all  our 
subjects  of  the  said  R.P.R.,  together  with  their  wives  and 
children,  against  leaving  our  kingdom,  lands,  and  territories 
subject  to  us,  or  transporting  their  goods  and  effects  there- 
from under  penalty,  as  respects  the  men,  of  being  sent  to 
the  galleys,  and  as  respects  the  women,  of  imprisonment  and 
confiscation. 


1  Articles  V  and  VI  hold  out   advantages  —  exemptions,  pensions, 
and  promotion  —  to  Protestant  ministers  who  consent  to  turn  Catholics. 


The  Ascendency  of  Fjmice  under  Louis  XIV     291 


XI.  It  is  our  will  and  intention  that  the  declarations 
rendered  against  the  relapsed  shall  be  executed  according 
to  their  form  and  tenor. 

XII.  As  for  the  rest,  liberty  is  granted  to  the  said  persons 
of  the  R.P.R.,  pending  the  time  when  it  shall  please  God  to 
enlighten  them  as  well  as  others,  to  remain  in  the  cities  and 
places  of  our  kingdom,  lands,  and  territories  subject  to  us, 
and  there  to  continue  their  commerce,  and  to  enjoy  their 
possessions,  without  being  subjected  to  molestation  or  hin- 
drance on  account  of  the  said  R.P.R.,  on  condition  of  not 
engaging  in1  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion,  or  of  meeting 
under  pretext  of  prayers  or  religious  services,  of  whatever 
nature  these  may  be,  under  the  penalties  above  mentioned 
of  imprisonment  and  confiscation.1  This  do  we  give  in  charge 
to  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  counselors,  etc. 

Given  at  Fontainebleau  in  the  month  of  October,  in  the 
year  of  grace  1685,  and  of  our  reign  the  forty- third. 


Huguenots 
to  be  un- 
molested. 


Opinions  in  regard  to  the  expediency  of  the  revocation 
of  the  edict  naturally  differed.  Madame  de  Sevigne,  the 
gentlest  of  women  but  most  devout  of  Catholics,  wrote  : 
11  You  have  doubtless  seen  the  edict  by  which  the  king 
revokes  that  of  Nantes.  Nothing  could  be  finer  than  all 
its  provisions.  No  king  has  done  or  ever  will  do  anything 
more  honorable."  2  Saint-Simon,  on  the  other  hand,  gives 
a  somewhat  lurid  account  of  the  criminal  stupidity  and 
the  fearful  results  of  the  revocation. 

The  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  without  the  slight- 
est pretext  or  necessity,  and  the  various  proscriptions  that 

1  In  spite  of  this  seeming  toleration,  the  Protestants,  as  heretics,  were 
practically  outlaws  in  France.  To  be  outside  the  Catholic  Church  was 
to  be  outside  the  state.  The  priests  kept  the  records  of  births  and 
deaths  and  the  registry  of  wills,  and  unless  the  Huguenots  consented 
to  have  their  marriages  performed  by  the  priests  their  children  were 
regarded  as  illegitimate. 

2  Letter  of  October  28,  1685,  Correspondence,  VII,  p.  420. 


342.  Saint- 
Simon's 
angry  ac- 
count of  the 
revocation 
of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes. 


292  Readings  in  European  History 

followed  it,  were  the  fruits  of  a  frightful  plot,  in  which  the  new 
spouse  was  one  of  the  chief  conspirators,  and  which  depop- 
ulated a  quarter  of  the  realm  ;  ruined  its  commerce ;  weak- 
ened it  in  every  direction ;  gave  it  up  for  a  long  time  to  the 
public  and  avowed  pillage  of  the  dragoons ;  authorized  tor- 
ments and  punishments  by  which  many  innocent  people  of 
both  sexes  were  killed  by  thousands  ;  ruined  a  numerous 
class ;  tore  in  pieces  a  world  of  families  ;  armed  relatives 
against  relatives,  so  as  to  seize  their  property  and  leave 
them  to  die  of  hunger ;  banished  our  manufactures  to  foreign 
lands;  made  those  lands  flourish  and  overflow  at  the  expense 
of  France,  and  enabled  them  to  build  new  cities ;  gave  to 
the  world  the  spectacle  of  a  prodigious  population  pro- 
scribed without  crime,  stripped,  fugitive,  wandering,  and 
seeking  shelter  far  from  their  country;  sent  to  the  galleys 
nobles,  rich  old  men,  people  much  esteemed  for  their  piety, 
learning,  and  virtue,  people  carefully  nurtured,  weak,  and 
delicate  ;  —  and  all  solely  on  account  of  religion  ;  in  fact,  to 
heap  up  the  measure  of  horror,  filled  the  realm  with  perjury 
and  sacrilege,  in  the  midst  of  the  echoed  cries  of  these  un- 
fortunate victims  of  error,  while  so  many  others  sacrificed 
their  conscience  to  their  wealth  and  their  repose,  and  pur- 
chased both  by  simulated  abjuration,  from  which  without 
pause  they  were  dragged  to  adore  what  they  did  not  believe 
in,  and  to  receive  the  divine  body  of  the  Most  Holy  whilst 
remaining  persuaded  that  they  were  only  eating  bread  which 
they  ought  to  abhor ! 

Such  was  the  general  abomination  born  of  flattery  and 
cruelty.  From  torture  to  abjuration,  and  from  that  to  com- 
munion, there  was  often  only  a  space  of  twenty-four  hours  ; 
and  executioners  were  the  guides  of  the  converts  and  their 
witnesses.  .  .  .  The  king  received  from  all  sides  detailed 
news  of  these  conversions.  It  was  by  thousands  that  those 
who  had  abjured  and  taken  the  communion  were  counted  ; 
ten  thousand  in  one  place,  six  thousand  in  another,  —  all  at 
once  and  instantly.  The  king  congratulated  himself  on  his 
power  and  his  piety.  He  believed  himself  to  have  brought 
back   the   days  of  the   apostles,   and  attributed   to    himself 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV     293 

all  the  honor.  The  bishops  wrote  panegyrics  of  him;  the 
Jesuits  made  the  pulpit  resound  with  his  praise.  All  France 
was  filled  with  horror  and  confusion  ;  and  yet  there  was 
never  such  triumph  and  joy,  such  boundless  laudation  of 
the  king. 


VII.   Opening  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 


The  marquis  of  Torcy  (166 5-1 746),  who  was  at  the 
head  of  foreign  affairs  during  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession,  thus  describes,  in  his  remarkable  memoirs, 
the  opening  of  the  conflict. 

At  length  the  event  long  foreseen  happened.  Charles  II 
(of  Spain),  sovereign  of  so  many  different  dominions,  died 
on  the  1  st  of  November  in  the  year  1700  ;  and  his  death  in 
a  very  little  time  occasioned  a  general  combustion  in  Europe. 

By  his  will,  signed  the  2d  of  October  preceding,  he  acknowl- 
edged the  right  of  his  sister,  the  infanta  Maria  Theresa,  queen 
of  France  and  mother  of  the  dauphin,  as  also  the  right  of 
his  aunt,  Queen  Anna,1  and  consequently  that  of  the  dauphin, 
who  was  therefore  his  only  heir,  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
kingdom  ;  but  to  prevent  all  Europe  from  being  alarmed  at 
the  uniting  of  such  extensive  dominions  to  the  crown  of 
France,  of  which  the  dauphin  was  the  only  presumptive 
heir,  Charles  called  the  duke  of  Anjou,  the  dauphin's  second 
son,  to  the  succession,  appointing  him  sole  heir  to  all  his 


343.  How 
the  War  of 
the  Spanish 
Succession 
came  about. 
(From  the 
memoirs  of 
Torcy.) 


1  Namely,  the  wife  of  Louis  XIII  and  so  the  dauphin's  grandmother. 

The  basis  of  the  claims  of  France  and  Austria  in  1700  may  be  seen  from 

the  following  table. 

Philip  III  of  Spain  (d.  1621) 


Anna,  m.  Louis  XIII 
I  


I 
Philip  IV         Maria  Anna,  m. 

Emperor  Ferdinand  III 


Louis  XIV,  m.  Maria  Theresa      Charles  II 

(d.  1700) 


Louis,  the  dauphin 


Louis  (d.  1712) 

I 

Louis  XV 


Philip,  duke  of  Anjou 
(as  king  of  Spain,  Philip  V) 


Emperor  Leopold  I  (d.  1705) 


A  rchduke  Joseph 
(emperor  in  1705) 


294  Readings  in  European  History 

kingdoms  and  lordships,  without  any  exception  or  partition 
whatsoever.  He  ordered  all  his  subjects  and  vassals  to  ac- 
knowledge him  as  their  king  and  natural  sovereign.  But  till 
this  prince  should  come  to  Madrid,  and  even  till  he  should 
come  of  age,1  his  Majesty  ordained  a  council  of  regency,  or 
junto,  for  the  administration  of  the  state,  and  nominated  the 
members  of  which  it  was  to  be  composed,  placing  the  queen 
at  the  head. 

Immediately  upon  the  king  of  Spain's  decease,  the  junto 
wrote  to  the  king  [of  France],  giving  him  notice  of  this 
event ;  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  had  orders  to  deliver 
the  will  to  his  Majesty,  together  with  the  letter  signed  by 
the  queen  and  the  members  of  the  junto. 

As  they  were  in  doubt  at  Madrid  whether  the  king  of 
France  would  accept  the  last  proposals  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  the  junto  ordered  Castel  dos  Rios,  in  case  of  such 
a  refusal,  to  have  the  same  courier  who  had  been  sent  from 
Madrid  proceed  forthwith  to  Vienna;  the  intention  of  the 
late  king  having  been  to  bequeath  the  entire  succession  to 
the  archduke,  in  case  his  first  settlement  should  not  be 
accepted  in  France. 

The  king  was  then  at  Fontainebleau.  Upon  the  arrival 
of  the  courier,  the  Spanish  ambassador  communicated  the 
orders  he  had  just  received  to  that  one  among  the  minis- 
ters to  whom  the  king  confided  the  department  of  foreign 
affairs,2  and  demanded  a  private  audience  of  his  Majesty. 
The  king,  before  he  would  fix  the  hour,  was  desirous  of  hav- 
ing the  opinion  of  his  council  upon  an  event  so  unexpected 
and  yet  so  important  to  the  royal  family,  to  the  welfare  of 
the  kingdom,  and  to  the  general  tranquillity  of  Europe.  .  .  . 

It  was  easier  to  foresee  than  to  provide  for  the  con- 
sequences of  the  decision  in  question.  His  Majesty  had 
engaged  to  reject  every  disposition  of  his  realms  whatso- 
ever made  by  the  king  of  Spain  in  favor  of  a  prince  of  the 
line  of  France,  —  an  engagement  that  excluded  a  bequest  by 
will,  a  donation,  or  any  other  form  of  deed  or  settlement. 

1  He  was  seventeen  years  old  in  1700. 

2  Namely,  the  writer  himself. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV     295 

By  breaking  his  engagements,  he  would  incur  the  censure  of 
violating  the  sacred  word  of  a  king,  and  moreover  the  con- 
sequence of  such  a  violation  was  inevitable  war.  His  chief 
aim  in  hastening  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  signed  at 
Ryswick  [1697]  was  to  let  his  people  have  time  to  breathe 
after  a  long  series  of  wars,  and  now,  when  they  had  scarce 
begun  to  enjoy  a  little  repose,  they  would  be  obliged  to  sup- 
port a  new  war,  which  would  immediately  become  general ; 
for  there  was  not  the  least  reason  to  expect  that  the  neigh- 
boring princes,  who  were  already  so  greatly  alarmed  at  the 
power  of  France,  would  tamely  suffer  the  king  to  extend  his 
authority  so  as  to  rule,  in  the  name  of  his  grandson,  over 
the  dominions  subject  to  the  crown  of  Spain  in  the  Old  and 
New  Worlds. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  to  be  considered  that  if  the 
king  refused  to  accept  the  will,  this  same  act  transferred 
the  entire  succession  to  the  archduke  [Joseph].  The  same 
courier  that  had  been  dispatched  into  France  would  proceed 
to  Vienna ;  and  the  Spanish  nation,  without  any  hesitation, 
would  acknowledge  the  emperor's  second  son  for  their  king. 
The  house  of  Austria  of  course  would  reunite,  between  the 
father  and  son,  the  power  of  Charles  V,  a  power  heretofore 
so  fatal  to  France.  And,  besides,  all  security  for  preserving 
the  peace  of  Ryswick  would  cease,  the  treaty  of  partition 
being  no  longer  sufficient  to  maintain  it.  .  .  .  The  king 
therefore  determined  to  accept  the  will. 

Saint-Simon  thus  describes  in  his  well-known  memoirs 
the  remarkable  scene  in  which  Louis  XIV  announced  to 
his  assembled  courtiers  that  his  grandson,  the  duke  of 
Anjou,  was  king  of  Spain. 

At  last,   on  Tuesday,  the   16th   of   November,   the   king  344.  How 

publicly  declared    himself.    The    Spanish   ambassador  had  Louis  XIV 

received  intelligence  which  proved  the  eagerness  of  Spain  the  duke  oi 

to  welcome  the  duke  of  Anjou  as  its  king.    There  seemed  to  Anjou  king 

be  no  doubt  in  the  matter.    The  king,  immediately  after  get-  °  sPam* 
ting  up,  called  the  ambassador  into  his  cabinet,  where  his 


296 


Readings  in  European  History 


345.  Atti- 
tude of  Eng- 
land at  the 
opening  of 
the  war. 
(From  the 
Memoirs  of 
Torcy.) 


grace  the  duke  of  Anjou  had  already  arrived.  Then,  pointing 
to  the  duke,  he  told  the  ambassador  he  might  salute  him 
as  king  of  Spain.  The  ambassador,  thereupon,  threw  him- 
self upon  his  knees  after  the  fashion  of  his  country,  and 
addressed  to  the  duke  a  tolerably  long  compliment  in  the 
Spanish  language. 

Immediately  afterwards  the  king,  contrary  to  all  custom, 
opened  the  two  folding  doors  of  his  cabinet,  and  commanded 
everybody  to  enter.  It  was  a  very  full  court  that  day.  The 
king,  majestically  turning  his  eyes  towards  the  numerous 
company,  and  showing  them  the  duke  of  Anjou,  said:  "Gen- 
tlemen, behold  the  king  of  Spain.  His  birth  called  him  to 
that  crown;  the  late  king  has  called  him  to  it  by  his  will; 
the  whole  nation  desired  him,  and  has  eagerly  asked  me 
for  him ;  it  is  the  will  of  Heaven ;  I  have  obeyed  it  with 
pleasure." 

And  then,  turning  towards  his  grandson,  he  said  to  him  : 
"  Be  a  good  Spaniard:  that  is  your  first  duty;  but  remember 
that  you  are  a  Frenchman  born,  in  order  that  in  this  way  the 
union  between  the  two  nations  may  be  preserved.  By  this 
means  you  will  be  able  to  render  both  peoples  happy,  and 
preserve  the  peace  of  Europe." 

The  attitude  of  England  at  the  opening  of  the  War 
of  the  Spanish  Succession  is  described  by  the  marquis 
of  Torcy,  who,  as  an  active  diplomat,  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  policy  of  the  various  countries. 

During  the  first  year  [of  the  war]  the  emperor  stood  his 
ground  alone.  By  the  treaty  signed  at  The  Hague,  his  allies 
had  engaged  to  send  him  speedy  succor ;  but  to  render 
King  William's  promises  effectual,  the  Parliament  of  England 
had  first  to  approve  of  that  prince's  engagements. 

The  English  are  a  people  rarely  unanimous  in  their  sen- 
timents. At  that  time  the  disputes  ran  very  high  between 
Whigs  and  Tories.  The  king  of  Great  Britain  favored  the 
former,  and  trusted  them  with  the  chief  posts  and  employ- 
ments.   He  was  sure  indeed  of  their  votes  in  Parliament ; 


The  Ascendency  of  France  tinder  Louis  XIV     297 

but  he  could  not  be  sure  of  bringing  the  nation  into  a  new 
quarrel,  when  she  was  groaning  under  the  weight  of  the 
former  war  and  still  felt  the  prejudice  it  had  done  to  her 
commerce.  Perhaps  it  would  have  signified  but  little  to  have 
represented  to  those  who  bear  the  burden  of  the  taxes  that 
Europe  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  oppressed,  had  not 
the  love  of  liberty  united  those  princes  and  states  whose 
interest  it  was  to  oppose  the  king  of  France's  ambitious 
designs. 

The  old  bugbear  of  universal  monarchy  had  less  effect  The  Preten- 
upon  the  minds  of  the  English  than  the  dread  of  new  taxes  der# 
in  case  of  another  war.  But  the  death  of  King  James  II, 
and  especially  his  Majesty's  [Louis  XIV]  resolution  of 
acknowledging  the  prince  of  Wales  as  king  of  Great  Britain, 
altered  the  disposition  which  a  great  part  of  the  people 
seemed  to  have  towards  peace.  The  different  parties  united. 
The  whole  English  nation  looked  upon  it  as  the  greatest 
indignity  that  France  should  pretend  to  arrogate  to  itself  the 
right  of  giving  them  a  king  in  opposition  to  a  prince  of  their 
own  inviting,  who  had  reigned  over  them  many  years. 

King  William  profited  by  this  general  resentment  of  the 
people,  and  in  the  speech  which  he  made  to  both  houses 
of  Parliament  he  treated  the  recognition  of  the  prince  of 
Wales  not  only  as  the  greatest  indignity  that  could  be 
offered  to  his  person  and  to  the  nation,  but  likewise  as  an 
act  equally  important  to  the  Protestant  religion,  to  the 
present  and  future  tranquillity  of  Europe,  and  to  the  real 
happiness  of  England.  Neither  did  he  forget  to  exaggerate 
the  danger  to  which  the  commerce  of  England  would  be 
exposed  in  its  principal  branches  by  a  union  between  Spain 
and  France. 

By  thus  flattering  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  Eng- 
lish, King  William  received  from  both  houses  the  warmest 
assurances  of  indignation  against  France,  of  zeal  for  pre- 
serving the  repose  and  liberty  of  England  as  well  as  of  all 
Europe,  and  of  an  earnest  desire  to  support  the  rights  of 
the  house  of  Austria,  as  the  only  means  of  establishing  the 
public  repose  on  a  solid  basis. 


298 


Readings  in  European  History 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


Sketch  of  Louis  XIV s  Reign  :  Schwill,  Modern  Europe,  pp.  200- 
214;  Adams,  G.  B.,  The  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  Chapter  XIII, 
pp.  202-233  ;  Perkins,  France  under  the  Regency,  Chapter  V,  pp.  129—160. 

Colbert  and  his  Reforms:  Perkins,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  90-128; 
Wakeman,  European  History,  7jg8-iyij,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  184-205. 

Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  :  Perkins,  Chapter  VI,  pp.  164- 
207. 

Antecedents  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession :  Wakeman, 
Chapter  XIV,  pp.  311-339. 

War  of  the  Spanish  Succession :  Cheyney,  Short  History  of  Eng- 
land, pp.  529-535 ;  Perkins,  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  239-292 ;  Wakeman, 
Chapter  XV,  pp.  340-363. 

Treaty  of  Utrecht:  Wakeman,  pp.  363-371  ;  Dyer  and  Hassall, 
Modern  Europe,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  107-116. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing  in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Hassall,  Louis  XIV  arid  the  Zenith  of  the  French  Monarchy, 
1897  (Heroes  of  the  Nations  Series). 

Kitchin,  History  of  France,  Vol.  III. 

Baird,  The  Huguenots  and  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
2  vols.,  1895.    A  careful  and  elaborate  work  by  a  warm  partisan. 

Saint-Simon,  Memoirs,  4  vols.  A  much-abridged  translation  of  the 
voluminous  original.    See  below,  under  C. 

Life  and  Letters  of  Charlotte  Elizabeth,  Mother  of  Philippe  d' 'Orleans, 
London,  1889.  A  selection  from  the  many  letters  which  a  German 
princess,  who  married  Louis  XIV's  brother,  dispatched  to  her  friends. 
See  below,  under  C. 

Comtesse  DE  Puliga,  Madame  de  Sevigne,  her  Correspo?tdents  and 
Cotitemporaries,  2  vols.,  London,  1873.  Gives  some  idea  of  this  charm- 
ing letter  writer.    See  below,  under  C. 

Claude,  Jean,  The  Cruel  Persecutions  of  the  Protestants  in  the  King- 
dom  of  France,  Boston,  1893.  The  author,  who  published  his  book 
immediately  after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  was  a  leading 
Huguenot  and  the  pastor  of  the  great  Protestant  church  at  Charenton, 
near  Paris. 

Gerard,  The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  1885.  Really  a  history  of  the  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession.  

Histoire  generate,  edited  by  Lavisse  and  Rambaud,  Vol.  VI,  Chapters 
I,  III-VIII.    Excellent  bibliographies. 


The  Ascendency  of  France  under  Louis  XIV     299 

Histoire  de  France,  edited  by  Lavisse ;  Vol.  VII,  Parts  I  and  II,  by 
Lavisse  (Louis  XIV,  1643-1685);  and  Vol.  VIII,  Part  I,  by  Rebel- 
liau  and  Sagnac  (the  close  of  Louis'  reign).  These  volumes  are 
announced  for  early  publication. 

The  early  part  of  Louis'  reign  has  been  elaborately  treated  by  Che- 
RUEL,  Histoire  de  France  pendant  la  minorite  de  Louis  XIV,  and  His- 
toire de  France  sous  le  ministere  de  Mazarin,  7  vols.,  1879— 1883. 

CoRREARD,  Choix  de  textes  pour  servir  a  V etude  des  institutions  de  la 
France.  A  great  part  of  this  excellent  and  inexpensive  little  school  book 
is  devoted  to  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV. 

Vast,  Grands  Traites  du  regne  de  Louis  XIV,  1893.  Very  con- 
venient. 

Isambert,  Recueil  general  des  anciennes  lois,  Vols.  XVIII-XX. 
Contains  the  more  important  legislation. 

Ezechiel  Spanheim  (envoy  of  the  elector  of  Brandenburg  at  the 
court  of  Louis,  1 680-1 689),  Relation  de  la  cour  de  France  en  i6go 
(Societe  de  l'histoire  de  France). 


Of  memoirs  there  are  many  for  this  period.    The  chief  collections     Memoirs 
are  Nouvelle  Collection  de  Memoires,  edited  by  Michaud  and  Poujou-    and  letters, 
lat,  34  vols.,  1854,  and  Archives  curieuses  de  Vhistoire  de  France,  edited 
by  Cimber  and  Danjou,  27  vols.,  1874-1880.    The  following  writers  of 
memoirs  deserve  special  mention  : 

Saint-Simon  (1675— 1755),  Memoires.  Saint-Simon  is  perhaps  the  Saint-Simon, 
most  celebrated  of  memoir  writers.  He  began  to  make  notes  very  early, 
probably  in  1691,  but  did  not  commence  to  write  out  his  memoirs  in 
their  final  form  until  1740,  when  he  was  sixty-five  years  old.  The  events 
he  narrates  belong  to  the  period  1 692-1 723,  and  he  made  much  use  of 
the  Journal  of  Dangeau,  mentioned  below.  Saint-Simon's  admirable 
style  has  led  his  readers  to  overlook  his  inaccuracy  and  partiality,  for  he 
was  a  good  hater.  There  is  an  excellent  edition  of  the  Memoirs  edited  by 
Cheruel,  2d  ed.,  1873-1877  (22  vols.),  cheaper  edition  in  thirteen  vols. 
About  half  of  a  new  edition  in  thirty  vols.,  edited  by  Boislisle,  has 
appeared  in  Les  Grands  Ecrivains  de  la  France. 

The  Letters  of  the  duchess  of  Orleans,  sister-in-law  of  Louis  and 
mother  of  the  regent  Philippe  of  Orleans,  form  an  interesting  source. 
Important  for  the  latter  half  of  Louis'  reign.  Madame's  sharp  eyes  saw 
many  things,  and  she  wrote  very  freely  and  constantly  to  her  friends 
and  relatives.  There  are  a  number  of  French  translations  of  collections 
of  her  letters,  the  most  complete  of  which  is  that  edited  by  Jaegle,  Paris, 
3  vols.,  1890.  Ranke,  Franzosische  Geschichte,  Vol.  VI,  gives  a  number 
in  the  original  German. 


Letters  of 
the  duchess 
of  Orleans. 


300 


Readi?igs  in  European  History 


The  French 
government 
under 
Louis  XIV. 


The  Hugue- 
nots. 


Dangeau  (1638-17  20),  Journal,  19  vols.,  1 854-1 860.  This  covers 
the  period  1684-17  20,  and  was  written  day  by  day  by  a  well-informed 
and  conscientious  writer,  a  member  of  Louis'  court.  Saint-Simon  availed 
himself  generously  of  Dangeau's  data. 

Madame  de  Sevigne  (1 626-1 696),  Letters.  The  charming  letters  ot 
this  charming  lady  are  very  numerous  and  relate  mainly  to  the  years 
1 670-1 696.  The  most  complete  of  many  editions  is  that  edited  for 
Les  Grands  Ecrivains  de  la  France  by  Monmerque,  14  vols.,  1862— 1868, 
including  elaborate  indices.  Several  volumes  of  selections  have  been 
published. 

For  the  governmental  system  and  the  work  of  Colbert,  see  especially 
Clement,  Z^/rw,  Instructions  et  Alemoires  de  Colbert,  7  vols. ;  Depping, 
Correspcndance  administrative  sous  le  regtie  de  Louis  XIV,  4  vols. ; 
Boislisle,  Correspondance  des  controleurs  generaux,  2  vols.  To  these 
collections  of  materials  should  be  added  the  following  works  of  first- 
rate  importance :  Hanotaux,  Origine  de  Vinstitution  des  iutendauts, 
1884  ;  Clamageran,  Histoire  de  Vimpot  en  France,  3  vols.,  1 867-1868  ; 
Levasseur,  Histoire  des  classes  ouvrieres,  2d  ed. ;  Recueil  des  instructio/is 
donnees  aux  a??ibassadeurs  et  ministres  de  France  depuis  les  traites  de 
Westphalie  jusqtih  la  revolution  francaise,  16  vols.,  1884  sqq.  This 
collection  is  edited  by  various  hands  and  contains  the  text  of  the  more 
important  documents  and  analyses  of  other  sources  for  the  foreign  policy 
of  France. 

For  the  Huguenots:  Benoit  (d.  1728),  Histoire  de  Vedit  de  Nantes, 
5  vols.,  Delft,  1 693-1 695.  A  celebrated  work  completed  not  long  after 
the  revocation  of  the  edict.  Recueil  des  edits,  declarations  et  arrets  con- 
cernans  la  religion  pretendue  refor??iee,  new  edition,  1885.  The  brothers 
Haag  have  given  a  very  complete  history  of  French  Protestantism  in 
their  France  protestante,  2d  ed.,  10  vols.,  187 7-1 895.  The  Societe  de 
l'histoire  du  Protestantism  francais  has,  since  1853,  published  a  vast 
amount  of  important  material  in  its  Bulletin,  of  which  some  sixty 
volumes  have  appeared. 

Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  francaise,  edited  by  Petit  de 
Julleville,  Vol.  V,  furnishes  an  introduction  to  the  literature  of  the 
period. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


RISE  OF  RUSSIA  AND  PRUSSIA 


I.   Ivan  the  Terrible 

Englishmen  began  to  undertake  voyages  to  Russia 
during  the  reign  of  Ivan  the  Terrible.  The  following 
impressions  of  the  tsar  are  taken  from  the  description 
which  one  of  these  English  travelers  gives  of  a  voyage 
which  took  place  in  1 567. 

The  emperor's  name  in  their  tongue  is  Evan  Vasilivich ; 
that  is  as  much  as  to  say,  John,  the  son  of  Vasilie.  And 
by  his  princely  state  he  is  called  Otesara  [O  Tsar !],  as  his 
predecessors  have  been  before1;  which,  to  interpret,  is,  "a 
king  that  giveth  not  tribute  to  any  man."  And  this  word 
Otesara  his  Majesty's  interpreters  have  of  late  days  inter- 
preted to  be  an  emperor ;  so  that  now  he  is  called  emperor 
and  great  duke  of  all  Russia,  etc.  .  .  .  And  as  this  emperor, 
which  is  now  Ivan  Vasilivich,  doth  exceed  his  predecessors 
in  name,  —  that  is,  from  a  duke  to  an  emperor,  —  even  so 
much  by  report  he  doth  exceed  them  in  stoutness  of  courage 
and  valiantness  and  a  great  deal  more;  for  he  is  no  more 
afraid  of  his  .  .  .  enemies,  which  are  not  a  few,  than  the 
hobby  [is]  of  the  larks. 

This  emperor  useth  great  familiarity,  as  well  unto  all  his 
nobles  and  subjects  as  also  unto  strangers  which  serve  him 
either  in  his  wars  or  in  occupations;  for  his  pleasure  is  that 
they  shall  dine  oftentimes  in  the  year  in  his  presence,  and, 
besides  that,  he  is  oftentimes  abroad,  either  at  one  church 


346.  An 
English- 
man's im- 
pressions 
of  Ivan  the 
Terrible 

(1567). 


1  In  spite  of  this  assertion,  it  would  seem  that  Ivan  was  the  first  to 
assume  the  title  of  tsar,  at  his  coronation  in  1547. 

301 


302  Readings  in  European  History 

or  another,  and  walking  with  his  noblemen  abroad.  And  by 
this  means  he  is  not  only  beloved  of  his  nobles  and  commons, 
but  also  had  in  great  fear  and  dread  through  all  his  domin- 
ions, so  that  I  think  that  no  prince  in  Christendom  is  more 
feared  of  his  own  than  he  is,  nor  yet  better  beloved.  For  if 
he  bid  any  of  his  dukes  go,  they  will  run  ;  if  he  give  any  evil 
or  angry  word  to  any  of  them,  the  party  will  not  come  again 
into  his  Majesty's  presence  for  a  long  time  if  he  be  not  sent 
for,  but  he  will  feign  him  to  be  very  sick,  and  will  let  the 
hair  of  his  head  grow  very  long,  without  either  cutting  or 
shaving,  which  is  an  evident  token  that  he  is  in  the  emperor's 
displeasure ;  for  when  they  be  in  their  prosperity  they  ac- 
count it  a  shame  to  wear  long  hair,  in  consideration  whereof 
they  use  to  have  their  heads  shaven. 

His  Majesty  heareth  all  complaints  himself,  and  with  his 
own  mouth  giveth  sentence  and  judgment  of  all  matters, 
and  that  with  expedition;  but  with  religious  matters  he 
meddleth  not  withal,  but  referreth  them  wholly  unto  the 
metropolitan. 

His  Majesty  retaineth  and  well  rewardeth  all  strangers 
that  come  to  serve  him,  and  especially  men  of  war. 

He  delighteth  not  greatly  in  hawking,  hunting,  or  any 
other  pastime,  nor  in  hearing  instruments  or  music,  but 
setteth  his  whole  delight  upon  two  things:  first,  to  serve 
God,  as  undoubtedly  he  is  very  devout  in  his  religion ;  and 
the  second,  how  to  subdue  and  conquer  his  enemies. 


II.   Peter  the  Great 

Peter  the  Great,  in  his  anxiety  to  reform  Russia  and 
make  it  a  great  power,  renewed  the  active  intercourse 
with  western  Europe  which  had  been  fostered  to  some 
extent  toward  a  century  and  a  half  earlier  by  Ivan 
the  Terrible.  He  visited  the  western  regions  himself, 
imported  military  leaders,  artisans,  and  scientists,  and 
did    much   to   remodel   Russian    customs.    One   of   the 


Rise  of  Russia  a?id  Prussia 


303 


most  satisfactory  accounts  of  the  tsar's  visit  to  England 
is  given  by  the  sagacious  historian,  Bishop  Burnet.1 

I  mentioned  in  the  relation  of  the  former  year  [1698]  the 
tsar's  coming  out  of  his  own  country  ;  on  which  I  will  now 
enlarge.  He  came  this  winter  over  to  England  and  stayed 
some  months  among  us.  I  waited  often  on  him,  and  was 
ordered  both  by  the  king  and  the  archbishop  and  bishops  to 
attend  upon  him  and  to  offer  him  such  informations  of  our 
religion  and  constitution  as  he  was  willing  to  receive.  I  had 
good  interpreters,  so  I  had  much  free  discourse  with  him. 
He  is  a  man  of  a  very  hot  temper,  soon  inflamed  and  very 
brutal  in  his  passion.  He  raises  his  natural  heat  by  drinking 
much  brandy,  which  he  rectifies  himself  with  great  applica- 
tion. He  is  subject  to  convulsive  motions  all  over  his  body, 
and  his  head  seems  to  be  affected  with  these.  He  wants  not 
capacity,  and  has  a  larger  measure  of  knowledge  than  might 
be  expected  from  his  education,  which  was  very  indifferent. 
A  want  of  judgment,  with  an  instability  of  temper,  appear 
in  him  too  often  and  too  evidently. 

He  is  mechanically  turned,  and  seems  designed  by  nature 
rather  to  be  a  ship  carpenter  than  a  great  prince.  This  was 
his  chief  study  and  exercise  while  he  stayed  here.  He 
wrought  much  with  his  own  hands  and  made  all  about  him 
work  at  the  models  of  ships.  He  told  me  he  designed  a 
great  fleet  at  Azuph  [i.e.  Azov]  and  with  it  to  attack  the 
Turkish  empire.  But  he  did  not  seem  capable  of  conducting 
so  great  a  design,  though  his  conduct  in  his  wars  since  this 
has  discovered  a  greater  genius  in  him  than  appeared  at  this 
time. 

He  was  desirous  to  understand  our  doctrine,  but  he  did 
not  seem  disposed  to  mend  matters  in  Moscovy.  He  was, 
indeed,  resolved  to  encourage  learning  and  to  polish  his 
people  by  sending  some  of  them  to  travel  in  other  countries 
and  to  draw  strangers  to  come  and  live  among  them.  He 
seemed  apprehensive  still  [i.e.  ever]  of  his  sister's  [i.e.  the 


347.  Bishop 
Burnet's 
impressions 
of  Peter  the 
Great  in 
1698. 


The  tsar's 
interest  in 
shipbuilding. 


1  See  above,  pp.  253  and  267. 


304 


Readings  in  Europea7i  History 


Burnet's  re- 
flections upon 
Russian 
autocracy. 


Peter's  ven- 
geance upon 
the  rebels. 


Princess  Sophia's]  intrigues.  There  was  a  mixture  both  of 
passion  and  severity  in  his  temper.  He  is  resolute,  but 
understands  little  of  war,  and  seemed  not  at  all  inquisitive 
that  way. 

After  I  had  seen  him  often,  and  had  conversed  much  with 
him,  I  could  not  but  adore  the  depth  of  the  providence  of 
God  that  had  raised  up  such  a  furious  man  to  so  absolute  an 
authority  over  so  great  a  part  of  the  world.  David,  consider- 
ing the  great  things  God  had  made  for  the  use  of  man,  broke 
out  into  the  meditation,  "  What  is  man,  that  thou  art  so 
mindful  of  him  ?  "  But  here  there  is  an  occasion  for  revers- 
ing these  words,  since  man  seems  a  very  contemptible  thing 
in  the  sight  of  God,  while  such  a  person  as  the  tsar  has  such 
multitudes  put,  as  it  were,  under  his  feet,  exposed  to  his 
restless  jealousy  and  savage  temper. 

He  went  from  hence  to  the  court  of  Vienna,  where  he 
purposed  to  have  stayed  some  time,  but  he  was  called  home 
sooner  than  he  had  intended  upon  a  discovery,  or  a  sus- 
picion, of  intrigues  managed  by  his  sister.  The  strangers,  to 
whom  he  trusted  most,  were  so  true  to  him  that  those  designs 
were  crushed  before  he  came  back.  But  on  this  occasion  he 
let  loose  his  fury  on  all  whom  he  suspected.  Some  hundreds 
of  them  were  hanged  all  around  Moskow,  and  it  was  said 
that  he  cut  off  many  heads  with  his  own  hand ;  and  so  far 
was  he  from  relenting  or  showing  any  sort  of  tenderness 
that  he  seemed  delighted  with  it.  How  long  he  is  to  be  the 
scourge  of  that  nation  God  only  knows. 

As  Burnet  mentions,  the  old  and  mutinous  Muscovite 
guard  — the  Streltsi  (or  Strelitz,  as  it  is  sometimes  less  ac- 
curately written)  —  took  occasion  during  Peter's  absence 
to  rebel.  Peter's  sister  Sophia  was  implicated,  and  the  tsar 
hurried  home  to  make  a  cruel  investigation  and  take  horri- 
ble vengeance  upon  the  seditious.  An  Austrian  secretary 
of  legation,  named  Von  Korb,  who  was  in  Moscow  on  the 
tsar's  return,  has  left  in  his  diary  a  painful  but  probably 
very  accurate  account  of  Peter's  savage  conduct. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


o 


05 


How  sharp  was  the  pain,  how  great  the  indignation,  to 
which  the  tsar's  Majesty  was  mightily  moved,  when  he  knew 
of  the  rebellion  of  the  Streltsi,  betraying  openly  a  mind 
panting  for  vengeance !  He  was  still  tarrying  at  Vienna, 
quite  full  of  the  desire  of  setting  out  for  Italy ;  but,  fervid 
as  was  his  curiosity  of  rambling  abroad,  it  was,  nevertheless, 
speedily  extinguished  on  the  announcement  of  the  troubles 
that  had  broken  out  in  the  bowels  of  his  realm.  Going 
immediately  to  Lefort  (almost  the  only  person  that  he  con- 
descended to  treat  with  intimate  familiarity),  he  thus  indig- 
nantly broke  out:  "Tell  me,  Francis,  son  of  James,  how  I 
can  reach  Moscow  by  the  shortest  way,  in  a  brief  space,  so 
that  I  may  wreak  vengeance  on  this  great  perfidy  of  my 
people,  with  punishments  worthy  of  their  abominable  crime. 
Not  one  of  them  shall  escape  with  impunity.  Around  my 
royal  city,  which,  with  their  impious  efforts,  they  planned  to 
destroy,  I  will  have  gibbets  and  gallows  set  upon  the  walls 
and  ramparts,  and  each  and  every  one  of  them  will  I  put  to  a 
direful  death."  Nor  did  he  long  delay  the  plan  for  his  justly 
excited  wrath ;  he  took  the  quick  post,  as  his  ambassador 
suggested,  and  in  four  weeks'  time  he  had  got  over  about 
three  hundred  miles  without  accident,  and  arrived  the  4th 
of  September,  1698,  —  a  monarch  for  the  well  disposed,  but 
an  avenger  for  the  wicked. 

His  first  anxiety  after  his  arrival  was  about  the  rebel- 
lion, —  in  what  it  consisted,  what  the  insurgents  meant,  who 
dared  to  instigate  such  a  crime.  And  as  nobody  could  an- 
swer accurately  upon  all  points,  and  some  pleaded  their 
own  ignorance,  others  the  obstinacy  of  the  Streltsi,  he  began 
to  have  suspicions  of  everybody's  loyalty.  .  .  .  No  day, 
holy  or  profane,  were  the  inquisitors  idle;  every  day  was 
deemed  fit  and  lawful  for  torturing.  There  were  as  many 
scourges  as  there  were  accused,  and  every  inquisitor  was  a 
butcher.  .  .  .  The  whole  month  of  October  was  spent  in 
lacerating  the  backs  of  culprits  with  the  knout  and  with 
flames  ;  no  day  were  those  that  were  left  alive  exempt  from 
scourging  or  scorching;  or  else  they  were  broken  upon  the 
wheel,  or  driven  to  the  gibbet,  or  slain  with  the  ax.  .  .  . 


348.  An 
Austrian's 
account  of 
Peter's  way 
of  dealing 
with  rebels 
(1698-1699). 


3°6 


Readings  in  European  History 


Moscow 
adorned  with 
corpses  of 
rebels. 


349.  How 
Alexander 
Gordon  was 
promoted  by 
Peter. 
(From  a 
brief  biog- 
raphy pref- 
aced to  his 
History  of 
Peter  the 
Great.) 


To  prove  to  all  people  how  holy  and  inviolable  are  those 
walls  of  the  city  which  the  Streltsi  rashly  meditated  scaling 
in  a  sudden  assault,  beams  were  run  out  from  all  the  embra- 
sures in  the  walls  near  the  gates,  in  each  of  which  two  rebels 
were  hanged.  This  day  beheld  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
die  that  death.  There  are  few  cities  fortified  with  as  many 
palisades  as  Moscow  has  given  gibbets  to  her  guardian 
Streltsi. 

[In  front  of  the  nunnery  where  Sophia  was  confined]  there 
were  thirty  gibbets  erected  in  a  quadrangle  shape,  from  which 
there  hung  two  hundred  and  thirty  Streltsi ;  the  three  princi- 
pal ringleaders,  who  tendered  a  petition  to  Sophia  touching 
the  administration  of  the  realm,  were  hanged  close  to  the 
windows  of  that  princess,  presenting,  as  it  were,  the  petitions 
that  were  placed  in  their  hands,  so  near  that  Sophia  might 
with  ease  touch  them. 

Peter,  like  his  father,  had  a  great  number  of  foreign 
officers  about  him,  German,  French,  Dutch,  English, 
Scotch,  in  whom  he  placed  great  reliance.  Patrick 
Gordon,  a  Scotchman,  was  made  chief  of  the  Russian 
forces,  while  the  tsar  made  another  Scot,  Alexander 
Gordon,  major  general.  The  latter  wrote  an  interesting 
History  of  Peter  the  Great.  After  serving  for  a  short 
time  under  Louis  XIV,  Gordon  had  drifted  to  Russia 
about  1694,  and  appears  to  have  gained  his  first  pro- 
motion in  the  following  manner  : 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Russia  he  was  invited  to  a 
marriage,  where  a  good  many  young  gentlemen  of  the  best 
families  in  the  country  were  present.  Few  nations  are  fond 
of  foreigners;  and  the  Russians  in  particular  are  too  apt  to 
despise  them.  When  these  gentlemen  were  warm  with  their 
liquor  some  of  them  spoke  very  disrespectfully  of  foreigners, 
and  of  the  Scots  in  particular;  they  even  went  the  length  of 
personal  abuse.  Mr.  Gordon,  who  to  his  last  hour  had  a 
strong  passion  for  his  country,  could  not  hear  it  abused  by 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia  307 

anybody  without  resenting  the  insult.  He  modestly  repre- 
sented to  them  the  injustice  of  such  indiscriminate  satire, 
acknowledged  that  there  were  bad,  but  insisted  there  were 
also  good,  men  in  all  countries  ;  begged  they  would  not  lay 
him  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  quarreling  with 
them  by  enlarging  further  on  such  a  grating  subject;  and 
told  them  that  it  was  unworthy  gentlemen  to  be  influenced 
by  vulgar  prejudices. 

The  mildness  of  his  reproof,  like  oil  poured  upon  the  fire, 
only  served  to  inflame  these  brave  fellows,  who  exclaimed 
against  foreigners  and  Scotland  more  than  ever.  When  he 
could  bear  their  insolence  no  longer  he  gave  the  one  who 
sat  next  to  him  a  blow  on  the  temple  which  brought  him  to 
the  floor.  In  an  instant  he  and  the  other  five  were  upon  Mr. 
Gordon  and  seemed  determined  to  make  him  fall  a  victim  to 
their  national  prejudice.  But  our  author,  not  in  the  least 
intimidated  by  their  number,  in  a  few  minutes  obliged  them 
to  retreat,  and  had  the  glory  of  the  victory  in  this  very 
unequal  combat.  Though  they  used  no  other  weapons  but 
their  fists,  Mr.  Gordon's  were  so  weighty,  and  bestowed  with 
such  good  will,  that  his  antagonists  bore  the  marks  of  them 
for  several  weeks. 

Next  day  a  complaint  was  given  to  Tsar  Peter,  wherein 
Mr.  Gordon  was  represented  in  the  worst  light  imaginable. 
His  Majesty  thought  it  a  very  singular  thing  to  have  a  com- 
plaint of  this  nature  brought  before  him  when  attended  with 
such  disgraceful  circumstances  on  the  part  of  the  complain- 
ers;  he  therefore  immediately  ordered  Mr.  Gordon  to  be  sent 
for.  Our  author,  though  no  man  was  less  a  coward,  owned 
that  this  message  made  him  tremble.  However,  as  it  be- 
hooved him  to  be  obeyed,  he  instantly  waited  upon  the 
tsar,  who,  putting  on  a  very  stern  countenance,  asked  him 
how  he  came  to  be  so  turbulent  and  whether  the  charge 
brought  against  him  was  just.  Mr.  Gordon  told  his  Majesty 
of  the  quarrel  with  so  much  ingenuity,  spoke  so  modestly  of 
his  own  behavior,  and  seemed  so  sorry  to  have  incurred  the 
tsar's  displeasure,  that  the  affair  ended  in  a  manner  quite 
contrary  to  the  expectations  of  his  enemies. 


308 


Readings  in  European  History 


350.  General 
Gordon's 
impressions 
of  Peter 
the  Great. 


The  tsar,  after  hearing  him  very  patiently,  said,  "  Well, 
sir,  your  accusers  have  done  you  justice  by  allowing  you  to 
beat  six  men ;  I  will  also  do  you  justice."  On  saying  this 
he  withdrew,  and  in  a  few  minutes  returned  with  a  major's 
commission,  which  he  presented  to  Mr.  Gordon  with  his  own 
hand. 

This  anecdote  of  our  author's  history  he  once  told,  and 
we  believe  never  but  once  ;  not  out  of  vanity,  for  no  man  had 
a  larger  share  of  modesty,  but  in  accidental  conversation  on 
the  fierceness  of  the  tsar's  disposition,  and  how  much  his 
displeasure  was  dreaded  by  his  greatest  subjects. 

The  impressions  which  Bishop  Burnet  records  of  Peter 
(see  above,  pp.  303  sq.)  may  be  compared  with  those  of 
General  Gordon,  who  had  different  opportunities  of 
observing  the  tsar. 

This  great  emperor  came  in  a  few  years  to  know  to  a 
farthing  the  amount  of  all  his  revenues,  as  also  how  they 
were  laid  out.  He  was  at  little  or  no  expense  about  his  per- 
son, and  by  living  rather  like  a  private  gentleman  than  a 
prince  he  saved  wholly  that  great  expense  which  other 
monarchs  are  at  in  supporting  the  grandeur  of  their  courts. 
It  was  uneasy  for  him  to  appear  in  majesty,  which  he  seldom 
or  never  did,  but  when  absolutely  necessary,  on  such  occa- 
sions as  giving  audience  to  ambassadors  or  the  like;  so  that 
he  had  all  the  pleasure  of  a  great  emperor  and  at  the  same 
time  that  of  a  private  gentleman. 

He  was  a  lover  of  company,  and  a  man  of  much  humor 
and  pleasantry,  exceedingly  facetious  and  of  vast  natural 
parts.  He  had  no  letters  ;  he  could  only  read  and  write,  but 
had  a  great  regard  for  learning  and  was  at  much  pains 
to  introduce  it  into  the  country.  He  rose  early;  the  morn- 
ing he  gave  to  business  till  ten  or  eleven  o'clock  at  the 
farthest ;  all  the  rest  of  the  day,  and  a  great  part  of  the 
night,  to  diversion  and  pleasure.  He  took  his  bottle  heartily, 
so  must  all  the  company;  for  when  he  was  merry  himself 
he  loved  to  see  everybody  so ;  though  at  the  same  time  he 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


309 


could  not  endure  habitual  drinkers,  for  such  he  thought  unfit 
for  business. 

When  he  paid  a  visit  to  a  friend  he  would  pass  almost  the 
whole  night,  not  caring  to  part  with  good  company  till  past 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  never  kept  guards  about  his 
person.  .  .  .  He  never  could  abide  ceremony,  but  loved  to 
be  spoke  to  frankly  and  without  reserve. 

It  was  while  Gordon  was  fighting  for  the  tsar  that 
Peter  undertook  the  founding  of  the  new  town  of 
St.  Petersburg. 

In  the  year  1703  the  tsar  took  the  field  early,  cantoned 
his  troops  in  the  month  of  March,  and  about  the  20th  of 
April  brought  the  army  together  ;  then  marched  and  invested 
another  small  but  important  place  called  Nyen-Chance,  which 
surrendered  on  the  14th  of  May.  The  commodious  situation 
of  this  place  made  the  tsar  resolve  to  erect  on  it  a  consider- 
able tcwn,  with  a  strong  citadel,  consisting  of  six  royal  bas- 
tions, together  with  good  outworks;  this  he  soon  put  into 
execution  and  called  it  St.  Petersburg,  which  is  now  esteemed 
so  strong  that  it  will  be  scarcely  possible  for  the  Swedes 
ever  to  take  it  by  force. 

As  he  was  digesting  the  scheme  of  this,  his  favorite  town, 
which  he  designed  not  only  for  the  place  of  his  residence 
but  the  principal  harbor  of  his  shipping,  as  having  a  commu- 
nication with  the  sea  by  the  river  Nyen  ;  having  duly 
observed  and  sounded  it  all  over,  he  found  it  would  be  a 
very  natural  project  to  erect  a  fort  in  the  isle  opposite  to 
the  island  of  Ratusary  ;  which  for  a  whole  league  over  to  the 
land  is  not  above  four  feet  deep.  This  is  a  most  curious 
work  scarcely  to  be  matched.  He  went  about  it  in  winter, 
in  the  month  of  November,  when  the  ice  was  so  strong  that 
it  could  bear  any  weight,  causing  it  to  carry  materials  such 
as  timber,  stone,  etc.  The  foundation  was  thus  laid:  trees 
of  about  thirty  feet  in  length  and  about  fifteen  inches  thick 
were  taken  and  joined  artfully  together  into  chests  ten  feet 
high;  these  chests  were  filled  with  stones  of  great  weight, 


351.  How 

Peter  the 

Great 

founded  St. 

Petersburg, 

(From 

General 

Gordon's 

History.) 


3io 


Readings  i?i  European  History 


352.  How 
Peter  the 
Great  forced 
his  people 
to  wear 
Western 
dress. 


which  sunk  down  through  the  sea,  and  made  a  very 
solid  foundation,  upon  which  he  raised  his  fort,  called 
Cronstat.  .  .  . 

About  two  hundred  fathoms  distant  from  the  island  Ratu- 
sary  there  is  also  erected  another  strong  fort,  with  a  toler- 
able small  town,  called  Cronburgh,  where  sea  officers  are 
commonly  lodged.  Betwixt  Cronstat  and  Cronburgh  is  all 
sea,  deep  only  in  the  middle,  about  thirty  fathoms  broad, 
so  that  ships  of  great  burden  can  pass  only  one  after 
another.  These  two  forts  secure  St.  Petersburg  from  any 
insult  by  sea,  and  make  it  perhaps  one  of  the  best  and  safest 
harbors  in  the  known  world.  .  .  .  The  work  gave  no  small 
umbrage  to  the  Swedes.  In  carrying  materials  for  it  there 
were  upwards  of  eight  thousand  horses  destroyed  and  near 
as  many  men. 

A  French  historical  writer  of  the  first  half  of  the 

eighteenth   century,   Jean   Rousset   de  Missy,1  wrote  a 

life   of    Peter   the   Great.    Although   the   author   never 

visited  Russia,  his  volumes  have  some  value,  since  he 

appears  to  have  taken  pains  to  get  reliable  information. 

He  thus  describes  the  reform    in   dress   enforced    by 

Peter. 

The  tsar  labored  at  the  reform  of  fashions,  or,  more  prop- 
erly speaking,  of  dress.  Until  that  time  the  Russians  had 
always  worn  long  beards,  which  they  cherished  and  pre- 
served with  much  care,  allowing  them  to  hang  down  on  their 
bosoms,  without  even  cutting  the  moustache.  With  these 
long  beards  they  wore  the  hair  very  short,  except  the  eccle- 
siastics, who,  to  distinguish  themselves,  wore  it  very  long. 
The  tsar,  in  order  to  reform  that  custom,  ordered  that  gen- 
tlemen, merchants,  and  other  subjects,  except  priests  and 
peasants,  should  each  pay  a  tax  of  one  hundred  rubles  a  year 
if  they  wished  to  keep  their  beards ;  the  commoners  had  to 
pay  one  kopeck  each.    Officials  were  stationed  at  the  gates 


1  He  wrote  under  the  assumed  name  Ivan  Nestesuranoi. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia  311 

of  the  towns  to  collect  that  tax,  which  the  Russians  regarded 
as  an  enormous  sin  on  the  part  of  the  tsar  and  as  a  thing 
which  tended  to  the  abolition  of  their  religion. 

These  insinuations,  which  came  from  the  priests,  occa- 
sioned the  publication  of  many  pamphlets  in  Moscow,  where 
for  that  reason  alone  the  tsar  was  regarded  as  a  tyrant  and 
a  pagan ;  and  there  were  many  old  Russians  who,  after 
having  their  beards  shaved  off,  saved  them  preciously,  in 
order  to  have  them  placed  in  their  coffins,  fearing  that  they 
would  not  be  allowed  to  enter  heaven  without  their  beards. 
As  for  the  young  men,  they  followed  the  new  custom  with 
the  more  readiness  as  it  made  them  appear  more  agreeable 
to  the  fair  sex. 

From  the  reform  in  beards  we  may  pass  to  that  of  clothes. 
Their  garments,  like  those  of  the  Orientals,  were  very  long, 
reaching  to  the  heel.  The  tsar  issued  an  ordinance  abolish- 
ing that  costume,  commanding  all  the  boyars  (nobles)  and 
all  those  who  had  positions  at  the  court  to  dress  after  the 
French  fashion,  and  likewise  to  adorn  their  clothes  with  gold 
or  silver  according  to  their  means. 

As  for  the  rest  of  the  people,  the  following  method  was 
employed.  A  suit  of  clothes  cut  according  to  the  new  fashion 
was  hung  at  the  gate  of  the  city,  with  a  decree  enjoining 
upon  all  except  peasants  to  have  their  clothes  made  on  this 
model,  under  penalty  of  being  forced  to  kneel  and  have  all 
that  part  of  their  garments  which  fell  below  the  knee  cut  off, 
or  pay  two  grives  every  time  they  entered  the  town  with 
clothes  in  the  old  style.  Since  the  guards  at  the  gates  exe- 
cuted their  duty  in  curtailing  the  garments  in  a  sportive 
spirit,  the  people  were  amused  and  readily  abandoned  their 
old  dress,  especially  in  Moscow  and  its  environs,  and  in  the 
towns  which  the  tsar  oftenest  visited. 

The  dress  of  the  women  was  changed,  too.  English  hair- 
dressing  was  substituted  for  the  caps  and  bonnets  hitherto 
worn ;  bodices,  stays,  and  skirts,  for  the  former  undergar- 
ment.1 


•      •      • 


1  The  Russian  names  of  the  native  garments  are  omitted  here. 


312  Readings  in  Enropea.71  History 

The  same  ordinance  also  provided  that  in  the  future 
women,  as  well  as  men,  should  be  invited  to  entertainments, 
such  as  weddings,  banquets,  and  the  like,  where  both  sexes 
should  mingle  in  the  same  hall,  as  in  Holland  and  England. 
It  was  likewise  added  that  these  entertainments  should  con- 
clude with  concerts  and  dances,  but  that  only  those  should 
be  admitted  who  were  dressed  in  English  costumes.  His 
Majesty  set  the  example  in  all  these  changes. 


III.    How  the  Turks  were  defeated  before 

Vienna  (1683) 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  century 
eastern  Europe  was  much  agitated  by  the  renewed 
activity  of  the  Turks.  In  1683  the  grand  vizier,  Kara- 
Moustafa,  determined  to  march  straight  upon  Vienna, 
to  which  he  laid  siege  with  an  immense  army.  Although 
the  city  had  no  more  than  ten  thousand  regular  soldiers 
in  its  garrison,  the  governor,  Stahrenberg,  refused  to 
surrender.  The  town  was  soon  in  desperate  straits, 
and  was  upon  the  point  of  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  when  the  king  of  Poland,  John  Sobieski,  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  German  princes,  arrived.  In  the 
following  letter,  dated  September  13,  Sobieski  describes 
to  his  wife  the  memorable  defeat  of  the  Turks,  which 
was  the  beginning  of  their  rapid  expulsion  from  their 
western  conquests. 

353.  How  Praised  be  our  Lord  God  forever  for  granting  our  nation 

Sobieski  such  a  victory  and  such  glory  as  was  never  heard  of  in  all 

Turk^befwe    timeS    PaSt  !      The    whole    camP    of    the    enemv>    witn    their 
Vienna  artillery   and    untold   treasure,   has   fallen   into   our    hands. 

(1683).  They  are  now  retreating  in   great  confusion,   and   the   ap- 

proaches to  the  town,   the  camp,   and   the  open  fields  are 
covered  with  their  corpses. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia  3 1 3 

The  camels  and  other  beasts  of  burden,  the  cattle,  and 
the  sheep  belonging  to  the  enemy  were  captured  to-day  by 
our  troops  and  the  captive  Turkish  shepherds  driven  off. 

There  are  some  deserters,  well  mounted  and  gorgeously 
appareled,  who  have  voluntarily  come  over  to  us  from  the 
enemy.  Their  appearance  was  so  extraordinary  and  well- 
nigh  incredible  that  the  townspeople  were  overcome  with 
fright  and  our  soldiers  with  astonishment,  for  they  thought 
the  enemy  had  recovered  themselves  and  were  coming  back. 

What  they  lost  in  powder  and  ammunition  alone  is  worth 
a  million.  Some  of  our  camp  followers  foolishly  set  off  the 
powder  in  several  places,  and  it  made  a  fearful  noise,  but 
there  was  no  further  harm  done.  The  grand  vizier  lost  all 
his  rich  treasure  and  barely  escaped,  on  horseback,  with 
nothing  but  the  coat  on  his  back,  and  I  have  become  his 
heir  and  successor. 

It  all  came  about  in  this  way.  Having  forced  my  way 
into  the  enemy's  camp,  I  was  pressing  forward  in  pursuit  of 
the  vizier  when  one  of  his  chamberlains  surrendered  to  me 
and  afterwards  showed  me  his  leader's  tent,  which  was  so 
large  it  might  have  contained  within  its  circumference  the 
city  of  Warsaw  or  of  Lemberg.  The  standard  that  the  grand 
vizier  always  had  carried  before  him  with  great  ceremony 
fell  into  my  hands,  along  with  the  Mohammedan  banner 
presented  to  him  by  the  sultan  for  this  campaign,  which  I 
have  sent  by  post  to  his  Apostolic  Holiness  in  Rome.  There 
are  quantities  of  the  most  beautiful  gold-mounted  sabers  and 
other  rare  Turkish  accouterments  to  be  seen  in  our  army. 

The  coming  on  of  night  prevented  us  from  continuing  the 
pursuit.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  they  defended  themselves 
bravely,  especially  the  companies  of  janizaries  who  guarded 
the  approaches  to  the  camp  and  so  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
battle.  The  daring  and  courage  of  these  people  were  such 
that  while  part  of  them  fought  with  us  in  the  field  the  rest 
undertook  to  storm  the  fortifications,  which  with  their  great 
numbers  they  might  well  do. 

I  estimate  the  number  of  the  besieging  army  at  three 
hundred  thousand,  not  counting  the  Tartars  ;  others  believe 


314  Readings  in  Eitropean  History 

there  were  three  hundred  thousand  tents  and  reckon  three 
men  to  a  tent,  but  that  would  make  the  number  too  great  to 
be  believed.  However,  there  must  have  been  at  least  one 
hundred  thousand  tents,  and  from  these  each  of  the  conquer- 
ors takes  away  what  he  likes.  The  townspeople,  too,  are 
rushing  out  to  get  their  share.  I  believe  it  will  take  them 
eight  days  to  gather  in  all  the  booty. 

A  number  of  Austrian  people  —  women  folk  especially  — 
whom  the  Turkish  army  had  taken  captive,  but  could  not 
carry  away  with  them  in  their  hasty  flight,  they  cut  down 
with  their  sabers ;  but  many  of  them  can  be  healed  of  their 
wounds. 

This  morning  early  I  went  into  the  town  and  found  that 
it  could  not  have  held  out  five  days  longer.  Never  have  the 
eyes  of  men  beheld  so  great  damage  done  in  so  brief  a  time  ; 
great  masses  of  stone  and  rock  have  been  broken  up  and 
tossed  about  in  heaps  by  the  enemy's  mines,  and  the  impe- 
rial castle  is  riddled  with  holes  and  ruined  by  their  cannon 
balls. 

I  had  a  long  fight  against  the  vizier,  because  he  threw  his 
whole  force  against  my  right  wing,  so  that  the  troops  of  the 
left  wing  had  but  little  to  do,  and  finally  left  their  position 
and  came  to  my  aid.  Then  (when  the  victory  was  won)  I 
was  surrounded  by  the  elector  of  Bavaria,  Prince  von  Wal- 
deck,  and  many  more  of  the  imperial  princes,  who  embraced 
and  kissed  me  ;  the  generals  grasped  my  hands  and  feet ;  the 
other  commanders  and  officers,  with  their  regiments  on  horse 
and  on  foot,  shouted,  "  Our  brave  king  !  "  Early  this  morning 
came  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  dukes  of  Lorraine,  who 
had  no  chance  to  speak  to  me  yesterday  because  their  posi- 
tion was  on  the  outermost  edge  of  the  left  wing.  Finally, 
the  governor  of  Vienna,  Count  von  Stahrenberg,  accompa- 
nied by  a  great  crowd  of  people  of  both  high  and  low  degree, 
came  out  to  greet  me,  all  kissing  and  petting  me  and  calling 
me  their  savior.  Later  I  visited  two  churches,  where  again 
I  found  crowds  of  people  who  tried  to  kiss  my  hands,  and 
even  my  feet  and  clothing;  most  of  them  had  to  content 
themselves  with  touching  my  coat.    All  around  one  heard 


Rise  of  Russia  a?id  Prussia 


315 


them  crying,  "  Let  us  through  to  kiss  the  valorous  hand ! " 
Together  they  lifted  up  a  shout  of  joy.  I  begged  the  Ger- 
man officers  to  forbid  this,  but  in  spite  of  them  a  great  crowd 
shouted  aloud,  "  Long  live  the  king  !  " 

There  is  a  huge  pile  of  captured  flags  and  tents ;  in  short, 
the  enemy  has  departed  with  nothing  whatever  but  his  life. 
Let  Christendom  rejoice  and  thank  the  Lord  our  God  that 
he  has  not  permitted  the  heathen  to  hold  us  up  to  scorn  and 
derision  and  to  ask,  "  Where,  now,  is  your  God  ? " 

IV.   The  Rise  of  Prussia 

The  Great  Elector  was  very  anxious  to  withdraw  his 
province  of  Prussia  from  Poland,  which  still  claimed 
sovereignty  over  it.  He  first  allied  himself  with  Sweden, 
and  defeated  the  Poles  in  the  battle  of  Warsaw  (1650). 
He  then  deserted  Sweden,  and  allied  himself  with  the 
Poles,  on  condition  that  they  should  acknowledge  his 
sovereignty  over  Prussia.  Cromwell  found  time  to  ask 
his  secretary,  John  Milton,  the  poet,  to  felicitate  the 
Great  Elector  on  his  successes. 


Most  Illustrious  Prince  ;  dearest  friend  and  ally : 

Whereas  your  Highness'  exceptional  ability  in  both  peace 
and  war  is  already  famous  throughout  the  world,  and  your 
greatness  of  spirit  and  constancy  are  such  as  to  make  all 
neighboring  rulers  zealously  seek  your  friendship,  since  none 
of  them  could  desire  a  truer  or  more  faithful  friend  and  ally ; 
so  we,  in  order  to  prove  that  we  too  are  among  those  who 
hold  the  highest  possible  opinion  of  you  and  your  distin- 
guished services  to  the  Christian  Church,  have  sent  to  you 
the  noble  lord,  William  Jepson,  a  colonel,  and  a  member  of 
our  upper  house,  in  order  that  he  may  convey  to  you,  in  our 
name,  our  most  cordial  greetings,  our  best  wishes  for  a 
happy  termination  of  all  your  undertakings,  and  our  espe- 
cial good  will  and  inclination  toward  you  in  all  things.    We 


354.  Crom- 
well pre- 
sents his 
respects  to 
the  Great 
Elector 

(i657)- 


3i6 


Readings  in  European  History 


355.  The 
edict  of  the 
Great  Elec- 
tor concern- 
ing the 
Huguenot 
refugees. 


beg,  therefore,  that  in  all  his  dealings  with  you  you  will 
bestow  on  him  the  same  faith  and  confidence  as  though 
everything  were  authorized  and  approved  by  us  by  word  of 
mouth. 

The  Great  Elector,  in  his  anxiety  to  build  up  his 
kingdom,  eagerly  welcomed  the  Huguenots  when  they 
fled  from  France  after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes. 

In  view  of  the  sympathy  which  we  ought  to,  and  do,  feel 
for  our  brethren  of  the  reformed  evangelical  religion  in 
France,  who  have  been  driven  by  persecution  to  leave  their 
homes  and  settle  in  other  countries,  we,  Frederick  William, 
etc.,  desire  by  this  edict  to  offer  them  a  free  and  safe  refuge 
in  all  our  lands  and  possessions  and  to  specify  what  rights, 
privileges,  and  prerogatives  we  are  graciously  minded  to  grant 
them.  .  .  . 

3.  .  .  .  We  particularly  specify  the  towns  of  Stendal, 
Werben,  Rathenow,  Brandenburg,  and  Frankfurt  in  the 
electorate  of  Brandenburg,  Magdeburg,  Halle,  and  Calbe 
in  the  duchy  of  Magdeburg,  and  Konigsberg  in  Prussia,  as 
places  where  living  is  cheap  and  opportunities  for  trade  and 
other  means  of  support  abundant;  and  we  command  here- 
with that  when  any  of  the  said  French  people  of  the  reformed 
evangelical  religion  make  their  appearance,  they  shall  be  well 
received  in  the  said  towns,  and  that  every  opportunity  and 
assistance  shall  be  given  them  in  establishing  themselves 
there.  They  shall,  moreover,  be  free  to  establish  themselves 
in  any  other  place  in  our  lands  and  dominions  outside  the 
above-mentioned  towns  which  shall  seem  to  them  more  con- 
venient for  the  purposes  of  their  trade  or  calling. 

4.  They  shall  be  permitted  to  bring  with  them  any  furni- 
ture, merchandise,  or  other  movable  property  free  of  all 
duties  or  imposts  of  any  kind  whatever.  .  .  . 

6.  In  towns  or  other  places  where  there  are  unoccupied 
or  waste  lands  or  properties,  we  ordain  that  these  shall  be 
given   over  to  our  said  French  brethren  of  the   reformed 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia  317 

evangelical  religion,  free  of  all  and  every  incumbrance,  to 
hold  and  enjoy  for  themselves  and  their  posterity.  We  fur- 
ther ordain  that  the  necessary  materials  for  the  cultivation 
of  these  lands  shall  be  furnished  them  gratis.  .  .  . 

7.  So  soon  as  any  of  our  said  French  brethren  of  the 
reformed  evangelical  religion  shall  have  settled  themselves 
in  any  town  or  village,  they  shall  be  invested,  without  pay- 
ment of  any  kind,  with  all  the  rights,  benefits,  and  privileges 
of  citizenship  enjoyed  or  exercised  by  our  subjects  who  live 
and  were  born  in  said  town  or  village. 

8.  If  any  of  them  shall  desire  to  establish  manufactories 
of  cloth,  stuffs,  hats,  or  other  articles,  we  will  not  only 
bestow  on  them  all  the  necessary  permissions,  rights,  and 
privileges,  but  will  further  aid  them,  so  far  as  is  in  our 
power,  with  money  and  requisite  materials. 

9.  Those  who  wish  to  settle  in  the  country  shall  be  given 
a  certain  amount  of  land  to  cultivate,  shall  be  furnished  with 
the  requisite  utensils  and  materials  and  encouraged  in  every 
way,  as  has  been  done  in  the  case  of  certain  families  who 
have  come  from  Switzerland  to  settle  in  our  country. 

•  ••••••••••• 

11.  In  every  town  where  our  said  French  brethren  in  the 
faith  are  established,  we  will  support  a  special  preacher  and 
set  apart  a  proper  place  where  they  may  hold  their  services 
in  the  French  language,  and  with  such  usages  and  ceremo- 
nies as  are  customary  in  the  reformed  evangelical  churches 
in  France. 

12.  As  for  the  members  of  the  French  nobility  who  have 
placed  themselves  under  our  protection  and  entered  our 
service,  they  enjoy  the  same  honors,  dignities,  and  preroga- 
tives as  our  own  subjects  of  noble  birth,  and  several  of  them 
have  been  given  some  of  the  most  important  offices  at  our 
court  as  well  as  in  our  army  ;  and  we  are  graciously  disposed 
to  show  like  favor  to  all  such  of  the  French  nobility  as  may 
in  future  present  themselves  to  us. 

Given  at  Potsdam,  the  29th  of  October,  1685. 

Frederick  William,  Elector. 


3 18  Readi?igs  in  European  History 

In  a  letter  addressed  to  Louis  XIV,  the  pope  protests 
against  the  arrogance  of  the  successor  of  the  Great 
Elector  in  assuming  the  kingly  crown. 

356.  The  We,  Clement  XI,  send  to  our  beloved  son  in  Christ  our 

pope  pro-         good  wishes  and  apostolic  blessing. 

tests  against  .  ,  ,  .    .,  .  ..  ,  ,  ,  ,    . 

the  assump-         Although  it  is  well  known  to  us  that  your  Majesty  in  no 

tion  of  king-    way  approves  the  bad  example  which  has  been  given  to  all 

ship  by  the      Christendom   by   the   behavior   of   Frederick,    margrave    of 

Brandenburg   Brandenburg,  in  daring  to  openly  assume  the  title  of  king; 

(1701).  nevertheless,  lest  we  seem  to  fail  in  upholding  our  office,  we 

cannot  pass  over  this  matter  in  silence  ;  for  a  non-Catholic 

person   cannot,  without  affront  to  the  Church,  assume  the 

sacred  title  of  king,  and  the  said  margrave  has  not  hesitated 

to  call  himself  king  of  a  part  of  Prussia  which  has  from  of 

old  belonged  to  the  German  knights. 

Wherefore,  in  view  of  this  our  admonition,  we  require 
your  Majesty  (whose  magnanimity  is  well  known  to  us)  to 
refrain  from  according  to  the  said  margrave  the  kingly  dig- 
nity which  he  has  so  rashly  ventured  to  assume.  Such  as 
he  are  condemned  and  cast  out  by  the  word  of  God,  which 
says,  "  Ye  have  ruled,  but  not  through  me  ;  ye  have  become 
princes  and  I  have  not  known  ye." 

Our  reverend  brother,  Philip  Anthony,  archbishop  of 
Athens,  will  further  communicate  our  views  on  this  matter 
to  your  Majesty,  to  whom,  in  God's  name,  we  wish  all  hap- 
piness and  graciously  send  our  apostolic  blessing. 

Given  at  Rome,  at  St.  Peter's,  under  the  seal  of  the  fish- 
erman's ring,  the  16th  of  April,  17  01. 

The  influence  of  France  upon  Germany  was  very 
marked  during  the  eighteenth  century.  Frederick  the 
Great  wrote  almost  exclusively  in  French.  The  com- 
plaints of  honest  Germans  that  French  manners  were 
corrupting  the  fatherland  go  back,  however,  some  dec- 
ades before  Frederick's  time.  The  following  character- 
istic protest  belongs  to  his  father's  reign. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


319 


It  is,  alas,  but  too  plain  that  since  the  French  devil  has    357.  French 
come  to  rule  the  Germans  we  have  so  changed  in  our  way    manners  in 
of  life,  manners,  and  customs  that  we  deserve  to  be  called,    in  the  eariy 
if  not  naturalized  Frenchmen,  at  least  a  strange  new  French-    eighteenth 
ified  people.    In  the  past,  Frenchmen  have  not  been  greatly    century- 
esteemed  in  Germany,  but  nowadays  we  cannot  live  without 
them  ;  everything  must  be  French,  —  French  speech,  French 
clothes,   French  music,   French  diseases,  and   I  fear  we  '11 
come  to  a   French   death,   for   our   sins   deserve   no   other. 
Most  of  the  German  courts  are  ordered  on  the  French  plan, 
and  no  one  can  hope  to  be  of  any  importance  in  them  unless 
he  knows  French  and  especially  unless  he  has  been  in  Paris, 
that  university  for  the  study  of  every  sort  of  frivolity.  .   .  . 

Before  our  children  have  mastered  any  sort  of  speech, 
when  they  are  but  four  or  five  years  old,  they  are  offered  up 
to  the  French  Moloch,  introduced  to  French  galantries,  and 
the  parents  must  see  about  a  French  teacher  and  dancing 
master.  In  France  no  one  speaks  German  unless  it  be  some 
few  Germans  among  themselves ;  but  here  with  us  the  use 
of  the  French  language  has  become  so  common  that  in  many 
places  it  is  even  used  by  the  shoemakers  and  tailors,  the 
servants  and  the  children.   .  .  . 

As  to  clothes,  I  venture  to  say  that  in  France  itself  things 
are  not  so  bad  as  here  in  Germany.  The  plain  truth  is  that 
even  in  Paris  I  have  never  seen  such  variety  and  frequent 
changes  of  fashion  in  clothes  as  in  Germany.  .  .  .  The 
French  cannot  devise  anything  so  absurd  that  the  Germans, 
in  imitating  it,  will  not  make  it  still  more  ridiculous. 


V.   Frederick  the  Great  and  his  Father 

Frederick  the  Great's  father  gave  the  following  in- 
structions for  the  education  of  his  son. 

.  .  .  Above  all  else,  it  is  important  that  his  character  — 
and  it  is  character  which  governs  all  human  action  —  should 
be,  from  earliest  youth,  so  formed  that  he  will  love  and  de- 
light in  virtue  and  feel  horror  and  disgust  for  vice.    Nothing 


358.  In- 
structions 
of  Frederick 
William  I 
for  the 
education  of 
his  son. 
(Condensed.) 


320  Readings  in  European  History 

can  so  greatly  contribute  to  this  end  as  to  implant  the 
true  fear  of  God  so  early  in  the  young  heart  that  it  shall 
take  root  and  bear  fruit  in  the  time  when  there  is  no  longer 
any  guidance  or  oversight.  For  other  men  are  guided  toward 
virtue  and  away  from  evil  by  the  rewards  and  punishments 
dealt  out  by  those  who  are  set  above  them,  but  the  prince 
must  rely  on  the  fear  of  God  alone,  iince  he  is  subject  to  no 
human  law,  punishment,  or  reward. 

My  son  and  all  his  attendants  shall  say  their  prayers  on 
their  knees  both  morning  and  evening,  and  after  prayers 
shall  read  a  chapter  from  the  Bible. 

He  shall  be  kept  away  from  operas,  comedies,  and  other 
worldly  amusements  and,  as  far  as  possible,  be  given  a  dis- 
taste for  them.  He  must  be  taught  to  pay  proper  respect 
and  submission  to  his  parents,  but  without  slavishness. 

His  tutors  must  use  every  means  they  can  devise  to  re- 
strain him  from  puffed-up  pride  and  insolence  and  to  train 
him  in  good  management,  economy,  and  modesty.  And 
since  nothing  is  so  harmful  as  flattery,  all  those  who  are 
about  the  person  of  my  son  are  forbidden  to  indulge  in  it 
on  pain  of  my  extreme  displeasure. 

As  to  the  further  studies  that  become  a  prince,  his  prog- 
ress must  depend  upon  his  years  and  growth,  but  it  must 
be  looked  to  that  he  is  taught  the  most  important  things  first, 
and  all  without  inspiring  distaste  or  disgust.  As  this  will 
depend  largely  on  the  adroitness  of  his  preceptor,  Duhan, 
the  latter  must  consult  from  time  to  time  with  the  head  tutor 
as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued,  which  must  then  be  presented 
to  me  for  my  approval. 

As  for  the  Latin  language,  he  is  not  to  learn  it,  and  I 
desire  that  no  one  shall  even  speak  to  me  on  this  subject ;  but 
his  tutors  shall  see  to  it  that  he  acquires  a  terse  and  ele- 
gant style  in  writing  French  as  well  as  German.  Arithmetic, 
mathematics,  artillery,  and  agriculture  he  must  be  taught  thor- 
oughly, ancient  history  only  superficially,  but  that  of  our 
own  time  and  of  the  last  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  as  accu- 
rately as  possible.  He  must  have  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
law,  of  international  law,  of  geography,  and  of  what  is  most 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Pries sia 


321 


remarkable  in  each  country  ;  and,  above  all,  my  son  must 
be  carefully  taught  the  history  of  his  own  house. 

His  tutors  must  take  the  greatest  pains  to  imbue  my  son 
with  a  sincere  love  for  the  soldier's  profession  and  to  im- 
press upon  him  that  nothing  else  in  the  world  can  confer 
upon  a  prince  such  fame  and  honor  as  the  sword,  and  that 
he  will  be  despised  by  all  the  world  if  he  does  not  only  love 
it  but  seek  in  it  his  only  glory;  and  his  chief  tutor  shall  pro- 
vide for  his  being  taught  the  practice  of  arms  as  play  in  his 
recreation  hours. 

Nothing  is  more  becoming  or  more  necessary  in  a  prince 
than  the  ability  to  speak  well  under  all  circumstances  ;  there- 
fore my  son's  tutors  must  look  to  it  that  he  accustom  himself 
betimes  to  this  art  by  practice.  .  .  . 

The  following  is  a  suggestive  letter  of  the  crown 
prince,  Frederick,  written  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  to  his 
father,  Frederick  William  I. 

Wusterhausen,  September  11,  1728. 

I  have  not  ventured  for  a  long  time  to  present  myself    359.  a 
before  my  dear  papa,  partly  because  I  was  advised  against    youthful 
it,  but  chiefly  because  I  anticipated  an  even  worse  reception    Frederick 
than  usual  and  feared  to  vex  my  dear  papa  still  further  by    the  Great 
the  favor  I  have  now  to  ask;  so  I  have  preferred  to  put  it  in    tohisfather 
writing. 

I  beg  my  dear  papa  that  he  will  be  kindly  disposed 
toward  me.  I  do  assure  him  that  after  long  examination 
of  my  conscience  I  do  not  find  the  slightest  thing  with  which 
to  reproach  myself;  but  if,  against  my  wish  and  will,  I  have 
vexed  my  dear  papa,  I  hereby  beg  most  humbly  for  forgive- 
ness, and  hope  that  my  dear  papa  will  give  over  the  fearful 
hate  which  has  appeared  so  plainly  in  his  whole  behavior 
and  to  which  I  cannot  accustom  myself.  I  have  always 
thought  hitherto  that  I  had  a  kind  father,  but  now  I  see  the 
contrary.  However,  I  will  take  courage  and  hope  that  my 
dear  papa  will  think  this  all  over  and  take  me  again  into 
his  favor.    Meantime  I  assure  him  that  I  will  never,  my  life 


322  Readings  in  European  History 

long,  willingly  fail  him,  and  in  spite  of  his  disfavor  I  am  still, 
with  most  dutiful  and  childlike  respect,  my  dear  papa's 
Most  obedient  and  faithful  servant  and  son, 

Frederick. 

Frederick  William  replied: 

359a.  Fred-  A  bad,  obstinate  boy,  who  does  not  love  his  father;  for 
erick  Wil-  when  one  does  one's  best,  and  especially  when  one  loves 
one's  father,  one  does  what  he  wishes  not  only  when  he  is 
standing  by  but  when  he  is  not  there  to  see.  Moreover  you 
know  very  well  that  I  cannot  stand  an  effeminate  fellow  who 
has  no  manly  tastes,  who  cannot  ride  or  shoot  (to  his  shame 
be  it  said  !),  is  untidy  about  his  person,  and  wears  his  hair 
curled  like  a  fool  instead  of  cutting  it ;  and  that  I  have  con- 
demned all  these  things  a  thousand  times,  and  yet  there  is 
no  sign  of  improvement.  For  the  rest,  haughty,  ofhsh  as  a 
country  lout,  conversing  with  none  but  a  favored  few  in- 
stead of  being  affable  and  popular,  grimacing  like  a  fool,  and 
never  following  my  wishes  out  of  love  for  me  but  only  when 
forced  into  it,  caring  for  nothing  but  to  have  his  own  way, 
and  thinking  nothing  else  is  of  any  importance.    This  is  my 

answer.  Frederick  William. 

VI.    Frederick  the  Great  and  the  Seven  Years'  War 

The  Seven  Years'  War  opened  disastrously  for  Fred- 
erick the  Great.  His  only  ally  against  all  Europe  was 
England.  In  spite  of  a  victory  over  the  French  at 
Rossbach  (November  5,  1757),  his  situation,  which  he 
describes  in  the  following  address  to  his  generals,  was 
a  very  critical  one.  But  so  great  was  his  military  skill 
and  the  valor  of  the  soldiers,  whom  he  inspired  with  his 
own  fiery  confidence,  that  on  December  5  he  won  the 
battle  of  Leuthen  against  tremendous  odds, — a  victory 
which  Napoleon  declared  would  alone  have  entitled  him 
to  rank  among  the  greatest  generals. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


323 


You  are  aware,  gentlemen,  that  Prince  Karl  of  Lorraine 
has  succeeded  in  taking  Schweidnitz,  defeating  the  duke  of 
Bevern  and  making  himself  master  of  Breslau,  while  I  was 
engaged  in  checking  the  advance  of  the  French  and  impe- 
rial forces.  A  part  of  Schleswig,  my  capital,  and  all  the  mili- 
tary stores  it  contained,  are  lost,  and  I  should  feel  myself 
in  dire  straits  indeed  if  it  were  not  for  my  unbounded  confi- 
dence in  your  courage,  your  constancy,  and  your  love  for 
the  fatherland,  which  you  have  proved  to  me  on  so  many 
occasions  in  the  past.  These  services  to  me  and  to  the 
fatherland  have  touched  the  deepest  fibers  of  my  heart. 
There  is  hardly  one  among  you  who  has  not  distinguished 
himself  by  some  conspicuous  deed  of  valor,  wherefore  I  flat- 
ter myself  that  in  the  approaching  opportunity  also  you  will 
not  fail  in  any  sacrifice  that  your  country  may  demand 
of  you. 

And  this  opportunity  is  close  at  hand.  I  should  feel  that 
I  had  accomplished  nothing  if  Austria  were  left  in  posses- 
sion of  Schleswig.  Let  me  tell  you  then  that  I  propose,  in 
defiance  of  all  the  rules  of  the  art  of  war,  to  attack  the 
army  of  Prince  Karl,  three  times  as  large  as  ours,  wherever 
I  find  it.  It  is  here  no  question  of  the  numbers  of  the  enemy 
nor  of  the  importance  of  the  positions  they  have  occupied; 
all  this  I  hope  to  overcome  by  the  devotion  of  my  troops 
and  the  careful  carrying  out  of  my  plans.  I  must  take  this 
step  or  all  will  be  lost ;  we  must  defeat  the  enemy,  else  we 
shall  all  lie  buried  under  his  batteries.  So  I  believe  —  so  I 
shall  act. 

Communicate  my  decision  to  all  the  officers  of  the  army ; 
prepare  the  common  soldier  for  the  exertions  that  are  to 
come,  and  tell  him  that  I  feel  justified  in  expecting  unques- 
tioning obedience  from  him.  Remember  that  you  are  Prus- 
sians and  you  cannot  show  yourselves  unworthy  of  that 
distinction.  But  if  there  be  one  or  other  among  you  who 
fears  to  share  with  me  any  and  all  danger,  he  shall  at  once 
be  given  his  discharge  without  reproach  from  me. 

[The  solemn  silence  with  which  this  speech  was  received 
and  the  glow  of  enthusiasm  reflected  in  the  faces   of  his 


360.  Fred- 
erick's ad- 
dress to  his 
generals  and 
staff  officers, 
December  3, 
1757,  before 
his  victory 
at  Leuthen. 


324 


Readings  in  European  History 


361.  Letter 
of  Frederick 
the  Great 
written 
toward  the 
close  of  the 
Seven  Years' 
War  (Aug- 
ust, 1762). 


hearers  convinced  Frederick  that  he  had  produced  the  effect 
he  desired.    With  a  gentle  smile  he  continued:] 

I  was  convinced  that  no  one  of  you  would  wish  to  leave 
me ;  I  count  then,  absolutely,  on  your  faithful  help  and  on 
certain  victory.  Should  I  not  return  to  reward  you  for  your 
devotion,  the  fatherland  itself  must  do  it.  Return  now  to 
camp  and  repeat  to  your  troops  what  you  have  heard  from 
me.  [Then,  becoming  once  more  the  stern  ruler,  he  an- 
nounces the  punishment  that  awaits  the  slightest  hesitation 
in  following  orders.]  The  regiment  of  cavalry  that  does 
not  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  orders  throw  itself  upon 
the  enemy  I  will  have  unmounted  immediately  after  the 
battle  and  make  it  a  garrison  regiment.  The  battalion  of 
infantry  that  even  begins  to  hesitate,  no  matter  what  the 
danger  may  be,  shall  lose  its  flags  and  its  swords  and  have 
the  gold  lace  stripped  from  its  uniforms. 

And  now,  gentlemen,  farewell ;  erelong  we  shall  either 
have  defeated  the  enemy  or  we  shall  see  each  other  no 
more. 

Before  the  end  of  the  long  and  exhausting  war  Fred- 
erick had  met  with  several  crushing  reverses,  and  his 
resources  had  dwindled  to  almost  nothing.  He  writes 
the  following  letters,  not  long  before  peace  was  finally 
concluded,  to  his  trusted  French  friend,  d'Argens. 

...  I  am  obliged  to  cover  Schweidnitz  from  all  sides 
against  this  Daun  [an  Austrian  commander],  who  keeps  a 
dozen  subordinates  roaming  about  trying  to  defeat  our  plans. 
This  compels  me  to  give  unremitting  attention  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy  and  to  procuring  information.  You 
may  infer,  therefore,  that  my  poor  head  is  scarcely  equal  to 
poetry.  That  verse  that  you  criticise  shall  certainly  be  cor- 
rected, —  that  is  nothing ;  but  I  beg  you  to  wait  till  the  end 
of  our  siege,  which  so  far  goes  well.  I  have  not  the  least 
vanity,  I  assure  you ;  and  I  think  chance  and  my  troops  are 
responsible  for  so  large  a  share  in  the  success  of  my  un- 
dertakings that  I  have  no  mania  for  dispatching  couriers,* 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia  325 

nevertheless,  if  it  will  give  you  pleasure,  they  shall  certainly 
be  sent.   .  .  . 

For  the  present  I  am  confining  my  attention  to  the  opera- 
tion I  have  undertaken.  There  is  quite  enough  to  keep  a 
young  man  busy,  but  what  a  life  for  an  old  man,  worn  out 
and  broken  clown  like  me,  whose  memory  is  beginning  to 
fail  and  who  feels  his  senses  weakening  and  his  force  of 
character  declining !  There  is  a  fitting  time  of  life  for  all 
things.  At  my  age,  my  dear  marquis,  books,  conversation, 
a  comfortable  armchair  by  the  fire,  —  these  are  all  that  remain 
for  me,  and  then  in  a  few  moments  the  grave. 

Farewell,  my  dear  marquis;  may  you  live  happily  and  in 
tranquillity  and  not  forget  me. 

Another  letter  to  the  same,  dated  at  Bogendorf,  Sep- 
tember 27,  1762,  reads  as  follows  : 

I  am  so  accustomed  to  reverses  and  mishaps  and  I  am    362.  Fred- 
becoming  so  indifferent  to  the  events  of  this  world,  that    erick  de- 
things  which  would  formerly  have  made  the  most  profound    J^is8  T**- 
impression  upon  me  now  glide  but  lightly  over  my  spirit.     I    ing  old. 
can  assure  you,  my  dear  marquis,  that  I  have  really  made 
some  progress  in  the  practice  of  philosophy.    I  am  growing 
old,  the  end  of  my  days  draws  near,  and  my  spirit  is  grad- 
ually detaching  itself   from   the    fleeting  spectacle   of   this 
world,  which  I  -shall  leave  so  soon.    The  circumstances  of 
the  past  winter,  the  revolution  in  Russia,  the  perfidy  of  the 
English,  —  what  subjects  for  cultivating  one's  reason  if  one 
but  reflects  on  them !    And  who  would  wish  to  keep  low 
company  all  one's  life  in  this  worst  of  all  possible  worlds  ? 
I  mention  only  a  few  of  my  causes  for  disgust,  but  I  have 
had  so  many  during  this  war  that  my  capacity  for  feeling  is 
exhausted,  and  a  callus  of  insensibility  and  indifference  has 
formed  that  makes  me  good  for  nothing. 

I  write  you  naturally,  just  as  I  feel.  It  will  pain  you  a 
little,  but  believe  me  that  it  is  a  great  relief  to  unburden 
one's  heart,  and  consider  the  situation  in  which  I  am  placed. 

Farewell,  my  dear  marquis;  I  will  write  no  more  this 
time,  and  I  close  with  assurances  of  my  sincere  friendship. 


326 


Readings  i?i  European  History 


363.  Fred- 
erick the 
Great  de- 
clares that 
Germany 
has  no  great 
writers 
(1780). 


VII.   Frederick  the  Great's  Estimate  of  German 

Literature 

Frederick  always  cultivated  the  society  of  French 
men  of  letters,  and  his  own  voluminous  works  are  written 
in  French.  He  had  little  respect  for  the  achievements 
of  his  own  countrymen  in  literature,  although  when  he 
wrote  the  following  contemptuous  estimate  Lessing  had 
finished  his  work  and  Goethe  was  thirty-one  years  old 
and  had  published,  beside  Goetz  von  Berlichingen,  The 
Sorrows  of  Werther,  the  first  book  of  Wilhelm  Meister, 
and  many  of  his  lyrics.  Schiller,  who  was  but  twenty- 
one,  published  his  first  tragedy  the  following  year. 

You  are  surprised,  sir,  that  I  do  not  add  my  voice  to  yours 
in  applauding  the  progress  which,  according  to  you,  German 
literature  is  making  from  day  to  day.  I  love  our  common 
country  as  well  as  you,  and  for  that  very  reason  I  abstain 
from  praising  it  until  it  has  deserved  praise.  .  .  . 

Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  our  country  ;  I  hear  a  jargon 
spoken  which  is  devoid  of  every  grace,  and  which  each  one 
manipulates  according  to  his  own  fancy,  with  no  discrimina- 
tion in  the  choice  of  terms,  —  indeed,  the  most  appropri- 
ate and  expressive  words  are  wholly  neglected,  and  the  real 
meaning  is  drowned  in  a  flood  of  verbiage. 

I  have  been  trying  to  unearth  our  Homers,  our  Virgils, 
our  Anacreons,  our  Horaces,  our  Demosthenes,  our  Ciceros, 
our  Thucydides,  our  Livys ;  but  I  find  nothing ;  I  might 
have  spared  my  pains.  Let  us  be  sincere  and  admit  frankly 
that  up  to  this  time  literature  has  not  flourished  on  our  soil. 
Germany  has  had  its  philosophers  who  can  bear  compari- 
son with  the  ancients,  —  who  have  even  surpassed  them  in 
some  respects, — but  as  to  belles-lettres,  let  us  confess  our 
poverty.  .  .  . 

In  order  to  convince  yourself  of  the  bad  taste  that  reigns 
in  Germany,  you  have  only  to  frequent  the  theater.    There 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


1*7 


you  will  see  presented  the  abominable  plays  of  Shakespeare 
translated  into  our  language,  and  the  whole  audience  trans- 
ported with  delight  by  these  absurd  farces,  fit  only  for  the 
savages  of  Canada.  I  speak  of  them  thus  because  they  sin 
against  every  rule  of  the  drama.  These  rules  are  not  arbi- 
trary :  Aristotle  in  his  Poetics  prescribes  the  unity  of  time, 
of  place,  and  of  action  as  the  only  possible  means  of  making 
tragedy  interesting. 

One  may  perhaps  forgive  Shakespeare  for  his  fantastic 
eccentricities,  for  one  must  not  expect  maturity  of  the  arts  at 
the  time  of  their  birth.  But  now  we  have  a  Goetz  von  Ber- 
lichingen  appearing  on  the  scene,  a  detestable  imitation  of 
those  wretched  English  plays,  and  the  pit  applauds  it  en- 
thusiastically and  demands  the  repetition  of  its  disgusting 
platitudes.  .  .  . 

Give  us  Medicis  for  rulers  and  we  shall  see  genius  unfold  ; 
without  an  Augustus  we  cannot  have  Virgils.    We  shall  yet 
have  our  classic  authors  ;  every  one  will  wish  to  read  them 
alike  for  pleasure  and  profit;  our  neighbors  will  learn  Ger-    ingcare 
man,  and  our  language,  polished  and  perfected  by  our  writers,    of  roy 

%  p3.rroris« 

will  be  spoken,  not  in  court  circles  only,  but  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Europe.  This  happy  time  is  not  yet 
here,  but  it  approaches.  I  prophesy  that  it  will  come,  though 
I  shall  not  see  it ;  my  age  forbids  that  hope.  I  am  like 
Moses :  I  see  the  promised  land  from  afar,  but  I  may  not 
enter  it.  Pardon  me  the  comparison.  I  will  let  Moses  alone, 
—  I  do  not  mean  to  put  myself  on  a  level  with  him  in  any 
respect ;  but  as  for  the  "  promised  land  "  of  our  literature,  it 
is  far  more  to  be  desired  than  the  bleak  and  arid  rocks  of 
the  sterile  Idumea. 


Progress  of 
literature 
dependent 
on  the  foster 


VIII.  The  Partition  of  Poland 

Maria  Theresa  was  heartily  ashamed  of  her  part  in 
the  First  Partition  of  Poland.  She  writes  as  follows  to 
Archduke  Ferdinand,  her  son,  explaining  and  excusing 
her  course. 


328 


Readings  in  European  History 


364.  Letter 
of  Maria 
Theresa  on 
the  partition 
of  Poland. 


Laxenburg,  September  17,  [1772]. 
.  .  .  Firmian  will  receive  a  lengthy  document  with  in- 
structions in  regard  to  our  present  situation,  our  engage- 
ments toward  Russia,  Prussia,  and  the  Turks,  but  particularly 
in  regard  to  this  unfortunate  partition  of  Poland,  which  is 
costing  me  ten  years  of  my  life.  It  will  make  plain  the 
whole  unhappy  history  of  that  affair.  How  many  times  have 
I  refused  to  agree  to  it  !  But  disaster  after  disaster  heaped 
upon  us  by  the  Turks;  misery,  famine,  and  pestilence  at 
home ;  no  hope  of  assistance  either  from  France  or  England, 
and  the  prospect  of  being  left  isolated  and  threatened  with 
a  war  both  with  Russia  and  Prussia,  —  it  was  all  these  con- 
siderations that  finally  forced  me  to  accede  to  that  unhappy 
proposal,  which  will  remain  a  blot  on  my  whole  reign.  God 
grant  that  I  be  not  held  responsible  for  it  in  the  other  world  ! 
I  confess  that  I  cannot  keep  from  talking  about  this  affair. 
I  have  taken  it  so  to  heart  that  it  poisons  and  imbitters  all 
my  days,  which  even  without  that  are  sad  enough.  I  must 
stop  writing  about  it  at  once,  or  I  shall  worry  myself  into 
the  blackest  melancholy.  .  .  . 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


Sketch  of  Russian  History  in  the  18th  Century  :  Schwill,  Modern 
Europe,  pp.  215-229. 

Peter  the  Great  and  Charles  XII :  Wakeman,  European  History.. 
1378-17/3,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  289-310. 

Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  18th  Century :  Hassall,  European 
History,  1713-/789,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-25. 

Review  of  Prussian  History  in  the  17th  and  18th  Centuries : 
Schwill,  pp.  230-247. 

Frederick  the  Great  and  the  Seven  Years'  War :  Henderson, 
Short  History  of  Germany,  Vol.  II,  pp.  148-18 1  ;  Hassall,  Chapter  IX, 
pp.  244-283. 

Frederick  the  Great  in  Peace:  Henderson,  Vol.  II,  pp.  182-218. 

First  Partition  of  Poland  :  Hassall,  pp.  302-322. 


Rambaud,  History  of  Russia,  2  vols.  Much  the  best  general  account. 
It  may  be  supplemented  by  the  same  author's  little  volume  on  The 
Expansion  of  Russia. 


Rise  of  Russia  and  Prussia 


329 


Schuyler,  Peter  the  Great,  18S4.  The  standard  life  of  the  tsar  in 
English. 

Waliszewski,  Life  of  Peter  the  Great.  From  the  French.  Excellent 
and  recent. 

Bain,  Charles  XII  and  the  Collapse  of  the  Swedish  Empire,  1682- 
17 19,  1899  (Heroes  of  the  Nations). 

Stanley  Lane-Poole,  Turkey  (Story  of  the  Nations).  By  a  well- 
known  authority. 

Creasy,  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks.  Based  upon  the  great  Ger- 
man work  of  Von  Hammer,  which  is  in  10  volumes. 

Longman,  Frederick  the  Great,  and  (more  recent)  Reddaway,  Fred- 
erick the  Great  and  the  Rise  of  Prussia,  1904  (Heroes  of  the  Nations). 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  Frederick  the  Great,  3  vols.  A  famous  work 
giving  many  extracts  from  Frederick's  letters  and  other  sources. 

Perkins,  France  under  Louis  XV,  2  vols.  Excellent  for  the  role  of 
France  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Bright,  Maria  Theresa,  1897.  A  little  volume  in  the  Foreign  States- 
men Series. 


Bruckner,  Peter  der  Grosse,  1879  (Oncken  Series).1 

Tuttle,  History  of  Prussia,  4  vols.  Vol.  I,  to  the  accession  of  Fred- 
erick II;  Vols.  II-IV,  reign  of  Frederick  to  1757. 

Droysen,  Geschichte  der  preussischen  Politik,  14  vols.,  ending  with 
the  year  1756.  The  most  elaborate  history  of  Prussia,  by  an  excellent 
historian. 

Erdmansdorfer,  Deutsche  Geschichte  vom  Westphdlischoi  Frieden 
bis  zum  Regierungsantritt  Friedrichs  des  Grossen,  2  vols.,  1 892-1893 
(Oncken  Series).    Well  illustrated. 

Von  Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitraum 
der  Griindung  des  preussischen  Konigthums,  2  vols.,  1890- 1894. 

Berner,  Geschichte  des  preussischen  Staats,  1891.  Elaborately 
illustrated. 

Waddington,  V Acquisition  de  la  couronne  royale  de  Prusse par  les 
Hohenzollern,  18S8. 

Forster,  F.,  Friedrich  Wilhelm  der  Erste,  3  vols.,  1834-1835.  An 
excellent  old  life  of  Frederick's  father,  with  much  illustrative  material. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


There  are  naturally  a  good  many  books  about  Frederick  the  Great.  Frederick 
The  chief  sources  for  his  reign  are  his  own  works,  especially  his  let-  tne  Great. 
ters  :    OEuvres  de  Frederic  le  Grand,  30  vols.,  Berlin,  2d  ed.,  1846-1857; 


1  A  bibliography  of  works  on  Russia  may  be  found  in  Lavisse  and  Rambaud 
Histoire  Generate,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  717  sqq. 


330  Readings  in  European  History 

Politische  Korrespondenz  Friedrichs  des  Grossen,  25  vols.,  1879  sqq., 
edited  by  Koser  and  other  scholars.  Reinhold  Koser  is  perhaps  the 
greatest  living  authority  on  Frederick  :  Besides  many  articles,  he  has 
published  Friedrich  der  Grosse  als  Kronprinz,  1886,  and  an  account  of 
his  reign  in  Kbnig  Friedrich  der  Grosse,  2  vols.,  4to,  2d  ed.,  1901-1903. 
Lavisse  has  dealt  with  the  earlier  years  of  Frederick  :  La  Jeunesse  du 
Grand  Frederic,  1891,  and  Le  Grand  Frederic  avant  Vavenement.  See 
also,  Paul-Dubois,  Frederic  le  Grand  d'apres  sa  correspondance 
politique. 
The  Seven  There  are  two  careful  histories  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  :  Schaefer, 

Years'  War.  p)er  Siebenjahrige  Krieg,  3  vols.,  1867-1874,  and  Waddington,  La 
Guerre  de  Sept  Ans,  1899  sqq.  Three  volumes  of  this  French  work  have 
appeared,  completing  the  year  1759.  To  these  may  be  added  Krones, 
Handbuch  der  Geschichte  Oesterreic/is,  Yo\s.  Ill— JV;  Arxeth,  Geschichte 
Maria  Theresas,  10  vols.,  1S63-1879,  the  standard  biography;  and  sev- 
eral monographs  by  the  Due  DE  Broglie,  Frederic  I L et  Maria  Theresa, 
1883,  etc. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII 


THE   EXPANSION    OF  ENGLAND 


I.   The  English  go  Northeast  in  Search  of  Trade 


We  learn  from  the  following  account  the  reasons  why 
English  merchants  set  forth  as  early  as  the  reign  of 
Queen  Mary  in  search  of  trade.  Sailing  around  North 
Cape,  they  reached  Russia  and  established  communi- 
cations with  that  country.1 

At  what  time  our  merchants  perceived  the  commodities 
and  wares  of  England  to  be  in  small  request  with  the  coun- 
tries and  people  about  us,  and  near  unto  us,  and  that  those 
merchandises  which  strangers,  in  the  time  and  memory  of 
our  ancestors,  did  earnestly  seek  and  desire  were  now 
neglected  and  the  price  thereof  abated,  although  by  us 
carried  to  their  own  ports,  and  all  foreign  merchandises  in 
great  account  and  their  prices  wonderfully  raised  ;  certain 
grave  citizens  of  London,  and  men  of  great  wisdom,  and 
careful  of  the  good  of  their  country,  began  to  think  with 
themselves  how  this  mischief  might  be  remedied ;  neither 
was  a  remedy  (as  it  then  appeared)  wanting  to  their  desires 
for  the  avoiding  of  so  great  an  inconvenience ;  for  seeing 
that  the  wealth  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  by  the 
discovery  and  search  of  new  trades  and  countries,  was 
marvelously  increased,  supposing  the  same  to  be  a  course 
and  means  for  them  also  to  obtain  the  like,  they  thereupon 
resolved  upon  a  new  and  strange  navigation.  And  whereas 
at  the  same  time  one  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  man  in  those  days 

1  See  above,  pp.  301  sq.,  for  an  account  of  Ivan  the  Terrible  by  one 
of  these  early  explorers. 

331 


365.  The 
English  set 
out  for  the 
northeastern 
regions  in 
search  of 
trade  (1553). 
(From 
Hakluyt's 
Voyages.) 


332  Readings  in  European  History 

very  renowned,  happened  to  be  in  London,  they  began  first 
of  all  to  deal  and  consult  diligently  with  him,  and  after 
much  speech  and  conference  together,  it  was  at  last  con- 
cluded that  three  ships  should  be  prepared  and  furnished 
out  for  the  search  and  discovery  of  the  northern  part  of  the 
world,  to  open  a  way  and  passage  to  our  men  for  travel  to 
new  and  unknown  kingdoms. 

And  whereas  many  things  seemed  necessary  to  be  re- 
garded in  this  so  hard  and  difficult  a  matter,  they  first  made 
choice  of  certain  grave  and  wise  persons  in  manner  of  a 
senate,  or  company,  which  should  lay  their  heads  together 
and  give  their  judgments  and  provide  things  requisite  and 
profitable  for  all  occasions;  by  this  company  it  was  thought 
expedient  that  a  certain  sum  of  money  should  publicly  be 
collected  to  serve  for  the  furnishing  of  so  many  ships.  And 
lest  any  private  man  should  be  too  much  oppressed  and 
charged,  a  course  was  taken  that  every  man  willing  to  be  of 
the  society  should  disburse  a  portion  of  twenty  and  five 
pounds  apiece,  so  that  in  a  short  time  by  this  means,  the  sum 
of  six  thousand  pounds  being  gathered,  the  three  ships  were 
bought,  the  most  part  whereof  they  provided  to  be  newly 
built  and  trimmed. 

But  in  this  action  I  wot  not  whether  I  may  more  admire 
the  care  of  the  merchants,  or  the  diligence  of  the  ship- 
wrights ;  for  the  merchants,  they  get  very  strong  and  well- 
seasoned  planks  for  the  building ;  the  shipwrights,  they, 
with  daily  travail  and  their  greatest  skill,  do  fit  them  for 
the  dispatch  of  the  ships  ;  they  calk  them,  pitch  them,  and 
among  the  rest  they  make  one  most  stanch  and  firm,  by  an 
excellent  and  ingenious  invention.  For  they  had  heard  that 
in  certain  parts  of  the  ocean  a  kind  of  worm  is  bred  which 
many  times  pierceth  and  eateth  through  the  strongest  oak 
that  is,  and  therefore  that  the  mariners  and  the  rest  to  be 
employed  in  this  voyage  mi^ht  be  free  and  safe  from  this 
danger,  they  cover  a  piece  of  the  keel  of  the  ship  with  thin 
sheets  of  lead  ;  and  having  thus  built  the  ships,  and  furnished 
them  with  armor  and  artillery,  then  followed  a  second  care 
no  less  troublesome  and  necessary  than  the  former,  namely, 


The  Expansion  of  England 


333 


the  provision  of  victuals,  which  was  to  be  made  according 
to  the  time  and  length  of  the  voyage. 

And  whereas  they  afore  determined  to  have  the  east  part 
of  the  world  sailed  unto,  and  yet  that  the  sea  towards  the 
same  was  not  open,  except  they  kept  the  northern  track, 
where  as  yet  it  was  doubtful  whether  there  were  any  passage, 
yea  or  no,  they  resolved  to  victual  the  ships  for  eighteen 
months,  which  they  did  for  this  reason :  for  our  men  being 
to  pass  that  huge  and  cold  part  of  the  world,  they,  wisely 
foreseeing  it,  allow  them  six  months'  victual  to  sail  to  the 
place,  so  much  more  to  remain  there,  if  the  extremity  of  the 
winter  hindered  their  return,  and  so  much  more  also  for 
the  time  of  their  coming  home. 


II.   How  the  English  got  a  Foothold  in  India 

Toward  fifty  years  after  the  English  had  discovered 
Russia  they  began  to  turn  their  attention  to  India,  and  in 
1 60 1  the  East  India  Company  was  chartered.  In  16 14 
Sir  Thomas  Roe  was  instructed  by  James  I  to  visit  the 
court  of  Jehangir,  the  Mongol  emperor  of  Hindustan. 
Sir  Thomas  was  to  arrange  a  commercial  treaty  and  to 
secure  for  the  East  India  Company  sites  for  commercial 
agencies,  —  "  factories,"  as  they  were  called.  Sir  Thomas 
was  successful,  and  Jehangir  sent  the  following  remark- 
ably polite  letter  to  James  I. 

When  your  Majesty  shall  open  this  letter  let  your  royal    366.  Letter 

heart  be  as  fresh  as  a  sweet  garden.    Let  all  people  make    of  the  Great 

1  1  1  iii-i  Mogul  to 

reverence  at  your  gate  ;  let  your  throne  be  advanced  higher;    james  1 

amongst  the  greatness  of  the  kings  of  the  prophet  Jesus,  let    welcoming 
your   Majesty  be  the   greatest,   and   all   monarchies  derive    tn|ls 
their  counsel  and  wisdom  from  your  breast  as  from  a  foun- 
tain, that  the  law  of  the  majesty  of  Jesus  may  revive  and 
flourish  under  your  protection. 

The  letter  of  love  and  friendship  which  you  sent  and  the 
presents,  tokens  of  your  good  affection  toward  me,  I  have 


334 


Readings  in  European  History 


367.  A 
Frenchman's 
account  of 
hostility  of 
the  Dutch  to 
English 
traders 
(1617). 


received  by  the  hands  of  your  ambassador,  Sir  Thomas  Roe 
(who  well  deserveth  to  be  your  trusted  servant),  delivered  to 
me  in  an  acceptable  and  happy  hour;  upon  which  mine  eyes 
were  so  fixed  that  I  could  not  easily  remove  them  to  any  other 
object,  and  have  accepted  them  with  great  joy  and  delight. 

Upon  which  assurance  of  your  royal  love  I  have  given  my 
general  command  to  all  the  kingdoms  and  ports  of  my 
dominions  to  receive  all  the  merchants  of  the  English  nation 
as  the  subjects  of  my  friend;  that  in  what  place  soever 
they  choose  to  live,  they  may  have  reception  and  residence 
to  their  own  content  and  safety ;  and  what  goods  soever 
they  desire  to  sell  or  buy,  they  may  have  free  liberty  without 
any  restraint;  and  at  what  port  soever  they  shall  arrive,  that 
neither  Portugal  nor  any  other  shall  dare  to  molest  their 
quiet;  and  in  what  city  soever  they  shall  have  residence,  I 
have  commanded  all  my  governors  and  captains  to  give  them 
freedom  answerable  to  their  own  desires ;  to  sell,  buy,  and  to 
transport  into  their  country  at  their  pleasure. 

For  confirmation  of  our  love  and  friendship,  I  desire  your 
Majesty  to  command  your  merchants  to  bring  in  their  ships 
of  all  sorts  of  rarities  and  rich  goods  fit  for  my  palace;  and 
that  you  be  pleased  to  send  me  your  royal  letters  by  every 
opportunity,  that  I  may  rejoice  in  your  health  and  prosperous 
affairs  ;  that  our  friendship  may  be  interchanged  and  eternal. 

Your  Majesty  is  learned  and  quick-sighted  as  a  prophet,  and 
can  conceive  so  much  by  few  words  that  I  need  write  no  more. 

The  God  of  heaven  give  you  and  us  increase  of  honor. 

The  English  naturally  got  into  trouble  immediately 
with  the  Dutch  traders  in  the  East  Indies.  There  is 
probably  another  side  to  the  story  which  follows. 

A  relatioti  of  the  Frenchmen  which  lately  arrived  into  France 
in  a  ship  of  Dieppe  out  of  the  East  Indies  concerning  the 
wrongs  and  abuses  which  the  Hollanders  had  lately  done  to 
the  English  there  (761/)  : 

Two  English  ships  coming  to  Banda,  in  course  of  trade 
and  traffic,  the  Hollanders  assaulted  with  certain  of   their 


The  Expansion  of  England  335 

ships,  which  English  ships  in  their  resistance  and  defense 
the  said  Hollanders  took,  slew  seven  or  eight  of  their  men 
(whereof  one  was  a  chief  factor),  chained  the  captain,  mer- 
chants, and  mariners,  and  put  the  mariners  into  their  galleys. 
All  the  munition  and  victuals  in  the  said  English  ships  did 
the  Hollanders  take  out  and  carried  the  same  ashore,  chal- 
lenging all  to  be  theirs  as  their  proper  inheritance,  and  there- 
fore will  be  lords  of  the  same. 

The  Hollanders  likewise  took  an  English  bark  going  from 
Bantam  x  to  Jacatra,  slew  some  of  her  men,  wounded  many 
more,  chained  the  captain  and  mariners,  and  carried  away 
the  said  bark  at  the  stern  of  one  of  their  ships  into  Bantam 
Road,  and  there  anchored  close  by  the  admiral  of  the 
English  in  most  despiteful  and  daring  manner,  making  their 
vaunts  that  they  were  the  chief  people  of  all  Europe;  and  to 
make  a  show  of  the  same  they  advanced  their  own  arms  and 
colors,  and  under  them  placed  the  colors  of  England  and 
France,  and  then  shot  at  the  said  English  and  French  colors 
in  most  contemptuous  and  disdainful  manner. 

At  Bantam  the  English  and  Hollanders  had  great  disputes, 
insomuch  as  it  was  verily  thought  they  would  have  fought 
together  in  the  road,  for  the  general  of  the  Hollanders  had 
brought  thither  fourteen  great  ships,  ready  to  fight,  where  the 
English  had  nine,  which  they  fitted  for  defense;  but  they 
fought  not,  for  the  governor  of  Bantam  forbade  them  to 
fight  in  his  road,  and  threatened  them  that  if  they  did  fight 
contrary  to  his  command  he  would  cut  the  throats  of  all  their 
men  that  he  should  find  upon  the  land. 

The  27th  of  November  the  Hollanders  proclaimed  war 
against  all  the  English  at  the  Mulluccoes,  Banda,  and  Am- 
boyna,  threatening  to  make  one  and  all  prize  and  to  put  them 
to  the  edge  of  the  sword  ;  which  proclamation  of  theirs  they 
fixed  upon  the  doors  of  their  lodgings  at  Bantam,  challen- 
ging all  to  be  theirs  as  their  proper  inheritance. 

1  Bantam  was  originally  the  chief  settlement  of  the  Dutch  in  Java, 
near  the  Strait  of  Sunda,  somewhat  to  the  west  of  the  present  important 
port  of  Batavia. 


33^ 


Readings  in  European  History 


368.  India 
under  the 
later  Moguls. 
(From 
Bernier.) 


The  Moguls 
claim  to  be 
descended 
from  Timur. 


III.   Condition  of  India  before  the  English 

Conquest 

In  1655  a  Frenchman,  Francois  Bernier,  made  a  jour- 
ney to  Hindustan,  and  there  became  the  court  physician 
of  the  Great  Mogul.  He  wrote  an  account  of  his  jour- 
ney and  a  number  of  letters.  A  letter  addressed  to  Col- 
bert, which  gives  an  admirable  description  of  the  state 
of  India  and  the  relations  of  the  Great  Mogul  to  the 
subject  princes  and  peoples,  is  included  in  the  following 
extract. 

He  who  reigned  there  was  called  Chah-Jehan,  —  that  is 
to  say,  king  of  the  world ;  who,  according  to  the  history 
of  that  country,  was  son  of  Jehan-Guyre,  which  signifieth 
conqueror  of  the  world;  grandchild  to  Ekbar,  which  is 
great ;  and  thus  ascending  by  Houmayons,  or  the  fortunate, 
father  of  Ekbar,  and  his  other  predecessors,  he  was  the 
tenth  of  those  that  were  descended  from  that  Timur-Lengue, 
which  signifieth  the  lame  prince,  commonly  and  corruptly 
called  Tamerlane,  so  renowned  for  his  conquests  ;  who  mar- 
ried his  near  kinswoman,  the  only  daughter  of  the  prince 
of  the  nations  of  Great  Tartary,  called  Moguls,  who  have 
left  and  communicated  their  name  to  the  strangers  that  now 
govern  Indostan,  the  country  of  the  Indians  ;  though  those 
that  are  employed  in  public  charges  and  offices,  and  even 
those  that  are  listed  in  the  militia,  be  not  all  of  the  race  of 
the  Moguls,  but  strangers  and  nations  gathered  out  of  all 
countries,  most  of  them  Persians,  some  Arabians,  and  some 
Turks.  For,  to  be  esteemed  a  Mogul  it  is  enough  to  be  a 
stranger,  white  of  face,  and  a  Mohammedan ;  in  distinction 
as  well  to  the  Indians,  who  are  brown  and  pagans,  as  to  the 
Christians  of  Europe,  who  are  called  Franguis.  .  .  . 


From  a  letter        My  lord,  you  may  have  seen  before  this,  by  the  maps  of 

°f  reiv^erS      Asia,  now  g^at  every  way  is  the  extent  of  the  empire  of  the 

Great  Mogul,  which  is  commonly  called  India  or  Indostan. 


The  Expansion  of  England 


337 


I  have  not  measured  it  mathematically;  but  to  speak  of  it 
according  to  the  ordinary  journeys  of  the  country,  after  the 
rate  of  three  whole  months'  march,  traversing  from  the  fron- 
tiers of  the  kingdom  of  Golconda  as  far  as  beyond  Kazni 
near  Kandahar,  which  is  the  first  town  of  Persia,  I  cannot 
but  persuade  myself  otherwise  but  that  it  is  at  least  five 
times  as  far  as  from  Paris  to  Lyons,  —  that  is,  about  five 
hundred  common  leagues.  .   .  . 

In  this  same  extent  of  country  there  are  sundry  nations 
which  the  Mogul  is  not  full  master  of,  most  of  them  still 
retaining  their  particular  sovereigns  and  lords  that  neither 
obey  him  nor  pay  him  tribute  but  from  constraint ;  many 
that  do  little,  some  that  do  nothing  at  all,  and  some  also 
that  receive  tribute  from  him.   .  .  . 

Such  are  the  Pathans,  a  Mohammedan  people  issued  from 
the  side  of  the  river  Ganges  toward  Bengal,  who  before  the 
invasion  of  the  Moguls  in  India  had  taken  their  time  to 
make  themselves  potent  in  many  places,  and  chiefly  at  Delhi, 
and  to  render  many  rajahs  thereabout  their  tributaries. 
These  Pathans  are  fierce  and  warlike,  and  even  the  mean- 
est of  them,  though  they  be  but  waiting  men  and  porters, 
are  still  of  a  very  high  spirit,  being  often  heard  to  say,  by 
way  of  swearing,  "  Let  me  never  be  king  of  Delhi,  if  it  be 
not  so";  a  people  that  despise  the  Indians,  heathens,  and 
Moguls,  and  mortally  hate  the  last,  still  remembering  what 
they  were  formerly,  before  they  were  by  them  driven  away 
from  their  large  principalities,  and  constrained  to  retire 
hither  and  thither.   .  .  . 

Of  the  like  sort  are  more  than  an  hundred  rajahs,  or  con- 
siderable heathen  sovereigns,  dispersed  through  the  whole 
empire,  some  near  to,  others  remote  from,  Agra  and  Delhi ; 
amongst  whom  there  are  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  that  are  very 
rich  and  puissant ;  such  are  Rana  (who  formerly  was,  as  it 
were,  emperor  of  the  rajahs,  and  who  is  said  to  be  of  the  prog- 
eny of  King  Porus),  Jesseigne,  and  Jessomseigne,  who  are  so 
great  and  powerful  that  if  they  three  alone  should  combine 
they  would  hold  him  [i.e.  the  Great  Mogul]  back ;  each  of 
them  being  able  in  a  very  short  time  to  raise  and  bring  into 


Extent  of 
Hindustan 


Tributary 
peoples. 


The  haughty 
Moham- 
medan 
Pathans. 


The  rajahs 


338  Readings  in  European  History 

the  field  twenty-five  thousand  horse,  better  troops  than  the 
Mogul's.  These  cavaliers  are  called  rajipous,  or  children  of 
the  rajahs.  These  are  men  who,  as  I  have  said  elsewhere, 
carry  swords  from  father  to  son,  and  to  whom  the  rajahs 
allot  land  on  condition  that  they  be  always  ready  to  appear 
on  horseback  when  the  rajah  commands.  They  can  endure 
much  hardship,  and  they  want  nothing  but  good  order  and 
discipline  to  make  them  good  soldiers.   .   .  . 

The  Mogul  is  obliged  to  keep  these  rajahs  in  his  service 
for  sundry  reasons  :  the  first,  because  the  militia  of  the 
rajahs  is  very  good  (as  was  said  above)  and  because  there 
are  rajahs  (as  was  intimated  also)  any  one  of  whom  can 
bring  into  the  field  above  twenty-five  thousand  men  ;  the 
second,  the  better  to  bridle  the  other  rajahs  and  to  reduce 
them  to  reason,  when  they  cantonize,  or  when  they  refuse  to 
pay  tribute,  or  when,  out  of  fear  or  other  cause,  they  will 
not  leave  their  country  to  serve  in  the  army  when  the  Mogul 
requireth  it ;  the  third,  the  better  to  nourish  jealousies  and 
keenness  among  them,  by  favoring  and  caressing  one  more 
than  the  other,  which  is  done  to  that  degree  that  they  pro- 
ceed to  fight  with  one  another  very  frequently. 

Aurangzeb,  who  died  in  1707,  was  the  last  Great 
Mogul  of  importance.  He  saw  in  his  old  age  that  anarchy 
was  likely  to  come  when  he  was  gone,  and  his  farewell 
to  this  vain  world  is  sad  indeed.  He  thus  writes  to  a 
friend  : 

369.  Au-  Health    to    thee !    My  heart    is    near  thee.    Old   age   is 

rangzeb  fore-  arrived  :  weakness  subdues  me,  and  strength  has  forsaken 

dissolution  a^  mY  members.    I  came  a  stranger  into  this  world  and  a 

of  the  stranger  I  depart.     I  know  nothing  of  myself,  what  I  am,  or 

Mogul's  £or  what  j  am  destined.    The  instant  which  has  passed  in 

empire.  . 

power  hath  left  only  sorrow  behind  it.    I  have  not  been  the 

guardian  and  protector  of   the   empire.    My  valuable  time 

has  been  passed  vainly.    I  had  a  patron  in  my  own  dwelling 

(conscience),  but  his  glorious  light  was  unseen  by  my  dim 

sight.    Life  is  not  lasting ;  there  is  no  vestige  of  departed 


The  Expansion  of  England 


339 


breath,  and  all  hopes  from  futurity  are  lost.  The  fever  has 
left  me ;  but  nothing  remains  of  me  but  skin  and  bone.  .  .  . 
The  camp  and  followers,  helpless  and  frightened,  are  like  my- 
self, full  of  alarms,  restless  as  quicksilver.  Separated  from 
their  lord,  they  know  not  if  they  have  a  master  or  not. 

I  brought  nothing  into  this  world,  and,  except  the  infirm- 
ities of  man,  carry  nothing  out.  I  have  a  dread  for  my  sal- 
vation, and  with  what  torments  I  may  be  punished.  Though 
I  have  strong  reliance  on  the  mercies  and  bounties  of  God, 
yet,  regarding  my  actions,  fear  will  not  quit  me ;  but  when 
I  am  gone  reflection  will  not  remain.  Come  then  what  may, 
I  have  launched  my  vessel  in  the  waves.  Though  Provi- 
dence will  protect  the  camp,  yet,  regarding  appearances,  the 
endeavors  of  my  sons  are  indispensable.  Give  my  last  prayers 
to  my  grandson,  whom  I  cannot  see,  but  the  desire  affects 
me.  The  Began  [his  daughter]  appears  afflicted ;  but  God 
is  the  only  judge  of  hearts.  The  foolish  thoughts  of  women 
produce  nothing  but  disappointment.  Farewell,  farewell, 
farewell. 


IV.    How  England  established  her  Control  over 

India 

It  was  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  English  settlers  at  370.  The 
Calcutta  by  the  officers  of  the  subahdar  at  Bengal  that  Hole  "of 
led   Clive  to   hasten   northward,   where    he   gained   his    Calcutta 

(June  20, 

memorable  victory  over  the  subahdar  at   Plassey.    An    1756). 
officer  of  the  East  India  Company  then  in  India  thus 
describes  the  episode  of  the  "Black  Hole,"  which  indi- 
cates the  dangers  to  which  the  English  merchants  were 
subjected. 

The  principal  officer  [of  the  nabob]  commanded  the  pris- 
oners to  go  into  one  of  the  rooms  which  stood  behind  them 
along  the  veranda.  This  was  the  common  dungeon  of  the 
garrison,  who  used  to  call  it  the  "  Black  Hole."  Many  of 
the  prisoners,  knowing  the  place,  began  to  expostulate  ;  upon 


34-0  Readings  in  European  History 

which  the  officer  ordered  his  men  to  cut  down  those  who 
hesitated,  on  which  the  prisoners  obeyed.  But  before  all 
were  within,  the  room  was  so  thronged  that  the  last  entered 
with  difficulty.  The  guard  immediately  closed  and  locked 
the  door,  confining  one  hundred  and  forty-six  persons  in  a 
room  not  twenty  feet  square,  with  only  two  small  windows, 
and  these  obstructed  by  the  veranda. 

It  was  the  hottest  season  of  the  year,  and  the  night  un- 
commonly sultry  even  at  this  season.  The  excessive  pres- 
sure of  their  bodies  against  one  another  and  the  intolerable 
heat  which  prevailed  as  soon  as  the  door  was  shut,  con- 
vinced the  prisoners  that  it  was  impossible  to  live  through 
the  night  in  this  horrible  confinement;  and  violent  attempts 
were  immediately  made  to  force  the  door,  but  without  effect, 
for  it  opened  inward ;  on  which  many  began  to  give  a  loose 
to  rage.  .   .   . 

The  first  effect  of  their  confinement  was  a  profuse  and 
continued  sweat,  which  soon  produced  intolerable  thirst, 
succeeded  by  excruciating  pains  in  the  breast,  with  difficulty 
of  breathing  little  short  of  suffocation.  Various  means  were 
tried  to  obtain  more  room  and  more  air.  Every  one  stripped 
off  his  clothes ;  every  hat  was  put  in  motion  ;  and  these 
methods  affording  no  relief,  it  was  proposed  that  they  should 
all  sit  down  on  their  hams  at  the  same  time,  and  after  remain- 
ing a  little  while  in  this  posture  rise  all  together.  This  fatal 
expedient  was  thrice  repeated  before  they  had  been  confined 
an  hour  ;  and  every  time  several,  unable  to  rear  themselves  up 
again,  fell  and  were  trampled  to  death  by  their  companions. 

Attempts  were  again  made  to  force  the  door,  which,  fail- 
ing as  before,  redoubled  their  rage  ;  but  the  thirst  increas- 
ing, nothing  but  "  Water  !  water  !  "  became  soon  after  the 
general  cry.  The  good  jei?iautdar  immediately  ordered  some 
skins  of  water  to  be  brought  to  the  windows ;  but  instead  of 
relief,  his  benevolence  became  a  more  dreadful  cause  of 
destruction ;  for  the  sight  of  the  water  threw  every  one 
into  such  excessive  agitations  and  ravings  that,  unable  to 
resist  this  violent  impulse  of  nature,  none  could  wait  to  be 
regularly  served,  but  each  with  the  utmost  ferocity  battled 


TJie  Expansion  of  Eiigland  341 

against  those  who  were  likely  to  get  it  before  him  ;  and  in 
these  conflicts  many  were  either  pressed  to  death  by  the 
efforts  of  others  or  suffocated  by  their  own.   .   .  . 

Before  midnight  all  who  were  alive  and  had  not  partaken 
of  the  air  at  the  windows  were  either  in  a  lethargic  stupe- 
faction or  raving  with  delirium.  Every  kind  of  invective 
and  abuse  was  uttered  in  hopes  of  provoking  the  guard  to 
put  an  end  to  their  miseries  by  firing  into  the  dungeon  ; 
and  whilst  some  were  blaspheming  the  Creator  with  the 
frantic  execrations  of  torment  and  despair,  Heaven  was  im- 
plored by  others  with  wild  and  incoherent  prayers  ;  until  the 
weaker,  exhausted  by  these  agitations,  at  length  laid  down 
quietly  and  expired  on  the  bodies  of  their  dead  or  agonizing 
friends.   .  .   . 

All  regards  of  compassion  and  affection  were  lost,  and  no 
one  would  recede  or  give  way  for  the  relief  of  another. 
Faintness  sometimes  gave  short  pauses  of  quiet,  but  the 
first  motion  of  any  one  renewed  the  struggle  through  all, 
under  which  ever  and  anon  some  one  sunk  to  rise  no  more. 
At  two  o'clock  not  more  than  fifty  remained  alive.  But  even 
this  number  were  too  many  to  partake  of  the  saving  air,  the 
contest  for  which  and  for  life  continued  until  the  morn,  long 
implored,  began  to  break.  .   .   . 

An  officer,  sent  by  the  nabob,  came  and  inquired  if  the 
English  chief  still  survived ;  and  soon  after  the  same  man 
returned  with  an  order  to  open  the  prison.  The  dead  were 
so  thronged,  and  the  survivors  had  so  little  strength  remain- 
ing, that  they  were  employed  near  half  an  hour  in  removing 
the  bodies  which  lay  against  the  door  before  they  could 
clear  a  passage  to  go  out  one  at  a  time  ;  when  of  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-six  who  went  in  no  more  than  twenty-three 
came  out  alive,  —  the  ghastliest  forms  that  were  ever  seen 
alive. 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  by  Clive  de- 
scribing his  famous  victory  at  Plassey,  north  of  Calcutta. 
This  battle  completely  demonstrated  the  inability  of 
native  armies  to  cope  with  Europeans,  and  marked  the 


342  Readings  in  European  History 

beginning  of  British  control  in  Bengal.  According  to  his 
account,  Clive  had  about  one  thousand  Europeans,  two 
thousand  Sepoys,  and  eight  pieces  of  cannon. 

371.  Clive's  At  daybreak  we  discovered  the  nabob's  army  moving 
own  account  towards  us,  consisting,  as  we  since  found,  of  about  fifteen 
at  Plassey  thousand  horse  and  thirty-five  thousand  foot,  with  upwards 
(June  23,  of  forty  pieces  of  cannon.  They  approached  apace,  and  by  six 
J757)-  began  to  attack  with  a  number  of  heavy  cannon,  supported 

by  the  whole  army,  and  continued  to  play  on  us  very  briskly 
for  several  hours,  during  which  our  situation  was  of  the 
utmost  service  to  us,  being  lodged  in  a  large  grove  with 
good  mud  banks.  To  succeed  in  an  attempt  on  their  cannon 
was  next  to  impossible,  as  they  were  planted  in  a  manner 
round  us  and  at  considerable  distances  from  each  other. 
We  therefore  remained  quiet  in  our  post,  in  expectation  of  a 
successful  attack  upon  their  camp  at  night.  About  noon  the 
enemy  drew  off  their  artillery  and  retired  to  their  camp.  .  .  . 
On  finding  them  make  no  great  effort  to  dislodge  us,  we 
proceeded  to  take  possession  of  one  or  two  more  eminences 
lying  very  near  an  angle  of  their  camp,  from  whence,  and  an 
adjacent  eminence  in  their  possession,  they  kept  a  smart 
fire  of  musketry  upon  us.  They  made  several  attempts  to 
bring  out  their  cannon,  but  our  advanced  fieldpieces  played 
so  warmly  and  so  well  upon  them  that  they  were  always 
driven  back.  .  Their  horse  exposing  themselves  a  good  deal 
on  this  occasion,  many  of  them  were  killed,  and  among  the 
rest  four  or  five  officers  of  the  first  distinction  ;  by  which  the 
whole  army  being  visibly  dispirited  and  thrown  into  some 
confusion,  we  were  encouraged  to  storm  both  the  eminence 
and  the  angle  of  their  camp,  which  were  carried  at  the  same 
instant,  with  little  or  no  loss  ;  though  the  latter  was  defended 
(exclusively  of  blacks)  by  forty  French  and  two  pieces  of 
cannon ;  and  the  former  by  a  large  body  of  blacks,  both 
horse  and  foot.  On  this  a  general  rout  ensued,  and  we  pur- 
sued the  enemy  six  miles,  passing  upwards  of  forty  pieces 
of  cannon  they  had  abandoned,  with  an  infinite  number  of 
hackeries  (carts)  and  carriages   filled  with   baggage  of  all 


The  Expansion  of  England 


343 


kinds.  ...  It  is  computed  there  are  killed  of  the  enemy  about 
five  hundred.  Our  loss  amounted  to  only  twenty-two  killed 
and  fifty  wounded,  and  those  chiefly  blacks. 

For  a  hundred  years  after  the  battle  of  Plassey  the 
English  steadily  extended  their  power,  but  in  1857  the 
terrible  mutiny  broke  out  in  which  the  native  troops 
(Sepoys)  turned  upon  their  masters.  After  a  fierce 
struggle  the  English  put  down  the  revolt  and  banished 
the  last  Mogul,  who  had  become  a  mere  figurehead.  An 
English  officer  who  witnessed  the  mutiny  thus  describes 
the  conditions  which  the  English  faced  in  extending  their 
control  over  the  motley  hordes  of  India. 

The  great  convulsion  known  as  the  Indian  Mutiny  broke 
out  in  May,  1857,  consequent  directly  on  the  excitement 
and  ill  feeling  engendered  in  the  Bengal  army  by  the  well- 
known  cartridge  incident.1  Any  such  military  outbreak 
would  naturally  cause  much  civil  disturbance  and  find 
numerous  supporters  outside  the  army,  but  the  wide  range 
and  virulence  of  the  general  commotion  that  ensued  were 
exceptional,  and  the  rising  was  throughout  marked  by  a 
variety  of  phases  and  by  singular  episodes,  for  which  the 
disaffection  of  the  troops  and  the  cartridge  incident  do  not 
of  themselves  adequately  account.   .  .  . 

Up  to  the  year  1856,  the  year  before  the  outbreak,  there 
had  been  for  a  whole  century  a  continuous,  aggressive  ad- 
vance of  the  British  power,  till  it  completed  the  ring  fence 
of  the  empire  by  the  annexation  of  Oude.  During  all  that 
time  it  had  either  been  engaged  in  actual  conflict  or  had 
been  forming  dominant  relations  with  the  several  races  of 
the  country,  and  had  reduced  them  one  after  another  to  sub- 
jection ;  some  provinces  being  brought  under  its  direct 
administration  and  others  being  left  as  feudatory  or  vassal 
states  under  their  native  rulers.     At  the  start  the  old  Mogul 

1  The  troops  objected,  on  religious  grounds,  to  handling  a  cartridge 
smeared  with  animal  grease. 


372.  Review 
of  the  Eng- 
lish progress 
in  India 
from  1757  to 

1857-  (By 
Lieutenant- 
General 
Innes.) 


344  Readings  in  European  History 

dominion  had  been  in  a  hopeless  state  of  decay,  leading  to  all 
the  horrors  of  internecine  war,  and  some  of  the  native  prin- 
cipalities had  gladly  turned  for  safety  to  the  shelter  of  Eng- 
lish protection  and  supremacy.  But  the  great  mass  of  the 
people  had  been  brought  under  our  rule  by  conquest  or  for- 
cible annexation. 

With  ruling  dynasties  thus  set  aside,  reduced,  or  crushed, 
with  great  races  humiliated,  and  bitterness  and  misery  spread 
broadcast  by  the  loss  of  power  and  place  and  property,  it 
would  be  an  outrage  on  common  sense  to  doubt  that  we  had 
created  a  host  of  enemies.  .  .  .  The  benefits  of  civilized 
rule,  of  the  Pax  Britannica,  were  felt  only  skin  deep,  and  the 
old  fierce  instincts,  the  outcome  of  centuries  of  strife  and 
oppression,  were  still  in  the  ascendant.  The  memory  of  in- 
juries was  still  keen  and  vivid,  the  newer  cases  helping  to 
recall  the  old  ones  to  mind,  and  to  reopen  sores  that  might 
otherwise  have  been  getting  healed ;  so  that,  briefly,  the 
mood  and  temper  which  prevailed  were  those  of  a  conquered 
people  who  had  wrongs  and  humiliations  to  remember,  and 
were  chafing  at  having  to  endure  the  sway  of  aliens  in' race 
and  creed.  There  existed,  in  fact,  under  the  best  circum- 
stances, a  mass  of  constant  disaffection,  and  whole  hosts  of 
malcontents. 

Of  these  the  most  powerful  and  dangerous  were  the 
Mussulmans.  The  entire  Mohammedan  population  were  as  a 
body  rebels  at  heart,  and  resented  the  Christian  supremacy, 
if  only  on  religious  grounds  and  from  fanatical  pride  ;  and 
the  Moguls  of  the  Upper  Provinces  had  in  addition  a  natural 
longing  to  revive  their  old  predominance  and  restore  their 
old  empire. 

Next  may  be  mentioned  the  Mahrattas,  a  warlike  and 
unscrupulous  Hindu  race,  who,  though  now  split  up  into 
rival  states,  had  been  most  powerful  as  a  confederacy,  and 
felt  that  but  for  the  British  they  would  have  been  the  mas- 
ters of  India. 

Another  extensive  body  of  malcontents  consisted  of  those 
who  were  actual  sufferers  from  British  conquests  or  annexa- 
tion or  from  the  action  of  British  land  policy. 


The  Expansio7i  of  England 


345 


And.  a  fourth  group,  especially  dangerous  from  their 
spirit  and  energy,  was  formed  by  those  who  fretted  at  the 
closing  of  those  outlets  for  ambition,  and  the  loss  of  those 
opportunities  for  aggrandizement,  through  political  intrigue 
or  military  prowess,  that  had  been  current  of  old. 

Such  a  mass  of  disaffection,  however  latent  or  suppressed, 
was  obviously  a  standing  menace  to  the  tranquillity  of  the 
country,  constituting  a  solid  basis,  and  providing  a  power- 
ful agency  for  the  rousing  of  evil  passions  and  the  promotion 
of  seditious  enterprise,  —  a  sure  factor  in  any  movement  or 
question  involving  the  peace  or  security  of  the  state. 


V.  The  Jesuits  in  North  America 

The  spirit  of  the  Jesuit  explorers  is  clearly  to  be  seen  in 
Father  Marquette's  account  of  his  discovery  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  in  1673. 

The  feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Blessed    373.  How 

Virgin  —  whom  I  have  always  invoked  since  I  have  been  in    Mar(luette 

descended 
this  country  of  the  Outaouacs  to  obtain  from  God  the  grace    the  Missis- 

of  being  able  to  visit  the  nations  who  dwell  along  the  Missis-    sippi  River 

sippi  River  —  was  precisely  the  day  on  which  Monsieur  Joliet    m  l673' 

arrived  with  orders  to  accomplish  this  discovery  with  me.  .  .  . 

We  were  not  long  in  preparing  all  our  equipment,  although 

we  were  about  to  begin  a  voyage  the  duration  of  which  we 

could  not  foresee.     Indian  corn,  with  some  smoked  meat, 

constituted  all  our  provisions.    With  these  we  embarked  — 

Monsieur  Joliet  and   myself  with   five   men  —  in  two   bark 

canoes,  fully  resolved  to   do   and   suffer  everything  for  so 

glorious  an   undertaking. 

Accordingly,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  May,   1673,  we 

started  from  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace  at   Michilimakinac, 

where  I  then  was.    The  joy  that  we  felt  at  being  selected  for 

this  expedition  animated  our  courage  and  rendered  the  labor 

of  paddling  from  morning  to  night  agreeable  to  us.     And 

because  we  were  going  to  seek  unknown  countries  we  took 

every  precaution  in  our  power,  so  that  if  our  undertaking 


346  Readings  in  European  History 

were  hazardous  it  should  not  be  foolhardy.  To  that  end  we 
obtained  all  the  information  that  we  could  from  the  savages 
who  had  frequented  those  regions;  and  we  even  traced  out 
from  their  reports  a  map  of  the  whole  of  that  new  country. 
On  it  we  indicated  the  rivers  which  we  were  to  navigate,  the 
names  of  the  peoples  and  of  the  places  through  which  we 
were  to  pass,  the  course  of  the  Great  River,  and  the  direc- 
tion we  were  to  follow  when  we  reached  it.  .  .  . 

With  all  these  precautions,  we  joyfully  plied  our  paddles 
on  a  portion  of  Lake  Huron  and  on  that  of  the  Illinois  [i.e. 
Lake  Michigan]  and  on  the  Bay  des  Puants  [i.e.  Green  Bay]. 
The  first  nation  that  we  came  to  was  that  of  the  "  Wild 
Oats."  I  entered  their  river  to  go  and  visit  these  peoples,  to 
whom  we  have  preached  the  gospel  for  several  years,  —  in 
consequence  of  which  there  are  several  good  Christians 
among  them.   .   .  . 

I  told  these  peoples  of  the  "  Wild  Oats  "  of  my  design  to 
go  and  discover  those  remote  nations  in  order  to  teach  them 
the  mysteries  of  our  holy  religion.  They  were  greatly  sur- 
prised to  hear  it,  and  did  their  best  to  dissuade  me.  They 
represented  to  me  that  I  would  meet  nations  who  never 
show  mercy  to  strangers,  but  break  their  heads  without 
cause ;  and  that  war  was  kindled  between  various  peoples 
who  dwelt  upon  our  route,  which  exposed  us  to  the  further 
manifest  danger  of  being  killed  by  the  bands  of  warriors 
who  are  ever  in  the  field.  They  also  said  that  the  Great 
River  was  very  dangerous  for  one  who  does  not  know  the 
difficult  places ;  that  it  was  full  of  horrible  monsters  which 
devoured  men  and  canoes  together ;  that  there  was  even  a 
demon  who  was  heard  from  a  great  distance,  who  barred  the 
way  and  swallowed  up  all  who  ventured  to  approach  him  ; 
finally,  the  heat  was  so  excessive  that  it  would  inevitably 
cause  our  death. 

I  thanked  them  for  the  good  advice  they  gave  me,  but 
told  them  that  I  could  not  follow  it  because  the  salvation  of 
souls  was  at  stake,  for  which  I  would  be  delighted  to  give 
my  life.  .  .  .  Embarking  then  in  our  canoes,  we  arrived 
shortly  afterward  at  the  bottom  of  the  Bay  des  Puants,  where 


isconsin 


The  Expansion  of  England  347 

our  fathers  labor  successfully  for  the  conversion  of  these 
people,  over  two  thousand  of  whom  they  have  baptized  while 
they  have  been  there. 

.  .  .  We  left  this  bay  to  enter  the  river  that  discharges  They  leave 
into  it.  It  is  very  beautiful  at  its  mouth  and  flows  gently.  Green  Bay 
It  is  full  of  bustards,  ducks,  teal,  and  other  birds,  attracted  ^j 
thither  by  the  wild  oats,  of  which  they  are  very  fond.  But  River, 
after  ascending  the  river  a  short  distance  it  becomes  very 
difficult  of  passage  on  account  of  both  the  currents  and  the 
sharp  rocks,  which  cut  the  canoes  and  the  feet  of  those  who 
are  obliged  to  drag  them,  especially  when  the  waters  are 
low.  .  .  .  We  continued  to  advance  toward  the  Maskoutens, 
where  we  arrived  on  the  7th  of  June. 

Here  we  are  at  Maskoutens.  This  word  may,  in  Algonquin, 
mean  the  "  Fire  Nation," — which,  indeed,  is  the  name  given 
to  this  tribe.  Here  is  the  limit  of  the  discoveries  which  the 
French  have  made,  for  they  have  not  yet  gone  any  farther. 
...  I  was  greatly  consoled  at  seeing  a  handsome  cross 
erected  in  the  middle  of  the  village  and  adorned  with  many 
white  skins,  red  belts,  bows  and  arrows,  which  these  good 
people  had  offered  to  the  great  Manitou  (this  is  the  name 
which  they  give  to  God).  They  did  this  to  thank  him  for 
having  pity  on  them  during  the  winter  by  giving  them  an 
abundance  of  game  when  they  most  dreaded  famine.   .   .   . 

On  the  following  day,  the  10th  of  June,  two  Miamis,  who 
were  given  us  as  guides,  embarked  with  us  in  the  sight  of  a 
great  crowd,  who  could  not  sufficiently  express  their  astonish- 
ment at  the  sight  of  seven  Frenchmen  alone  in  two  canoes 
daring  to  undertake  so  extraordinary  and  so  hazardous  an 
expedition. 

We  knew  that  at  three  leagues  from  Maskoutens  was  a  river 
which  discharged  into  the  Mississippi.  We  knew  also  that 
the  direction  we  were  to  follow  in  order  to  reach  it  was  west- 
southwesterly.  But  the  road  is  broken  by  so  many  swamps 
and  small  lakes  that  it  is  easy  to  lose  one's  way,  especially 
as  the  river  leading  thither  is  so  full  of  wild  oats  that  it 
is  difficult  to  find  the  channel.  For  this  reason  we  greatly 
needed  our  two  guides,  who  safely  conducted  us  to  a  portage 


sippi. 


348  Readings  ill  European  History 

of  twenty-seven  hundred  paces  and  helped  us  to  transport 
our  canoes  to  enter  that  river.  After  which  they  returned 
home,  leaving  us  alone  in  this  unknown  country  in  the  hands 
of  Providence.  Thus  we  left  the  waters  flowing  to  Quebec, 
four  hundred  or  five  hundred  leagues  from  here,  to  float 
on  those  that  would  henceforth  take  us  through  strange 
lands.  .  .  . 
They  reach  The  river  on  which  we  embarked  is  called  the  Meskousing 

the  Missis-  j-je<  Wisconsin].  It  is  very  wide.  It  has  a  sandy  bottom, 
which  forms  various  shoals  that  render  its  navigation  very  dif- 
ficult. .  .  .  After  proceeding  forty  leagues  on  this  same  route, 
we  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  our  river,  and  at  42^  degrees  of 
latitude  we  safely  entered  the  Mississippi  on  the  17th  of  June 
with  a  joy  that  I  cannot  express. 

Here  we  are,  then,  on  this  renowned  river,  all  of  whose 
peculiar  features  I  have  endeavored  to  note  carefully.  The 
Mississippi  River  takes  its  rise  in  various  lakes  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  northern  nations.  .  .  .  We  gently  followed  its 
course,  which  runs  toward  the  south  and  southeast,  as  far 
as  the  42 d  degree  of  latitude.  .  .  .  From  time  to  time  we 
came  upon  monstrous  fish,  one  of  which  struck  our  canoe 
with  such  violence  that  I  thought  that  it  was  a  great  tree 
about  to  break  the  canoe  in  pieces.  On  another  occasion  we 
saw  on  the  water  a  monster  with  the  head  of  a  tiger,  a  sharp 
nose  like  that  of  a  wild-cat,  with  whiskers  and  straight,  erect 
ears.  The  head  was  gray  and  the  neck  quite  black.  But  we 
saw  no  more  creatures  of  this  sort.  .  .  .  When  we  reached 
the  parallel  of  41  degrees  28  minutes,  following  the  same 
direction,  we  found  that  turkeys  had  taken  the  place  of  game 
and  the  pisikious  or  wild  cattle  [i.e.  buffaloes]  that  of  the 
other  animals. 

We  call  them  "  wild  cattle  "  because  they  are  very  similar 
to  our  domestic  cattle.  They  are  not  longer,  but  are  nearly 
as  large  again  and  more  corpulent.  When  our  people  killed 
one,  three  persons  had  much  difficulty  in  moving  it.  .  .  . 
Their  heavy  coat  falls  off  in  summer  and  the  skin  becomes 
as  soft  as  velvet.  At  that  season  the  savages  use  the  hides 
for  making  fine  robes,  which  they  paint  in  various  colors.  .  .  . 


The  Expansion  of  England 


349 


Finally,  on  the  25th  of  June,  we  perceived  on  the  water's 
edge  soft  tracks  of  men  and  a  narrow  and  somewhat  beaten 
path  leading  to  a  fine  prairie.  We  stopped  to  examine  it, 
and  thinking  that  it  was  a  road  which'  led  to  some  village  of 
savages,  we  resolved  to  go  and  reconnoiter  it.  We  therefore 
left  our  two  canoes  under  the  guard  of  our  people,  strictly 
charging  them  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  surprised,  after 
which  Monsieur  Joliet  and  I  undertook  this  investigation, — 
a  rather  hazardous  one  for  two  men  who  exposed  themselves 
alone  to  the  mercy  of  a  barbarous  and  unknown  people. 
[The  savages  received  us  kindly,  having  probably  recognized 
us  as  Frenchmen,  especially  when  they  saw  our  black  gowns.] 
I  spoke  to  them  and  asked  them  who  they  were.  They 
replied  that  they  were  Illinois,  and  as  a  token  of  peace  they 
offered  us  their  pipes  to  smoke.  They  afterward  invited  us 
to  enter  their  village,  where  all  the  people  impatiently  awaited 
us.  These  pipes  for  smoking  are  called  in  this  country 
"  calumets."  This  word  has  come  so  much  into  use  that  in 
order  to  be  understood  I  shall  be  obliged  to  use  it,  as  I  shall 
often  have  to  mention  these  pipes.  .  .   . 

When  one  speaks  the  word  "  Illinois,"  it  is  as  if  one  said 
in  their  language  "  the  men,"  —  as  if  the  other  savages  were 
looked  upon  by  them  merely  as  animals.  It  must  also  be 
admitted  that  they  have  an  air  of  humanity  which  we  have 
not  observed  in  the  other  nations  that  we  have  seen  upon  our 
route.  .  .  .  We  take  leave  of  our  Illinois  at  the  end  of  June 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  We  embark  in  the  sight 
of  all  the  people,  who  admire  our  little  canoes,  for  they  have 
never  seen  any  like  them.  .  .   . 

While  skirting  some  rocks  which  by  their  height  and 
length  inspired  awe,  we  saw  upon  one  of  them  two  painted 
monsters  which  at  first  made  us  afraid,  and  upon  which  the 
boldest  savages  dare  not  long  rest  their  eyes.  They  are  as 
large  as  a  calf ;  they  have  horns  on  their  heads  like  those  of 
deer,  a  horrible  look,  red  eyes,  a  beard  like  a  tiger's,  a  face 
somewhat  like  a  man's,  a  body  covered  with  scales.  .  .  . 

While  we  were  conversing  about  these  monsters,  sailing 
quietly  in  clear  and  calm  water,  we  heard  the  noise  of  a  rapid 


Marquette 
visits  the 
Illinois. 


Strange 
pictures  on 
the  rocks 
near  Alton, 


35o 


Readings  in  European  History 


They  reach 
the  mouth  of 
the  Missouri. 


(Condensed.) 


Reasons  for 
discontinuing 
the  descent 
of  the 
Mississippi. 


into  which  we  were  about  to  run.  I  have  seen  nothing  more 
dreadful.  An  accumulation  of  large  and  entire  trees,  branches, 
and  floating  islands  was  issuing  from  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Pekitanoui  [i.e.  Missouri]  with  such  impetuosity  that  we  could 
not  without  great  danger  risk  passing  through  it.  So  great 
was  the  agitation  that  the  water  was  very  muddy  and  could 
not  become  clear.  The  Pekitanoui  is  a  river  of  considerable 
size  coming  from  the  northwest,  from  a  great  distance,  and 
it  discharges  into  the  Mississippi.  There  are  many  villages 
of  savages  along  this  river,  and  I  hope  by  its  means  to  dis- 
cover the  Vermilion  or  California  Sea.  .  .  . 

After  escaping  as  best  we  could  the  dangerous  rapid,  we 
proceeded  south.  After  a  long  journey  we  reached  the  large 
village  of  Akamsea  [Arkansas].  In  the  evening  the  elders 
held  a  secret  council  in  regard  to  the  design  entertained  by 
some  to  break  our  heads  and  rob  us  ;  but  the  chief  put  a 
stop  to  all  these  plots.  After  sending  for  us  he  danced  the 
calumet  before  us  as  a  token  of  our  entire  safety,  and  to 
relieve  us  of  all  fear  he  made  me  a  present  of  it. 

Monsieur  Joliet  and  I  held  another  council  to  deliberate 
upon  what  we  should  do,  —  whether  we  should  push  on,  or 
remain  content  with  the  discovery  which  we  had  made.  After 
attentively  considering  that  we  were  not  far  from  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  the  basin  of  which  is  at  the  latitude  of  31  degrees 
and  60  minutes,  while  we  were  at  $3  degrees  40  minutes,  we 
judged  that  we  could  not  be  more  than  two  or  three  days' 
journey  from  it,  and  that  beyond  a  doubt  the  Mississippi 
River  discharges  into  the  Florida  or  Mexican  gulf,  and  not 
to  the  east  in  Virginia,  whose  seacoast  is  at  34  degrees  of 
latitude,  —  which  we  had  passed  without,  however,  having  as 
yet  reached  the  sea,  — or  to  the  west  in  California,  because 
in  that  case  our  route  would  have  been  to  the  west  or  the 
west-southwest,  whereas  we  had  always  continued  it  toward 
the  south.  We  further  considered  that  we  exposed  ourselves 
to  the  risk  of  losing  the  results  of  this  voyage,  of  which  we 
could  give  no  information  if  we  proceeded  to  fling  ourselves 
into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  without  doubt,  would 
at  least  have  detained   us   as  captives.    Moreover  we  saw 


The  Expansio7i  of  E7igland 


351 


very  plainly  that  we  were  not  in  a  condition  to  resist  savages 
allied  to  the  Europeans,  who  were  numerous  and  expert  in 
firing  guns,  and  who  continually  infested  the  lower  part  of 
the  river.  Finally,  we  had  obtained  all  the  information  that 
could  be  desired  in  regard  to  this  discovery.  All  these  reasons 
induced  us  to  decide  upon  returning ;  this  we  announced  to 
the  savages,  and  after  a  day's  rest  made  our  preparations 
for  it.  .   .  . 

We  therefore  reascend  the  Mississippi,  which  gives  us 
much  trouble  in  breasting  its  currents.  It  is  true  that  we 
leave  it  at  about  the  38th  degree,  which  greatly  shortens  our 
road  and  takes  us  with  but  little  effort  to  the  lake  of  the 
Illinois.  .  .  .  One  of  the  chiefs  of  this  nation,  with  his 
young  men,  escorted  us  to  the  lake  of  the  Illinois,  whence  at 
last,  at  the  end  of  September,  we  reached  the  Bay  des  Puants, 
from  which  we  had  started  the  beginning  of  June. 


VI.  The  Settlements  in  New  England  and 

Pennsylvania 

William  Hubbard,  who  came  to  New  England  as  a 
youth  and  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1642,  thus 
speaks  in  his  General  History  of  New  England  of  the 
motives  which  led  the  colonists  to  leave  their  native 
land.1 

Discoveries  of  the  north  parts  of  Virginia,  being  bruited    374.  A 

abroad  amongst  the  western  country  of   Europe,  no  doubt    rather  un- 

0  .  .  ,  ,  ,  sympathetic 

filled  the  minds  of  many  with  expectations  of  famous  planta-    estimate  of 

tions  likely  erelong  to  be  erected  in  those  parts  of  the  New    the  New 

World.  .  .  .    About  this  time  a  strange  impression  was  left    ^^ists. 

upon  the  minds  of  some  religious  and  well-affected  persons 

of  the  English  nation  sojourning  in  a  foreign  country,  that 

some  place  in  that  remote  region  might  be  found  out  far 

more  convenient  for  their  purpose,  that  seemed  studious  for 

reformation,  than  hitherto  they  elsewhere  either  had  or  were 

1  See  above,  pp.  225  sq. 


352  Readings  in  European  History 

like  to  attain  unto,  under  the  wings  of  a  foreign  state.  Which 
consideration,  forasmuch  as  it  gave  the  first  rise  to  the  flour- 
ishing plantations  of  New  England,  since  erected,  we  shall, 
in  the.  first  place,  take  a  little  notice  of  the  occasion  that 
led  thereunto. 

Notwithstanding  the  bright  and  clear  rays  of  the  gospel 
light  that  began  to  dawn  and  diffuse  themselves  throughout 
the  whole  hemisphere  of  the  English  nation,  promising  an 
hopeful  day  of  reformation  to  arise  upon  them  after  the  long 
night  of  antichristian  darkness,  in  the  glorious  reign  of  our 
English  Josiah,  King  Edward  VI,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  of 
blessed  and  famous  memory,  yet  were  not  all  that  had  oppor- 
tunity to  sit  under  the  shadow  of  their  royal  authority  so 
well  satisfied  with  every  part  of  that  so  happy  and  hopeful 
reformation  by  them  begun  as  to  rest  contented,  without 
strenuous  endeavors  to  shape  and  mold  the  business  of  church 
discipline  more  to  the  primitive  pattern. 

Therefore  sundry  of  them,  having  wearied  themselves  with 
their  private  contrivements  all  the  whole  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  finding  little  hope  of  bettering  their  condition 
under  her  successor,  resolved  to  try  if  change  of  air  would 
not  afford  a  remedy  to  the  distemper  at  last,  to  their  griev- 
ances and  burdens  they  labored  under  at  home.  Divers, 
therefore,  of  that  persuasion  that  had  about  the  year  1602 
entered  into  a  private  covenant,  first  in  the  north  of  England, 
then  in  the  Netherlands  anno  16 10,  to  walk  with  God  and 
one  with  another,  according  to  the  best  and  primitive  patterns 
(as  they  conceived)  of  the  word  of  God,  finding  the  low  and 
watery  situations  of  that  country  as  unwholesome  and  infec- 
tious to  their  bodies  and  national  views  of  the  place  danger- 
ous for  their  minds,  by  reason  of  bad  example,  as  that  of  their 
own  country  uncomfortable  for  their  purses  and  estates :  by 
reason  of  opposition,  they  at  last  projected  the  transporting 
themselves  and  their  families  into  America. 

Here  follows  William  Perm's  letter  to  Robert  Turner 
concerning  the  grant  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania 
from  Charles  II  (1681). 


The  Expansion  of  England 


353 


Dear  Friend: 

My  true  love  in  the  Lord  salutes  thee  and  dear  Friends 
that  love  the  Lord's  precious  Truth  in  those  parts.  Thine 
I  have ;  and  for  my  business  here,  know  that  after  many 
waitings,  watchings,  solicitings,  and  disputes  in  council,  this 
day  my  country  was  confirmed  to  me  under  the  great  seal 
of  England,  with  large  powers  and  privileges,  by  the  name 
of  Pennsylvania ;  a  name  the  king  would  give  it  in  honor 
of  my  father.  I  chose  New  Wales,  being,  as  this,  a  pretty 
hilly  country;  but  Penn  being  Welsh  for  a  head,  as  Penman- 
moire  in  Wales,  and  Penrith  in  Cumberland,  and  Penn  in 
Buckinghamshire,  the  highest  land  in  England,  [the  king] 
called  this  Pennsylvania,  which  is  the  high  or  head  wood- 
lands; for  I  proposed,  when  the  secretary,  a  Welshman, 
refused  to  have  it  New  WTales,  Sylvania,  and  they  added 
Penn  to  it ;  and  though  I  much  opposed  it,  and  went  to  the 
king  to  have  it  struck  out  and  altered,  he  said  it  was  past, 
and  would  take  it  upon  him;  nor  could  twenty  guineas  move 
the  undersecretary  to  vary  the  name;  for  I  feared  lest  it 
should  be  looked  on  as  a  vanity  in  me,  and  not  as  a  respect 
in  the  king,  as  it  truly  was  to  my  father,  whom  he  often 
mentions  with  praise.  Thou  mayest  communicate  my  grant 
to  Friends,  and  expect  shortly  my  proposals. 

It  is  a  clear  and  just  thing,  and  my  God  that  has  given  it 
me  through  many  difficulties  will,  I  believe,  bless  and  make 
it  the  seed  of  a  nation.  I  shall  have  a  tender  care  to  the 
government,  that  it  be  well  laid  at  first.    No  more  now,  but 

dear  love  in  the  Truth. 

Thy  true  Friend, 

William  Penn. 


375.  How 
Penn  re- 
ceived 
his  grant 
from  King 
Charles  II 
(1681). 


VII.  English  Views  of  the  Revolt  of  the  American 

Colonies 

The  elder  Pitt  thus  spoke  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
January  20,  1775,  on  the  growing  difficulties  between 
the  king  and  his  American  colonies. 


354 


Readings  in  European  History 


376.  Pitt  on 
the  question 
of  withdraw- 
ing the  Eng- 
lish troops 
from  Boston 
(January, 

1775)- 


This  resistance  to  your  arbitrary  system  of  taxation  might 
have  been  foreseen ;  it  was  obvious  from  the  nature  of 
things  and  of  mankind,  and,  above  all,  from  the  Whiggish 
spirit  flourishing  in  that  country.  The  spirit  which  now 
resists  your  taxation  in  America  is  the  same  which  formerly 
opposed  loans,  benevolences,  and  ship  money  in  England; 
the  same  spirit  which  called  all  England  on  its  legs,  and  by 
the  Bill  of  Rights  vindicated  the  English  constitution ;  the 
same  spirit  which  established  the  great,  fundamental,  essen- 
tial maxim  of  your  liberties,  that  no  subject  of  England  shall 
be  taxed  but  by  his  own  consent. 

This  glorious  spirit  of  Whiggism  animates  three  millions 
in  America,  who  prefer  poverty  with  liberty  to  gilded  chains 
and  sordid  affluence,  and  who  will  die  in  the  defense  of  their 
rights  as  men,  as  free  men.  What  shall  oppose  this  spirit, 
aided  by  the  congenial  flame  glowing  in  the  breast  of  every 
Whig  in  England,  to  the  amount,  I  hope,  of  double  the 
American  numbers?  Ireland  they  have  to  a  man.  In  that 
country,  joined  as  it  is  with  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  and 
placed  at  their  head,  the  distinction  I  contend  for  is  and 
must  be  observed.  This  country  superintends  and  controls 
their  trade  and  navigation,  but  they  tax  themselves.  And 
this  distinction  between  external  and  internal  control  is 
sacred  and  insurmountable ;  it  is  involved  in  the  abstract 
nature  of  things.  Property  is  private,  individual,  absolute. 
Trade  is  an  extended  and  complicated  consideration ;  it 
reaches  as  far  as  ships  can  sail  or  winds  can  blow;  it  is  a 
great  and  various  machine.  To  regulate  the  numberless 
movements  of  the  several  parts  and  combine  them  into  effect 
for  the  good  of  the  whole,  requires  the  superintending 
wisdom  and  energy  of  the  supreme  power  in  the  empire. 
But  this  supreme  power  has  no  effect  towards  internal  tax- 
ation, for  it  does  not  exist  in  that  relation ;  there  is  no  such 
thing,  no  such  idea  in  this  constitution,  as  a  supreme  power 
operating  upon  property.  Let  this  distinction  then  remain 
forever  ascertained:  taxation  is  theirs,  commercial  regulation 
is  ours.  As  an  American,  I  would  recognize  to  England  her 
supreme  right  of  regulating  commerce  and  navigation  ;   as 


The  Expansion  of  England 


355 


an  Englishman  by  birth  and  principle,  I  recognize  to  the 
Americans  their  supreme  unalienable  right  in  their  property, 
—  a  right  which  they  are  justified  in  the  defense  of  to  the 
last  extremity.  To  maintain  this  principle  is  the  common 
cause  of  the  Whigs  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  and  on 
this.  "  'Tis  liberty  to  liberty  engaged,"  that  they  will  defend 
themselves,  their  families,  and  their  country.  In  this  great 
cause  they  are  immovably  allied :  it  is  the  alliance  of  God 
and  nature,  —  immovable,  eternal,  fixed  as  the  firmament 
of  heaven. 


Four  years  later,  however,  George  III  still  saw  no 
reason  for  not  stubbornly  continuing  the  attempt  to 
hold  the  rebellious  colonies  at  any  cost. 

I  should  think  it  the  greatest  instance  among  the  many 
I  have  met  with  of  ingratitude  and  injustice,  if  it  could  be 
supposed  that  any  man  in  my  dominions  more  ardently  de- 
sired the  restoration  of  peace  and  solid  happiness  in  every 
part  of  this  empire  than  I  do;  there  is  no  personal  sacrifice 
I  could  not  readily  yield  for  so  desirable  an  object ;  but  at 
the  same  time  no  inclination  to  get  out  of  the  present  diffi- 
culties, which  certainly  keep  my  mind  very  far  from  a  state 
of  ease,  can  incline  me  to  enter  into  what  I  look  upon  as  the 
destruction  of  the  empire.  I  have  heard  Lord  North  fre- 
quently drop  that  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  this  con- 
test could  never  repay  the  expense;  I  own  that,  let  any  war 
be  ever  so  successful,  if  persons  will  sit  down  and  weigh  the 
expenses,  they  will  find,  as  in  the  last,  that  it  has  impover- 
ished the  state,  enriched  individuals,  and  perhaps  raised  the 
name  only  of  the  conquerors.  But  this  is  only  weighing  such 
events  in  the  scale  of  a  tradesman  behind  his  counter:  it  is 
necessary  for  those  in  the  station  it  has  pleased  Divine 
Providence  to  place  me  to  weigh  whether  expenses,  though 
very  great,  are  not  sometimes  necessary  to  prevent  what 
might  be  more  ruinous  to  a  country  than  the  loss  of  money. 

The  present  contest  with  America  I  cannot  help  seeing 
as  the  most  serious  in  which  any  country  was  ever  engaged. 


377.  Letter 
of  George  IE 
to  Lord 
North  on 
the  neces- 
sity of  sub- 
duing the 
American 
colonies 
(June  ii, 

1779). 


356  Readings  in  European  History 

It  contains  such  a  train  of  consequences  that  they  must  be 
examined  to  feel  its  real  weight.  Whether  the  laying  a  tax 
was  deserving  all  the  evils  that  have  arisen  from  it,  I  should 
suppose  no  man  could  allege  that,  without  being  thought 
more  fit  for  Bedlam  than  a  seat  in  the  senate ;  but  step  by 
step  the  demands  of  America  have  risen.  Independence  is 
their  object ;  that  certainly  is  one  which  every  man,  not  will- 
ing to  sacrifice  every  object  to  a  momentary  and  inglorious 
peace,  must  concur  with  me  in  thinking  that  this  country 
can  never  submit  to. 

Should  America  succeed  in  that,  the  West  Indies  must 
follow  them,  —  not  independence,  but  must  for  its  own  inter- 
est be  dependent  upon  North  America.  Ireland  would  soon 
follow  the  same  plan  and  be  a  separate  state;  then  this  island 
would  be  reduced  to  itself,  and  soon  would  be  a  poor  island 
indeed,  for,  reduced  in  her  trade,  merchants  would  retire  with 
their  wealth  to  climates  more  to  their  advantage,  and  shoals 
of  manufacturers  would  leave  this  country  for  the  new  empire. 

These  self-evident  consequences  are  not  worse  than  what 
can  arise  should  the  Almighty  permit  every  event  to  turn  out 
to  our  disadvantage;  consequently  this  country  has  but  one 
sensible,  one  great  line  to  follow,  —  the  being  ever  ready  to 
make  peace  when  to  be  obtained  without  submitting  to  terms 
that  in  their  consequence  must  annihilate  this  empire,  and 
with  firmness  to  make  every  effort  to  deserve  success. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refer-  The  Union  of  Scotland  and  England:  Green,  Short  History  of  the 

ences.  English  People,  Chapter  IX,  sect.  9,  pp.  714-715;  Gardiner,  A  Stu- 

dent's History  of  England,  pp.  685-686  ;  Terry,  A  History  of  England, 
pp.  845-849;  Colby,  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English  History, 
pp.  227-229. 

Walpole's  Ministry:  Andrews,  History  of  England,  pp.  437-443; 
Green,  Chapter  IX,  sect.  10;  Gardiner,  pp.  712-730;  Colby,  pp.  229- 
237  ;  Kendall,  Source  Book  of  English  History,  pp.  341-342. 

Balance  of  Power — Europe  at  the  Opening  of  the  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury:  Hassall,  Euro-bean  History,  17 13-1789,  pp.  1-24. 


The  Expansion  of  England 


357 


English  Settlements  in  North  America:  Green,  Chapter  VIII, 
sect.  4;  Colby,  pp.  184-188;  Kendall,  pp.  216-219,  222-225. 

Contest  between  France  and  England  for  Colonial  Dominion :  Gar- 
diner, pp.  751-767;  Green,  Chapter  X,  sect.  1  ;  Andrews,  pp.  445- 
454;  Hassall,  pp.  241-279;  Terry,  pp.  899-910;  Colby,  pp.  242-256; 
Kendall,  pp.  342-349. 

American  Independence :  Green,  Chapter  X,  sect.  2 ;  Gardiner, 
pp.  770-774,  777-798;  Andrews,  pp.  459-467;  Colby,  pp.  258-261; 
Kendall,  pp.  350-360;  Hassall,  pp.  332-349. 


There  are  several  excellent  brief  accounts  of  the  expansion  of  Eng- 
land. Perhaps  the  best  introductory  outline  is  Woodward,  A  Short 
History  of  the  Expansion  of  the  British  Empire,  2d  ed.,  1902. 

Seeley,  Expansion  of  England,  1883,  is  a  suggestive  but  easily 
overrated  book. 

Morris,  History  of  Colonization,  2  vols.,  1900.  A  general  sketch  of 
colonization  from  ancient  times.  The  second  volume  is  largely  devoted 
to  England,  and  is  equipped  with  excellent  bibliographies. 

Cheyney,  The  European  Background  of  American  History,  1904. 
Especially  valuable  for  the  English  institutions  transplanted  in  America. 

Farrand,  Basis  of  American  History,  1904.  A  critical  account  of  the 
American  world  into  which  the  settlers  came. 

Lodge,  A  Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies  i?i  America,  188 1. 
A  useful  single-volume  work. 

Thwaites,  The  Colonies,  i4g2-iy^o,  1894,  in  Epochs  of  American 
History.    A  remarkably  compact  work,  with  bibliographies. 

Edgar,  The  Struggle  for  a  Continent,  1902.  The  best  concise  history 
of  the  Anglo-French  contest  in  America. 

Lyall,  The  Rise  of  British  Dominion  in  India,  1893.  The  best 
short  account. 

Hunter,  Brief  History  of  the  Indian  Peoples.  Especially  valuable 
for  native  affairs. 

There  are  also  useful  books  by  Malleson  :  The  Founders  of  the 
Indian  Empire,  1882;  History  of  the  French  in  India,  1868;  and  Final 
French  Struggles  in  India,  1878. 

There  is  no  satisfactory  brief  history  for  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
great  work  is  that  by  Lecky,  History  of  England  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century,  8  vols.  Not  a  chronological  narrative,  but  a  series  of  invalu- 
able studies  of  many  aspects  of  English  life. 

McCarthy,  The  Four  Georges,  2  vols.,  1885.  May  be  used  in  absence 
of  anything  better. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


Brief  general 
accounts  of 
the  ex- 
pansion of 
England. 

The  English 
in  America. 


British 
India. 


England 
in  the 
eighteenth 
century. 


358 


Readings  iti  Eiwopcan  History 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Expansion 
of  England. 


England  in 
America. 


British  India. 


Sydney,  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  2  vols.,  1891.  Interest- 
ing social  history. 

Morley's  Walpole  and  Burke,  and  Rosebery's  Pitt  are  useful  short 
essays  on  these  statesmen. 

There  is  no  adequate  general  history  of  the  expansion  of  England. 
The  nearest  approach  is  Lucas,  A  Historical  Geography  of  the  British 
Colonies,  5  vols.,  1888-1891.  The  introductory  volume  is  an  excellent 
outline.    Useful  bibliographies  are  given. 

Egerton,  A  Short  History  of  British  Colonial  Policy,  1897.  The 
best  work  on  British  colonial  policy. 

Seeley,  Growth  of  British  Policy,  2  vols.,  1895. 

Mahax,  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History,  1660- 1783,  1889. 
A  suggestive  work  on  the  relation  of  sea  power  to  expansion.  The 
sources  for  the  beginnings  of  English  expansion  are  to  be  sought  in  the 
"Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Colonial  Series,"  and  in  the  extensive  pub- 
lications of  the  Hakluyt  Society,  old  series,  94  vols.,  1847-1896;  new 
series,  15  vols.,  1 899-1904. 

Doyle,  The  English  in  America,  3  vols.,  1882-1887,  and  Osgood, 
The  American  Colonies  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  2  vols.,  1904,  are  the 
authorities  for  the  early  period  of  colonization. 

Channing,  A  History  of  the  United  States,  to  be  completed  in  8  vols. 
Vol.  I,  covering  the  period  1 000-1660,  has  appeared.  An  insight  into  the 
character  of  the  colonial  age  is  afforded  by  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia, 
Stith's  History  of  Virginia,  Johnson's  Wonder-Working  Providence, 
and  Budd's  Good  Order  established  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  fersey,  1685. 

For  the  French  in  America,  the  voluminous  writings  of  Parkman 
are  indispensable. 

The  fesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents,  edited  by  Thwaites,  73  vols., 
1896^^.  A  vast  collection  of  the  accounts  of  Jesuit  explorations  and 
activities  in  America.  For  a  full  bibliography  the  student  will  turn  to 
Channing  and  Hart,  Guide  to  the  Study  of  American  History. 

There  is  no  great  authority  for  the  whole  period  of  British-Indian 
history. 

Hunter,  A  History  of  British  India,  2  vols.,  1899-1900.  Full  and 
scholarly,  but  unfortunately  broken  off  at  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth 
century. 

Bruce,  Annals  of  the  East  India  Company,  3  vols.,  18 10.  A  dry 
account  based  upon  the  records,  extending  only  to  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

ORME,  History  of  the  Military  Transactions  of  the  British  Nation  in 
India  from  IJ45  to  1761,  3  parts,  1763—1778.    A  laborious  work  by  an 


The  Expansion  of  England  359 

old  Indian  servant,  who  had  access  to  the  Company's  records  as  well  as 
to  his  own  large  collections. 

Mill,  History  of  British  India,  10  vols.,  1858.    A  full  account,  but 
must  be  used  with  care. 

Strachey,  Hastings  and  the  Rohilla   War,  removes  many  miscon- 
ceptions of  Hastings'  work  in  India. 

Hunter,    The  Indiatt  Empire,  its  History,    People,  and  Products. 
Historical  and  descriptive. 

Ilbert,  The  Government  of  India,  1898.    Digest  of  statute  law,  with 
valuable  historical  introduction. 

Stanhope,  History  of  England  frotn  ijoi  to  iy/j,  2  vols.,  5th  ed.,     Domestic 
1889;   History  of  England  from  1713  to  1783,  7  vols.,  5th  ed.,  1858.    Dry     history, 
and  detailed,  dealing  especially  with  political  and  military  affairs. 

The  history  of  the  century  will  also  be  sought  in  the  lives  of  the 
leading  men:  Sichel,  Bolingbroke,  2  vols.,  1901-1903  ;  Cox,  life  of 
Walpole,  3  vols.,  1798;  Green,  life  of  Chatham;  Stanhope,  Life  of 
Pitt,  4  vols.,  1862.  The  works  of  Bolingbroke,  Chatham,  Fox,  and  Burke 
furnish  invaluable  materials.  The  travels  of  Defoe  and  Arthur  Young 
are  excellent  contemporary  descriptions  of  England.  For  full  topical 
bibliographies,  see  Traill,  Social  England,  Vol.  V,  pp.  169-17 1, 
364-365,  512-514,  626-627. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 


THE  EVE  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 


378.  Uncer- 
tainty and 
confusion  of 
the  Ancien 
Regime. 
(From 
Madame  de 
Stael.) 


I.  The  Ancien  Regime 

Necker's  daughter,  the  gifted  Madame  de  Stael,  in  hei 
Observations  on  the  French  Revolution  (published  in  1 8 18), 
skillfully  sums  up  the  general  character  of  the  French 
government  before  1789. 

Among  all  the  kingdoms  of  modern  times  France  has 
certainly  been  the  most  arbitrary  and  unsettled  in  its  politi- 
cal institutions.  Perhaps  the  successive  annexations  of  the 
various  provinces  by  the  crown  is  one  reason  for  this.  Each 
province  brought  with  it  its  own  customs  and  particular 
claims  ;  the  government  skillfully  played  off  the  old  provinces 
against  the  new,  and  only  gradually  did  the  country  become 
a  unit. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  there  has  been  no  law,  however  funda- 
mental, which  has  not  been  questioned  at  some  period. 
There  has  been  nothing  which  has  not  been  viewed  in  the 
most  diverse  ways.  Were  the  kings  the  lawgivers  of  the 
realm,  or  no  ?  Might  they  raise  taxes  of  their  free  will,  or 
were  the  Estates  General  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
to  whom  alone  belonged  the  right  to  grant  subsidies  ?  And 
how  should  the  Estates  General  be  composed?  Could  the 
privileged  orders,  who  had  two  votes  out  of  the  three,  be 
regarded  as  separate  nations,  who  voted  their  taxes  separately, 
and  might  therefore  withhold  their  aid,  and  so  leave  the 
people  to  bear  the  burden  of  the  necessary  contributions  to 
the  state  ? 

What  were,  precisely,  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  who  some- 
times declared  themselves  independent  of  the  king,  sometimes 

360 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


361 


of  the  pope  ?  What  were  exactly  the  prerogatives  of  the  nobles, 
who  sometimes,  and  as  late  as  the  minority  of  Louis  XIV,  be- 
lieved themselves  entitled  to  enforce  their  rights  by  arms  and 
by  alliances  with  foreign  powers ;  sometimes,  on  the  other 
hand,  acknowledged  the  king  to  be  absolute?  What  should 
be  the  status  of  the  third  estate,  emancipated  by  the  kings 
from  serfdom,  admitted  to  the  Estates  General  by  Philip  the 
Fair,  and  yet  condemned  to  be  always  in  the  minority;  since 
it  was  given  but  one  vote  out  of  three,  and  its  grievances, 
presented  to  the  king  on  its  knees,  were  without  any  assured 
influence? 

What  degree  of  political  power  rightly  belonged  to  the  par- 
lements,  which  at  one  time  declared  that  they  had  no  other 
duties  than  to  administer  justice,  and  at  another  proclaimed 
that  they  were  Estates  General  in  miniature,  —  that  is,  the 
representatives  of  the  representatives  of  the  people?  These 
same  parlements  did  not  recognize  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
intendants  who  administered  the  provinces  in  the  king's  name. 
The  king's  ministers  questioned  the  right  claimed  by  the  pays 
d'etats1  to  approve  new  taxes  in  their  respective  provinces. 

The  history  of  France  would  furnish  a  mass  of  other  exam- 
ples of  this  want  of  fixity  in  the  least,  as  well  as  in  the  great- 
est, matters ;  but  it  will  suffice  to  cite  some  of  the  deplorable 
results  of  this  absence  of  rules.  Persons  accused  of  state 
offenses  were  almost  always  deprived  of  their  natural  judges, 
and  some  of  them  passed  their  whole  lives  in  prison,  where 
the  government  had  sent  them  on  its  own  authority  without 
trial.  A  code  of  terror  was  maintained  for  the  Protestants, 
and  cruel  punishments  and  torture  continued  to  exist  until 
the  Revolution. 


Position  of 
the  three 
estates  of 
the  realm. 


The  parte- 
ments. 


Arbitrary  imprisonment  by  lettres  de  cachet  had  begun 
to  excite  the  indignation  of  the  courts  before  the  Revo- 
lution, as  the  following  case  shows.  The  collection  of 
certain  taxes  was,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  turned 


Arbitrary 
imprison- 
ment. 


1  Namely,  those  provinces  which  retained  their  ancient  provincial 
assemblies  of  the  three  orders. 


362  Readings  in  European  History 

over  by  the  French  government  to  a  company  of  finan- 
ciers called  the  "  farmers  general."  These  men  and  their 
agents  were  commonly  disliked  for  obvious  reasons. 
Toward  the  end  of  Louis  XV's  reign  the  agents  of  the 
"farm  "  obtained  a  lettre  de  cachet  for  the  imprisonment 
of  an  unfortunate  individual  whom  they  mistook  for  an- 
other man  of  the  same  name.  When  the  prisoner  was 
released  he  brought  suit  against  the  "  farmers,"  who 
were  condemned  to  pay  heavy  damages.  They  applied, 
however,  to  the  king's  council,  which  annulled  the  deci- 
sion ;  whereupon  the  court  which  had  decided  the  case 
laid  a  solemn  "protest  "  before  the  king  denouncing  the 
whole  system  of  arbitrary  imprisonment. 

Sire : 
379.  Protest  Your  Court  of  Excises,1  having  been  impeded  in  the  ad- 
of  a  French  ministration  of  justice  by  illegal  acts  which  cannot  have 
lawagainst  emanated  from  your  Majesty  personally,  have  determined 
lettres  de  that  a  very  humble  and  very  respectful  protest  should  be 
cachet  (1770).  mac}e  to  y0U  concerning  the  matter.  .  .  . 

Certain  agents  of  the  "farm  "arrested  an  individual  named 
Monnerat  without  observing  any  of  the  restrictions  imposed 
by  law.  Shortly  afterwards  an  order  from  your  Majesty  was 
produced  in  virtue  of  which  the  man  was  taken  to  the  prison 
of  Bicetre  and  held  there  for  twenty  months.  Yet  it  is  not 
the  excessive  length  of  the  imprisonment  that  should  most 
deeply  touch  your  Majesty.  There  exist  in  the  fortress  of 
Bicetre  subterranean  dungeons  which  were  dug  long  ago  to 
receive  certain  famous  criminals  who,  after  having  been  con- 
demned to  de  ith,  saved  themselves  by  exposing  their  accom- 
plices. It  would  seem  that  they  were  condemned  to  a  life 
which  would  have  made  death  the  preferable  alternative. 

1  This  court  {cour  des  aides),  as  well  as  the  parlements,  often  sent 
protests  to  the  king,  criticising  the  policy  of  his  ministers  and  council. 
The  protests  were  frequently  printed,  and  so  served  to  rouse  and  culti- 
vate public  opinion. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  363 

While  it  was  desired  that  their  cells  should  be  absolutely  dark, 
it  was  necessary  to  admit  enough  air  to  sustain  life.  Accord- 
ingly hollow  pillars  were  constructed  which  established  some 
connection  with  the  outer  air  without  letting  in  any  light.  The 
victims  that  are  cast  into  these  damp  cells,  which  necessarily 
become  foul  after  a  few  days,  are  fastened  to  the  wall  by  a 
heavy  chain  and  are  supplied  with  nothing  but  a  little  straw, 
and  bread  and  water.  Your  Majesty  will  find  it  difficult  to 
believe  that  a  man  simply  suspected  of  smuggling  should  be 
kept  in  such  a  place  of  horror  for  more  than  a  month. 

According  to  the  testimony  of  Monnerat  himself,  and  the 
deposition  of  a  witness,  it  appears  that  after  emerging  from 
his  subterranean  cell,  which  he  calls  "the  black  dungeon," 
he  was  kept  for  a  long  time  in  another  less  dark.  This  pre- 
caution was  taken  for  the  welfare  of  the  prisoner,  since  expe- 
rience has  shown  —  perhaps  at  the  cost  of  a  number  of  lives 
—  that  it  is  dangerous  to  pass  too  suddenly  from  the  black 
dungeon  to  the  open  air  and  the  light  of  day. 

Monnerat,  upon  being  released  from  prison,  brought  suit 
for  damages  against  the  farmers  general.  Up  to  that  point 
the  question  was  one  of  an  individual.  But  the  arrest  was 
illegal  in  form  and  the  imprisonment  a  real  injustice.  If  this 
man  was  a  smuggler,  he  should  have  been  punished  accord- 
ing to  the  laws,  which  are  very  severe  in  this  matter.  But 
when  your  Majesty  grants  an  order  for  the  imprisonment  of 
one  suspected  of  smuggling,  it  is  not  your  intention  to  have 
the  suspected  person  kept  in  confinement  for  nearly  two 
years  waiting  for  proofs  of  his  guilt.  Now  Monnerat  has 
always  maintained,  both  during  and  since  his  imprisonment, 
that  he  was  not  even  the  person  for  whom  the  order  was 
obtained.  .  .  . 

According  to  the  prevailing  system,  whenever  the  farmer 
of  the  revenue  has  no  proof  of  smuggling  except  such  as  the 
courts  would  regard  as  suspicious  and  insufficient,  he  resorts 
to  your  Majesty's  orders,  called  lettres  de  cachet,  in  order  to 
punish  the  offense.  .  .  . 

[By  means  of  these  arbitrary  orders  the  most  sacred  rights  (Condensed.) 
are  violated,  and  the  victim  has  no  means  of  learning  who  is 


364  Readings  in  European  History 

his  persecutor.  If  any  one  who  is  able  to  impose  upon  your 
Majesty  and  procure  a  lettre  de  cachet  is  to  be  shielded  from 
the  courts,]  how  indeed  can  we  be  said  to  live  to-day  under 
any  laws,  sire,  since  such  orders  have  prodigiously  increased 
of  late  and  are  granted  for  all  sorts  of  reasons  and  for  personal 
considerations  ?  Formerly  they  were  reserved  for  affairs  of 
state,  and  then,  sire,  it  was  proper  that  the  courts  should 
respect  the  necessary  secrecy  of  your  administration.  Subse- 
quently these  orders  began  to  be  granted  in  certain  interest- 
ing cases,  as,  for  example,  when  the  sovereign  was  touched 
by  the  tears  of  a  family  which  dreaded  disgrace.1  To-day 
they  are  considered  necessary  every  time  a  common  man 
offers  any  slight  to  a  person  of  consideration,  —  as  if  persons 
of  quality  had  not  enough  advantages  already.  It  is  also  the 
usual  form  of  punishment  for  indiscreet  remarks.   .  .   . 

These  orders  signed  by  your  Majesty  are  often  filled  in 
with  obscure  names  of  which  your  Majesty  cannot  possibly 
have  heard.  They  are  at  the  disposal  of  your  ministers,  and 
it  would  appear,  in  view  of  the  great  number  which  are 
issued,  of  their  clerks  as  well.  They  are  confided  to  officials 
in  both  the  capital  and  the  provinces,  who  make  use  of  them 
in  accordance  with  the  suggestions  of  their  subdelegates  and 
other  subordinates.  They  doubtless  find  their  way  into 
many  other  hands,  since  we  have  just  seen  how  readily  they 
are  granted  to  a  simple  farmer  general  or  even,  we  may 
safely  add,  to  the  agents  of  the  farm.   .  .  . 

The  result  is,  sire,  that  no  citizen  in  your  kingdom  can  be 
assured  that  his  liberty  will  not  be  sacrificed  to  a  private 
grudge ;  for  no  one  is  so  exalted  that  he  is  safe  from  the  ill 
will  of  a  minister,  or  so  insignificant  that  he  may  not  incur 
that  of  a  clerk  in  the  employ  of  the  farm.  The  day  will 
come,  sire,  when  the  multiplicity  of  the  abuses  of  the  lettres 
de  cachet  will  lead  your  Majesty  to  abolish  a  custom  so 
opposed  to  the  constitution  of  your  kingdom  and  the  liberty 
which  your  subjects  should  enjoy. 

1  This  refers  to  the  imprisonment  of  unruly  sons  or  other  relatives 
who  were  compromising  a  respectable  family  by  their  conduct. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


365 


(From 
Arthur 
Young's 
Travels.) 


Of  the  hunting  rights  and  royal  preserves  {capitaine- 
ties)  a  celebrated  English  traveler  gives  a  good  account. 

The  capitaineries  were  a  dreadful  scourge  on  all  the  occu-    380.  The 

piers  of  land.    By  this  term  is  to  be  understood  the  para-    nuntinS 

.  .        r  .,..  iiii-  •  preserves  in 

mountship  of  certain  districts  granted  by  the  king  to  princes    France. 

of  the  blood,  by  which  they  were  put  in  possession  of  the 
property  of  all  game,  even  on  lands  not  belonging  to  them  ; 
and  what  is  very  singular,  on  manors  granted  long  before  to 
individuals  ;  so  that  the  erecting  of  a  district  into  a  capitaine- 
rie  was  an  annihilation  of  all  manorial  rights  to  game  within 
it.  This  was  a  trifling  business  in  comparison  to  other  cir- 
cumstances ;  for  in  speaking  of  the  preservation  of  the  game 
in  these  capitaineries  it  must  be  observed  that  by  game  must 
be  understood,  whole  droves  of  wild  boars,  and  herds  of  deer 
not  confined  by  any  wall  or  pale,  but  wandering  at  pleasure 
over  the  whole  country,  to  the  destruction  of  crops,  and  to 
the  peopling  of  the  galleys  by  wretched  peasants  who  pre- 
sumed to  kill  them  in  order  to  save  that  food  which  was  to 
support  their  helpless  children. 

The  game  in  the  capitainerie  of  Montceau,  in  four  parishes 
only,  did  mischief  to  the  amount  of  184,263  livres  per  annum. 
No  wonder  then  that  we  should  find  the  people  asking,  "We 
loudly  demand  the  destruction  of  all  the  capitaineries  and  of 
all  the  various  kinds  of  game."  And  what  are  we  to  think 
of  demanding  as  a  favor  the  permission  "  to  thresh  their 
grain,  mow  their  fields,  and  take  away  the  stubble  without 
regard  to  the  partridge  or  other  game"?1  Now  an  English 
reader  will  scarcely  understand  without  being  told  that  there 
were  numerous  edicts  for  preserving  the  game,  which  pro- 
hibited weeding  and  hoeing  lest  the  young  partridges  should 
be  disturbed,  steeping  seed  lest  it  should  injure  the  game, 
.  .  .  mowing  hay,  etc.,  before  a  certain  time  so  late  as  to 
spoil  many  crops ;  and  taking  away  the  stubble  which  would 
deprive  the  birds  of  shelter. 

1  These  complaints  are  from  the  cahiers  drawn  up  for  the  Estates 
General  in  1789.  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.  562  sq.  (Vol.  II, 
pp.  210  sq.).     For  the  abolition  of  the  hunting  rights  see  below,  p.  407. 


366 


Readings  in  European  History 


381.  Marie 
Antoinette 
reports  to  her 
mother  that 
she  is  now 
a  queen. 


Madame 
du   Barry 
sent  to  a 
convent. 


II.  Accession  of  Louis  XVI ;  Marie  Antoinette 

Louis  XV  died  of  smallpox  May  10,  1774.  Marie 
Antoinette,  now  become  queen   at   eighteen,  writes  to 

her  mother  as  follows  : 

Choisy,  May  14,  1774. 

Madame ',  my  very  dear  mother : 

Count  Mercy x  has  doubtless  informed  you  of  the  details 
of  our  misfortune.  Happily  his  cruel  malady  left  the  king 
fully  conscious  to  the  last  moment,  and  his  end  was  very 
edifying.  The  new  king  seems  to  have  gained  the  heart  of 
the  people.  Two  days  before  his  grandfather's  death  he 
had  two  hundred  thousand  francs  distributed  to  the  poor, 
which  produced  a  fine  effect.  Since  the  late  king's  death 
he  has  worked  constantly,  and  replies  with  his  own  hand 
to  the  ministers,  whom  he  is  not  able  to  see  yet,  and  to 
many  other  letters.  One  thing  is  certain  ;  he  has  a  taste 
for  economy,  and  his  greatest  anxiety  is  to  make  his  peo- 
ple happy.  In  short,  his  eagerness  to  learn  is  equal  to 
his  need  of  information,  and  I  trust  that  God  will  bless  his 
good  will. 

The  public  are  looking  for  many  changes  just  now.  But 
the  king  has  confined  himself  to  sending  away  that  creature 
to  a  convent  and  driving  from  court  all  connected  with  her. 
The  king  owed  this  example  to  the  people  of  Versailles,  who 
at  the  time  of  the  catastrophe  attacked  Madame  de  Mazarin, 
one  of  the  most  humble  domestics  of  the  favorite.  I  am 
often  urged  to  preach  clemency  to  the  king  toward  a  num- 
ber of  corrupt  souls  who  have  been  up  to  much  evil  during 
the  last  few  years.  .  .  . 

They  have  just  come  to  forbid  me  to  visit  my  Aunt  Ade- 
laide, who  has  a  high  fever  and  pain  in  her  loins  ;  they  fear 
smallpox.  I  tremble  and  dare  not  think  of  the  consequences. 
It  is  terrible  for  her  to  pay  so  speedily  for  the  sacrifice  she 
has  made  [in  nursing  the  late  king].    I  am  delighted  that 

1  The  ambassador  of  the  empire,  whom  Maria  Theresa  had  selected 
as  the  special  adviser  of  her  young  daughter  when  she  went  to  France. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  367 

Marshal  Lascy  was  pleased  with  me.  I  confess,  dear  mamma, 
that  I  was  much  affected  when  he  took  leave  of  me,  as  I 
thought  how  rarely  it  happened  that  I  saw  people  of  my 
own  country,  particularly  those  who  have  the  additional 
happiness  of  approaching  you.   .   .   . 

The  king  has  left  me,  as  queen,  free  to  fill  the  vacant 
positions  in  my  household.  I  took  pleasure  in  according 
a  mark  of  attention  to  the  people  of  Lorraine  by  select- 
ing Abbe  Sabran  as  my  first  almoner,  —  an  upright  man 
of  exalted  birth  and  already  appointed  to  the  bishopric  of 
Nancy,  which  has  just  been  created. 

Although  it  pleased  God  to  cause  me  to  be  born  to  the 
station  I  occupy  to-day,  I  cannot  but  wonder  at  the  dispen- 
sation of  Providence,  who  chose  me,  the  youngest  of  your 
children,  for  the  finest  kingdom  of  Europe.  I  feel  more  than 
ever  all  that  I  owe  to  the  affection  of  my  august  mother, 
who  has  been  at  such  pains  and  trouble  to  secure  this  beau- 
tiful position  for  me.  I  have  never  so  longed  to  be  able 
to  throw  myself  at  her  feet,  kiss  her,  show  her  my  whole 
soul,  and  let  her  see  how  it  is  filled  with  respect,  love,  and 
gratitude.  .   .  . 

\_The  king  here  adds  in  his  own  hand '.•] 

I  am  very  glad  to  have  an  opportunity,  my  dear  mamma, 
to  express  my  love  and  attachment.  I  would  that  I  might 
have  your  advice  in  these  days  which  are  so  full  of  embar- 
rassment. I  should  be  delighted  to  be  able  to  satisfy  you, 
and  to  prove  in  that  way  the  affection  and  gratitude  that  I 
owe  you  for  granting  me  your  daughter,  with  whom  I  could 
not  be  better  satisfied. 

[  The  queen  theft  closes :] 

The  king  would  not  let  my  letter  go  without  adding  a 
word  for  himself.  I  am  sensible  that  he  might  have  been 
expected  to  write  a  letter  of  his  own,  but  I  beg  that  my  dear 
mamma  will  excuse  him  in  view  of  the  great  number  of 
things  he  has  to  occupy  him  and  also  a  little  on  account  of 
his  natural  timidity  and  shyness.  You  can  see,  dear  mamma, 
by  what  he  says  at  the  end,  that  while  he  is  fond  enough  of 
me  he  does  not  spoil  me  with  insipid  compliments. 


368  Readings  in  Europeaii  History 

In  a  letter  dated  May  15,  1776,  Marie  Antoinette 
writes  to  her  mother  :  "  Monsieur  de  Malesherbes  retired 
from  the  ministry  day  before  yesterday  and  was  imme- 
diately replaced  by  Monsieur  Amelot.  Monsieur  Turgot 
was  dismissed  the  same  day,  and  Monsieur  de  Clugny  is 
to  take  his  place.  I  confess,  dear  mamma,  that  I  do  not 
regret  the  departure  of  these  men,  but  I  had  nothing  to 
do  with  it."  Maria  Theresa  replies  with  a  characteristic 
warning : 

382.  Maria  ...  I  am  very  glad  that  you  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 

Theresa  dismissal  of  the  two  ministers,  who  enjoy  a  high  reputation 

warns  her 

daughter  of     with  the  public  at  large  and  who,  in  my  opinion,  have  only 

the  dangers  erred  in  attempting  to  do  too  much  at  once.  You  say  that 
0  evi  y  an  yQU  ^Q  nQt  regret  them.  Doubtless  you  have  good  reasons  ; 
but  of  late  the  public  no  longer  praises  you  as  it  did,  and 
attributes  to  you  all  sorts  of  little  intrigues  which  would  be 
most  unfitting  to  your  station.  The  king  loves  you  and  his 
ministers  should  respect  you.  By  asking  for  nothing  con- 
trary to  the  established  order  and  general  welfare,  you  will 
make  yourself  both  loved  and  respected. 

My  only  fear  for  you  (being  so  young)  is  an  excess  of  dis- 
sipation. You  have  never  cared  to  read  or  to  apply  yourself 
in  any  way  ;  this  has  often  troubled  me,  and  accounts  for 
my  having  tormented  you  so  often  with  inquiries  as  to  what 
you  were  reading.  I  was  so  pleased  to  see  you  devoting 
yourself  to  music.  But  for  a  year  now  there  has  been  no 
question  of  either  reading  or  music,  and  I  hear  of  nothing 
but  racing  and  hunting,  and  always  without  the  king  and  with 
a  lot  of  ill-chosen  young  people ;  all  this  troubles  me  very 
much,  loving  you,  as  I  do,  so  dearly.  Your  sisters-in-law 
behave  very  differently,  and  I  must  own  that  all  these  bois- 
terous diversions  in  which  the  king  takes  no  part  appear  to 
me  unseemly.  You  will  say,  "  He  knows  and  approves  of 
them."  I  reply  that  he  is  kind  and  good  and  that  that  is  all 
the  more  reason  that  you  should  be  circumspect  and  arrange 
your  pleasures  together. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


3^9 


In  February  of  the  following  year  a  projected  visit  of 
the  Emperor  Joseph  II  to  Paris  seemed  likely  to  be 
abandoned.  His  mother,  Maria  Theresa,  who  had  great 
hopes  of  happy  results  from  it,  both  personal  and  politi- 
cal, writes  to  Marie  Antoinette  as  follows  : 

Vienna,  February  3,  1777. 

...  As  I  desire  nothing  else  in  this  world  but  the  good 
of  our  holy  religion,  the  happiness  of  my  dear,  and  more  than 
dear,  children,  the  welfare  of  our  states,  and  the  felicity  of 
our  peoples,  whom  I  love  just  as  sincerely  as  my  children, 
so  I  long  to  see  not  only  our  houses  and  our  interests  bound 
together  closely  and  indissolubly,  as  indeed  they  already  are, 
but  a  cordial  personal  friendship  as  well,  which  will  bear 
every  test  and  which  no  minister  or  other  envious  power 
shall  ever  be  able  to  change  or  diminish.  The  emperor  and 
the  king  are  both  so  young,  and  both  have  such  good  and 
generous  hearts,  that  I  believe  my  hopes  to  be  well  founded 
if  only  they  can  learn  to  know  each  other  and  establish  that 
mutual  confidence  which  will  be  so  useful  and  so  necessary 
to  them  in  their  political  careers,  for  their  own  happiness  and 
that  of  their  countries,  —  indeed,  for  all  Europe. 

These  reflections  of  a  doting  old  mother  and  sovereign 
have  led  me  to  send  off  new  instructions  to  Mercy,  directing 
him  to  furnish  you  with  information  and  arrange  with  you  as 
to  the  policy  to  be  adopted  toward  your  ministers.  There 
are  matters  of  the  highest  importance  which  I  can  only  touch 
upon  in  passing.  The  quarrels  between  the  Turks  and  the 
Russians  and  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  as  well  as  the 
war  in  America,  may  well  bring  about  a  general  conflagration 
into  which  I  shall  be  drawn  in  spite  of  myself ;  particularly 
as  it  is  necessary  to  act  with  the  greatest  caution  on  account 
of  our  bad  neighbor,1  whose  persistent  enmity  toward  us  is 
greatly  increased  since  we  have  ventured  to  oppose  his  unjust 
designs  in  Poland  and  elsewhere.  He  is  performing  the 
impossible  in  the  effort  to  frustrate,  or  at  least  to  weaken 


382a.  Maria 
Theresa 
urges  the 
necessity 
of  a  close 
alliance 
between 
France  and 
Austria. 


1  Namely,  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia. 


3/0  Readings  in  European  History 

our  influence  in  all  the  courts  of  Europe  ;  he  sticks  at  no 
calumny,  and  especially  in  France,  and  it  is  this  that  makes 
me  doubly  regret  that  the  interview  between  Joseph  II  and 
Louis  XVI  has  not  taken  place.  The  delight  of  the  king  of 
Prussia  is  a  sure  sign  of  the  importance  he  attached  to  it, 
and  should  serve  to  unite  us  all  the  closer,  for  united  neither 
he  nor  any  one  dare  molest  us. 

I  cannot  conceal  from  you  that  scandal  has  not  spared 
you  personally,  and  I  have  mentioned  to  Mercy  several 
darts  of  slander  that  have  long  disquieted  me  in  regard  to 
your  amusments,  games,  excursions ;  that  you  were  on  bad 
terms  with  the  king,  —  that  you  no  longer  share  his  bed,  but 
want  to  sit  up  all  night  playing  cards,  which  the  king  does 
not  like ;  that  you  were  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  your 
brother's  visit,  —  that  you  did  not  in  the  least  desire  it,  and 
that  you  are  now  delighted  to  be  left  free  to  pursue  your 
pleasures.  Such  are  the  tales  that  are  sent  out  from  Berlin 
to  Saxony,  Poland,  everywhere ;  and  I  confess  that  for  several 
months  they  have  caused  me  increasing  dismay.  My  only 
consolation  is  that,  as  atrocious  slanders  are  promulgated 
about  the  emperor  and  myself,  it  must  be  the  same  with  you  ; 
but,  my  dear  daughter,  the  newspapers  but  confirm  these 
accounts  of  the  various  amusements  in  which  my  dear  queen 
joins  without  her  sisters-in-law  or  the  king,  and  they  give  me 
many  sad  hours.  I  love  you  so  tenderly  that  I  cannot  but 
look  ahead  into  the  future,  and  I  entreat  you  to  do  the  same. 

III.  The  French  intervene  in  the  American 

Revolution 

No  doubt  the  influence  of  the  American  Revolution 
upon  French  affairs  has  commonly  been  much  exag- 
gerated, since  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
example  of  the  colonists  did  not  really  modify  essentially 
the  trend  of  affairs  in  France  toward  reform.  The 
course  of  events  can  be  readily  explained  even  if  the 
American  war  be  quite  eliminated  from  consideration. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolntioii 


371 


Yet  the  embarrassment  of  the  treasury  which  resulted 
from  France's  intervention  in  the  war,  and  the  liberal 
ideas  which  it  suggested  to  some  of  the  nobility,  may 
have  hastened  the  French  Revolution.  The  count  of 
Segur,  looking  back  long  years  after  the  events  he 
narrates,  thus  describes  the  intervention  of  France  in 
the  struggle  of  the  American  colonists. 

At  this  time  libertv,  which  had  been  hushed  in  the  civi- 
lized  world  for  so  many  centuries,  awoke  in  another  hemi- 
sphere and  engaged  in  a  glorious  struggle  against  an  ancient 
monarchy  which  enjoyed  the  most  redoubtable  power.  Eng- 
land, confident  of  its  strength,  had  subsidized  and  dispatched 
forty  thousand  men  to  America  to  stifle  this  liberty  in  its 
cradle ;  but  a  whole  nation  which  longs  foi  freedom  is  scarce 
to  be  vanquished. 

The  bravery  of  these  new  republicans  won  esteem  in  all 
parts  of  Europe  and  enlisted  the  sympathies  of  the  friends 
of  justice  and  humanity.  The  young  men  especially,  who 
although  brought  up  in  the  midst  of  monarchies  had  by  a 
singular  anomaly  been  nurtured  in  admiration  for  the  great 
writers  of  antiquity  and  the  heroes  of  Greece  and  Rome, 
carried  to  the  point  of  enthusiasm  the  interest  which  the 
American  insurrection  inspired  in  them. 

The  French  government,  which  desired  the  weakening  of 
the  power  of  England,  was  gradually  drawn  on  by  this  liberal 
opinion,  which  showed  itself  in  so  energetic  a  manner.  At 
first  it  secretly  furnished  arms,  munitions,  and  money  to  the 
Americans,  or  permitted  supplies  to  reach  them  by  French 
ships  ;  but  it  was  too  weak  to  venture  to  declare  itself  openly 
in  their  favor,  affecting  on  the  contrary  an  appearance  of 
strict  neutrality  and  so  far  blinding  itself  as  to  imagine 
that  its  secret  measures  would  not  be  suspected,  and  that  it 
might  ruin  its  rival  without  incurring  the  danger  of  meeting 
it  in  the  open  field.  Such  an  illusion  could  not  last  long,  and 
the  English  cabinet  was  too  clear-sighted  to  let  us  gain  the 
advantages  of  a  war  without  incurring  any  of  its  risks. 


383.  How 

France 

became 

interested 

in  the 

American 

Revolution. 

(From  the 

Memoires  of 

Segur.) 


372  Readings  i?i  Europeaji  History 

The  veil  became  more  and  more  transparent  daily.  Soon 
the  American  envoys,  Silas  Deane  and  Arthur  Lee,  arrived 
in  Paris,  and  shortly  after  the  famous  Benjamin  Franklin 
joined  them.  It  would  be  difficult  to  express  the  enthusiasm 
and  favor  with  which  they  were  welcomed  in  France,  into 
the  midst  of  an  old  monarchy, — these  envoys  of  a  people 
in  insurrection  against  their  king.  Nothing  could  be  more 
striking  than  the  contrast  between  the  luxury  of  our  capital, 
the  elegance  of  our  fashions,  the  magnificence  of  Versailles, 
the  polished  but  haughty  arrogance  of  our  nobles,  —  in  short 
all  those  living  signs  of  the  monarchical  pride  of  Louis  XIV, 
—  with  the  almost  rustic  dress,  the  simple  if  proud  demeanor, 
the  frank,  direct  speech,  the  plain,  unpowdered  hair,  and, 
finally,  that  flavor  of  antiquity  which  seemed  to  bring  sud- 
denly within  our  walls  and  into  the  midst  of  the  soft  and 
servile  civilization  of  the  seventeenth  century  these  sage 
contemporaries  of  Plato,  or  republicans  of  Cato's  or  Fabius' 
time. 

This  unexpected  sight  delighted  us  the  more  both  because 
it  was  novel  and  because  it  came  at  just  the  period  when  our 
literature  and  philosophy  had  spread  everywhere  among  us 
a  desire  for  reform,  a  leaning  toward  innovation,  and  a  lively 
love  for  liberty.  The  clash  of  arms  served  to  excite  still 
more  the  ardor  of  war-loving  young  men,  since  the  deliberate 
caution  of  our  ministers  irritated  us,  and  we  were  weary  of 
a  long  peace  which  had  lasted  more  than  ten  years.  Every 
one  was  burning  with  a  desire  to  repay  the  affronts  of  the 
last  war,  to  fight  the  English,  and  to  fly  to  the  succor  of  the 
Americans.  .  .  . 

The  young  French  officers,  who  breathed  nothing  but  war, 
hastened  to  the  American  envoys,  questioned  them  upon  the 
situation,  the  resources  of  Congress,  the  means  of  defense, 
and  demanded  all  the  various  bits  of  news  which  were  con- 
stantly being  received  from  that  great  theater  where  freedom 
was  fighting  so  valiantly  against  British  tyranny.  .  .  .  Silas 
Deane  and  Arthur  Lee  did  not  disguise  the  fact  that  the  aid 
of  some  well-trained  officers  would  be  both  agreeable  and 
useful.    They  even  informed  us  that  they  were  authorized  to 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


373 


promise    to  those  who  would  embrace  their  cause  a  rank 
appropriate  to  their  services. 

The  American  troops  already  included  in  their  ranks  sev- 
eral European  volunteers  whom  the  love  of  glory  and  inde- 
pendence had  attracted.  .  .  .  The  first  three  Frenchmen  of 
distinguished  rank  at  court  who  offered  the  aid  of  their  serv- 
ice to  the  Americans  were  the  marquis  of  Lafayette,  the 
viscount  of  Noailles,  and  myself. 


IV.  The  People  of  France 

Of  all  the  descriptions  that  we  have  of  the  general 
condition  of  the  French  people  upon  the  eve  of  the  Rev- 
olution, the  most  important  and  interesting  is  Arthur 
Young's  account  of  his  travels  in  France  during  the 
years  1787,  1788,  and  1789.  Young  was  an  honest  and 
observant  English  gentleman  farmer,  whose  aim  was  to 
ascertain  "the  cultivation,  wealth,  resources,  and  national 
prosperity  "  of  France,  which  were,  as  he  foresaw,  to  be 
fundamentally  changed  by  the  Revolution  then  under 
way.  His  book,  first  published  in  1792,  met  with  imme- 
diate success,  and  still  fascinates  even  the  casual  reader. 

In  1787  Arthur  Young  visited  Paris  and  Versailles, 
then  traveled  southward  as  far  as  the  Pyrenees.  Of 
Versailles  and  the  capital  he  says  : 

Again  to  Versailles.  In  viewing  the  king's  apartment, 
which  he  had  not  left  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  with  those  slight 
traits  of  disorder  that  showed  he  lived  in  it,  it  was  amus- 
ing to  see  the  blackguard  figures  that  were  walking  uncon- 
trolled about  the  palace,  and  even  in  his  bedchamber;  men 
whose  rags  betrayed  them  to  be  in  the  last  stage  of  poverty, 
and  I  was  the  only  person  that  stared  and  wondered  how 
the  devil  they  got  there.  It  is  impossible  not  to  like  this 
careless  indifference  and  freedom  from  suspicion.  One  loves 
the  master  of  the  house,  who  would  not  be  hurt  or  offended 


384.  Ex- 
tracts from 
Arthur 
Young's 
travels. 


Impressions 
of  Versailles 
and  its 
gardens. 


374  Readings  in  European  History 

at  seeing  his  apartment  thus  occupied  if  he  returned  sud- 
denly, for  if  there  was  danger  of  this  the  intrusion  would  be 
prevented.  This  is  certainly  a  feature  of  that  good  temper 
which  appears  to  me  so  visible  everywhere  in  France.  I 
desired  to  see  the  queen's  apartments,  but  I  could  not.  "Is 
her  Majesty  in  it?  "  "  No."  "Why  then  not  see  it  as  well 
as  the  king's  ?  "  "  Ma  foi,  Monsieur,  c'est  une  autre  chose." 
Ramble  through  the  gardens,  and  by  the  grand  canal, 
with  absolute  astonishment  at  the  exaggerations  of  writers 
and  travelers.  There  is  magnificence  in  the  quarter  of  the 
orangery,  but  no  beauty  anywhere  ;  there  are  some  statues 
good  enough  to  wish  them  under  cover.  The  extent  and 
breadth  of  the  canal  are  nothing  to  the  eye,  and  it  is  not  in 
such  good  repair  as  a  farmer's  horse  pond.  The  menagerie 
is  well  enough,  but  nothing  great. 
Condition  This  great  city  [Paris]  appears  to  be  in  many  respects 

of  the  streets    ^he  most  ineligible  and  inconvenient  for  the  residence  of  a 
g  person  of  small  fortune  of  any  that  I  have  seen,  and  vastly 

inferior  to  London.  The  streets  are  very  narrow,  and  many 
of  them  crowded,  nine  tenths  dirty,  and  all  without  foot 
pavements.  Walking,  which  in  London  is  so  pleasant  and 
so  clean  that  ladies  do  it  every  day,  is  here  a  toil  and  a 
fatigue  to  a  man,  and  an  impossibility  to  a  well-dressed 
woman.  The  coaches  are  numerous,  and,  what  is  much 
worse,  there  are  an  infinity  of  one-horse  cabriolets,  which 
are  driven  by  young  men  of  fashion  and  their  imitators, 
alike  fools,  with  such  rapidity  as  to  be  real  nuisances,  and 
render  the  streets  exceedingly  dangerous,  without  an  inces- 
sant caution.  I  saw  a  poor  child  run  over  and  probably 
killed,  and  have  been  myself  many  times  blackened  with  the 
mud  of  the  kennels.  This  beggarly  practice,  of  driving  a 
one-horse  booby  hutch  about  the  streets  of  a  great  capital, 
flows  either  from  poverty  or  wretched  and  despicable  econ- 
omy ;  nor  is  it  possible  to  speak  of  it  with  too  much  sever- 
ity. If  young  noblemen  at  London  were  to  drive  their 
chaises  in  streets  without  footways,  as  their  brethren  do  at 
Paris,  they  would  speedily  and  justly  get  very  well  threshed 
or  rolled  in  the  kennel.    This  circumstance  renders  Paris  an 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  375 

ineligible  residence  for  persons,  particularly  families  that 
cannot  afford  to  keep  a  coach,  —  a  convenience  which  is  as 
dear  as  at  London.  The  fiacres  —  hackney  coaches  —  are 
much  worse  than  at  that  city;  and  chairs  there  are  none, 
for  they  would  be  driven  down  in  the  streets.  To  this  cir- 
cumstance also  it  is  owing  that  all  persons  of  small  or 
moderate  fortune  are  forced  to  dress  in  black,  with  black 
stockings. 

After  a  stay  of  three  months,  Young  finds  himself  in 
the  southern  confines  of  the  kingdom. 

[August  11. ~\  Take  the  road  to  Lourdes,  where  is  a  castle  Young's 
on  a  rock,  garrisoned  for  the  mere  purpose  of  keeping  state  imPrpsions 
prisoners  sent  hither  by  lettres  de  cachet.  Seven  or  eight  are 
known  to  be  here  at  present ;  thirty  have  been  here  at  a 
time;  and  many  for  life,  —  torn  by  the  relentless  hand  of 
jealous  tyranny  from  the  bosom  of  domestic  comfort ;  from 
wives,  children,  friends,  and  hurried  for  crimes  unknown 
to  themselves  —  more  probably  for  virtues  —  to  languish  in 
this  detested  abode  of  misery,  and  die  of  despair.  O  lib- 
erty!  liberty!  And  yet  this  is  the  mildest  government  of 
any  considerable  country  in  Europe,  our  own  excepted.  The 
dispensations  of  Providence  seem  to  have  permitted  the 
human  race  to  exist  only  as  the  prey  of  tyrants,  as  it  has 
made  pigeons  for  the  prey  of  hawks.  .  .  . 

\_The  I2th.~\  Pau  is  a  considerable  town,  that  has  a  par- 
liament and  a  linen  manufacture ;  but  it  is  more  famous  for 
being  the  birthplace  of  Henry  IV.  I  viewed  the  castle,  and 
was  shown,  as  all  travelers  are,  the  room  in  which  that 
amiable  prince  was  born,  and  the  cradle- — the  shell  of  a 
tortoise  —  in  which  he  was  nursed.  What  an  effect  on  pos- 
terity have  great  and  distinguished  talents  !  This  is  a  con- 
siderable town,  but  I  question  whether  anything  would  ever 
carry  a  stranger  to  it  but  its  possessing  the  cradle  of  a 
favorite  character. 

Take  the  road  to  Moneng  [Monein]  and  come  presently 
to  a  scene  which  was  so  new  to  me  in  France  that  I  could 


376  Readings  i?i  European  History 

hardly  believe  my  own  eyes.  A  succession  of  many  well- 
built,  tight,  and  comfortable  farming  cottages,  built  of  stone 
and  covered  with  tiles;  each  having  its  little  garden,  inclosed 
by  clipped  thorn  hedges,  with  plenty  of  peach  and  other  fruit 
trees,  some  fine  oaks  scattered  in  the  hedges,  and  young 
trees  nursed  up  with  so  much  care  that  nothing  but  the  fos- 
tering attention  of  the  owner  could  effect  anything  like  it. 
To  every  house  belongs  a  farm,  perfectly  well  inclosed,  with 
grass  borders  mown  and  neatly  kept  around  the  cornfields, 
with  gates  to  pass  from  one  inclosure  to  another.  The  men 
are  all  dressed  with  red  caps,  like  the  highlanders  of  Scot- 
land. There  are  some  parts  of  England  (where  small  yeo- 
men still  remain)  that  resemble  this  country  of  Beam ;  but 
we  have  very  little  that  is  equal  to  what  I  have  seen  in  this 
ride  of  twelve  miles  from  Pau  to  Moneng.  It  is  all  in  the 
hands  of  little  proprietors,  without  the  farms  being  so  small 
as  to  occasion  a  vicious  and  miserable  population.  An  air  of 
neatness,  warmth,  and  comfort  breathes  over  the  whole.  It 
is  visible  in  their  new-built  houses  and  stables,  in  their  little 
gardens,  in  their  hedges,  in  the  courts  before  their  doors, 
even  in  the  coops  for  their  poultry  and  the  sties  for  their 
hogs.  A  peasant  does  not  think  of  rendering  his  pig  com- 
fortable if  his  own  happiness  hangs  by  the  thread  of  a  nine 
years'  lease.  We  are  now  in  Be'arn,  within  a  few  miles  of 
the  cradle  of  Henry  IV.  Do  they  inherit  these  blessings 
from  that  good  prince?  The  benignant  genius  of  that  good 
monarch  seems  to  reign  still  over  the  country  ;  each  peasant 
has  the  fowl  in  the  pot.   .  .  . 

\The  ijth.~\  The  agreeable  scene  of  yesterday  continues  : 
many  small  properties,  and  every  appearance  of  rural  happi- 
ness. 

In  September,  1788,  Young  found  himself  in  Brittany. 

Brittany.  To  Combourg.    The  country  has  a  savage  aspect ;  hus- 

bandry not  much  further  advanced,  at  least  in  skill,  than 
among  the  Hurons,  which  appears  incredible  amidst  inci- 
sures. The  people  almost  as  wild  as  their  country,  and  their 
town  of  Combourg  one  of  the  most  brutal,  filthy  places  that 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  377 

can  be  seen  ;  mud  houses,  no  windows,  and  a  pavement  so 
broken  as  to  impede  all  passengers,  but  ease  none.  Yet  here 
is  a  chateau,  and  inhabited.  Who  is  this  Monsieur  de  Cha- 
teaubriant,  the  owner,  that  has  nerves  strung  for  a  residence 
amidst  such  filth  and  poverty  ?  .   .  . 

To  Montauban.  The  poor  people  seem  poor  indeed ;  the 
children  terribly  ragged,  —  if  possible,  worse  clad  than  if 
with  no  clothes  at  all ;  as  to  shoes  and  stockings,  they  are 
luxuries.  A  beautiful  girl  of  six  or  seven  years  playing  with 
a  stick,  and  smiling  under  such  a  bundle  of  rags  as  made 
my  heart  ache  to  see  her.  They  did  not  beg,  and  when  I 
gave  them  anything  seemed  more  surprised  than  obliged. 
One  third  of  what  I  have  seen  of  this  province  seems  uncul- 
tivated, and  nearly  all  of  it  in  misery.  What  have  kings, 
and  ministers,  and  parliaments,  and  states  to  answer  for 
their  prejudices,  seeing  millions  of  hands  that  would  be 
industrious  idle  and  starving  through  the  execrable  maxims 
of  despotism,  or  the  equally  detestable  prejudices  of  a  feudal 
nobility.  Sleep  at  the  Lion  d'Or,  at  Montauban,  an  abom- 
inable hole. 

Young  was  in  Paris  during  the  early  sessions  of  the 
Estates  General  in  1789.1  On  June  28  he  left  the  capi- 
tal to  visit  the  eastern  and  southeastern  provinces. 

\July  4-2  To  Chateau  Thiery,  following  the  course  of  the  Lack  of 
Marne.  The  country  is  pleasantly  varied,  and  hilly  enough 
to  render  it  a  constant  picture,  were  it  inclosed.  Thiery  is 
beautifully  situated  on  the  same  river.  I  arrived  there  by 
five  o'clock,  and  wished,  in  a  period  so  interesting  to  France 
and  indeed  to  all  Europe,  to  see  a  newspaper.  I  asked  for  a 
coffee-house,  — not  one  in  the  town.  Here  are  two  parishes 
and  some  thousands  of  inhabitants,  and  not  a  newspaper  to 
be  seen  by  a  traveler,  even  in  a  moment  when  all  ought  to 
be  in  anxiety.  What  stupidity,  poverty,  and  want  of  circula- 
tion! This  people  hardly  deserve  to  be  free;  and  should 
there  be  the  least  attempt  with  vigor  to  keep  them  otherwise, 

1  See  below,  pp.  402  sqq. 


provinces. 


378  Readings  in  E?iropean  History 

it  can  hardly  fail  of  succeeding.  To  those  who  have  been 
used  to  travel  amidst  the  energetic  and  rapid  circulation  of 
wealth,  animation,  and  intelligence  of  England,  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  describe  in  words  adequate  to  one's  feelings  the  dull- 
ness and  stupidity  of  France.  I  have  been  to-day  on  one  of 
their  greatest  roads,  within  thirty  miles  of  Paris,  yet  I  have 
not  seen  one  diligence,  and  met  but  a  single  gentleman's 
carriage,  nor  anything  else  on  the  road  that  looked  like  a 
gentleman. 
Feudal  dues.  [July  I2.~\  Walking  up  a  long  hill  to  ease  my  mare,  I  was 
joined  by  a  poor  woman,  who  complained  of  the  times,  and 
that  it  was  a  sad  country.  Demanding  her  reasons,  she  said 
her  husband  had  but  a  morsel  of  land,  one  cow,  and  a  poor 
little  horse,  yet  they  had  a  franchar  (forty-two  pounds)  of 
wheat  and  three  chickens  to  pay  as  a  quitrent  to  one  seig- 
neur ;  and  four  franchar  of  oats,  one  chicken,  and  one  franc 
to  pay  to  another,  besides  very  heavy  tailles  and  other  taxes. 
She  had  seven  children,  and  the  cow's  milk  helped  to  make 
the  soup.  "  But  why,  instead  of  a  horse,  do  not  you  keep 
another  cow?"  Oh,  her  husband  could  not  carry  his  produce 
so  well  without  a  horse  ;  and  asses  are  little  used  in  the  coun- 
try. It  was  said,  at  present,  that  something  was  to  be  done 
by  some  great  folks  for  such  poor  ones,  but  she  did  not  know 
who  nor  how,  but  God  send  us  better,  car  les  tailles  et  les 
droits  nous  ecrasent. 

This  woman,  at  no  great  distance,  might  have  been  taken 
for  sixty  or  seventy,  her  figure  was  so  bent  and  her  face  so 
furrowed  and  hardened  by  labor,  but  she  said  she  was  only 
twenty-eight.  An  Englishman  who  has  not  traveled  cannot 
imagine  the  figure  made  by  infinitely  the  greater  part  of  the 
country  women  in  France ;  it  speaks,  at  the  first  sight,  hard 
and  severe  labor.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  they  work 
harder  than  the  men,  and  this,  united  with  the  more  miser- 
able labor  of  bringing  a  new  race  of  slaves  into  the  world, 
destroys  absolutely  all  symmetry  of  person  and  every  femi- 
nine appearance.  To  what  are  we  to  attribute  this  difference 
in  the  manners  of  the  lower  people  in  the  two  kingdoms  ?  To 
government.  .  .  . 


The  Eve  of  the  FrencJi  Revolution  3  79 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  also  traveling  in  France  just 
before  the  Revolution  He  writes  from  Nice  to  a  friend, 
April  1 1,  1787  : 

In  the  great  cities  I  go  to  see  what  travelers  think  alone    385.  Jeffer- 

worthy  of  being  seen;  but  I  make   a  job  of  it  and  gener-    son  finds 

11  I'ni  •  1  r^        1  ^         ■,         it  less  misery 

ally  gulp  it  all  down  in  a  day.    On  the  other  hand,  I  am    jn  France 

never  satiated  with  rambling  through  the  fields  and  farms,  than  he 
examining  the  culture  and  cultivators  with  a  degree  of  curi-  exPected- 
osity  which  makes  some  take  me  for  a  fool,  and  others  to  be 
much  wiser  than  I  am.  I  have  been  pleased  to  find  among 
the  people  a  less  degree  of  physical  misery  than  I  had 
expected.  They  are  generally  well  clothed  and  have  a  plenty 
of  food,  — not  animal,  indeed,  but  vegetable,  which  is  just  as 
wholesome.  Perhaps  they  are  overworked,  the  excess  of  the 
rent  required  by  the  landlord  obliging  them  to  too  many 
hours  of  labor  in  order  to  produce  that  and  wherewith  to 
feed  and  clothe  themselves.  The  soil  of  Burgundy  and  Cham- 
pagne I  have  found  more  universally  good  than  I  had  ex- 
pected ;  and  as  I  could  not  help  making  a  comparison  with 
England,  I  found  that  comparison  more  unfavorable  to  the 
latter  than  is  generally  admitted.  The  soil,  the  climate,  and 
the  productions  are  superior  to  those  of  England,  and  the 
husbandry  as  good  except  in  one  point,  that  of  manure. 

From  the  first  olive  fields  of  Pierrelatte  to  the  orangeries 
of  Hieres  has  been  continued  rapture  to  me.  I  have  often 
wished  for  you.  I  think  you  have  not  made  this  journey.  It 
is  a  pleasure  you  have  to  come,  and  an  improvement  you 
have  to  add  to  the  many  you  have  already  made.  It  will  be 
a  great  comfort  for  you  to  know,  from  your  own  inspection, 
the  condition  of  all  the  provinces  of  your  own  country,  and 
it  will  be  interesting  to  them  at  some  future  day  to  be  krjown 
to  you.  This  is  perhaps  the  only  moment  of  your  life  in  which 
you  can  acquire  that  knowledge.  And  to  do  it  most  effectu- 
ally you  must  be  absolutely  incognito ;  you  must  ferret  the 
people  out  of  their  hovels,  as  I  have  done,  look  into  their 
kettles,  eat  their  bread,  loll  on  their  beds  under  pretense  of 
resting  yourself,  but  in  fact  to  find  if  they  are  soft.    You  will 


3§o 


Reading's  in  European  History 


feel  a  sublime  pleasure  in  the  course  of  this  investigation,  and 
a  sublimer  one  hereafter,  when  you  shall  be  able  to  apply 
your  knowledge  to  the  softening  of  their  beds  or  the  throw- 
ing a  morsel  of  meat  into  their  kettle  of  vegetables. 


386.  Vol- 
taire's views 
of  the  rela- 
tion of 
church  and 
state. 


Civil 
marriage. 


The  Church's 
regulations 
regarding 
usury. 

Payment  of 
annates  to 
the  pope. 


V.  Voltaire  and  Rousseau 

In  his  famous  Ha?idy  Philosophic  Dictionary,  a  little 
volume  of  essays  on  a  variety  of  themes,  published 
anonymously  in  1764,  Voltaire  gives  under  the  word 
"  law  "  his  ideas  of  the  reform  demanded  in  church  and 
state.  It  will  be  noted  that  he  seems  here  to  have  no 
quarrel  with  religion,  but  only  with  what  he  regards  as  the 
encroachments  of  the  clergy  on  the  rights  of  the  state. 

No  law  made  by  the  Church  should  ever  have  the  least 
force  unless  expressly  sanctioned  by  the  government.  It  was 
owing  to  this  precaution  that  Athens  and  Rome  escaped  all 
religious  quarrels. 

Such  religious  quarrels  are  the  trait  of  barbarous  nations 
or  such  as  have  become  barbarous. 

The  civil  magistrate  alone  may  permit  or  prohibit  labor  on 
religious  festivals,  since  it  is  not  the  function  of  the  priest  to 
forbid  men  to  cultivate  their  fields. 

Everything  relating  to  marriage  should  depend  entirely 
upon  the  civil  magistrate.  The  priests  should  confine  them- 
selves to  the  august  function  of  blessing  the  union. 

Lending  money  at  interest  should  be  regulated  entirely  by 
the  civil  law,  since  trade  is  governed  by  civil  law. 

All  ecclesiastics  should  be  subject  in  every  case  to  the 
government,  since  they  are  subjects  of  the  state. 

Never  should  the  ridiculous  and  shameful  custom  be  main- 
tained of  paying  to  a  foreign  priest  the  first  year's  revenue 
of  land  given  to  a  priest  by  his  fellow-citizens. 

No  priest  can  deprive  a  citizen  of  the  least  of  his  rights  on 
the  ground  that  the  citizen  is  a  sinner,  since  the  priest  —  him- 
self a  sinner  —  should  pray  for  other  sinners,  not  judge  them. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


381 


Officials,  laborers,  and  priests  should  all  alike  pay  the  taxes    All  should 
of  the  state,  since  they  all  alike  belong  to  the  state.  pay  taxes. 

There  should  be  but  one  standard  of  weights  and  measures    Uniformity, 
and  one  system  of  law. 

Let  the  punishment  of  criminals  be  useful.  A  man  when 
hanged  is  good  for  nothing :  a  man  condemned  to  hard  labor 
continues  to  serve  his  country  and  furnish  a  living  lesson. 

Every  law  should  be  clear,  uniform,  and  precise.  To  inter- 
pret law  is  almost  always  to  corrupt  it. 

Nothing  should  be  regarded  as  infamous  except  vice. 

The  taxes  should  never  be  otherwise  than  proportional  to 
the  resources  of  him  who  pays. 

Voltaire's  mingling  of  jest  and  earnest  is  generally 
apparent  in  his  discussion  of  theological  matters.  Like 
Erasmus,  he  felt  that  the  fine  distinctions  made  by  the 
divines  often  obscured  the  main  issue.  Under  "grace" 
he  writes  as  follows  : 


grace. 


Ye  sacred  counselors  of  modern  Rome,  ye  illustrious  and  387.  Vol- 
infallible  theologians,  no  one  has  more  respect  than  I  for 
your  opinions.  But  were  Paulus  ^Emilius,  Scipio,  Cato, 
Cicero,  Caesar,  Titus,  Trajan,  or  Marcus  Aurelius  to  return 
to  that  Rome  upon  which  they  formerly  cast  some  little 
glory,  you  will  admit  that  they  would  be  somewhat  startled 
at  your  decisions  respecting  grace.  What  would  they  say 
if  they  should  hear  of  St.  Thomas'  grace  of  health  and  of 
Cajetan's  medicinal  grace ;  of  external  and  internal,  free, 
sanctifying,  actual,  habitual,  and  cooperating  grace  ;  of  effec- 
tual grace  which  is  sometimes  without  effect ;  of  sufficing 
grace  which  is  often  insufficient ;  of  versatile  and  congruous 
grace?  Would  they,  in  good  faith,  understand  these  any 
better  than  you  and  I  do? 

How  completely  at  a  loss  would  these  poor  people  be 
without  your  exalted  instruction.  I  seem  to  hear  them 
say:  "Reverend  fathers,  what  stupendous  genius  is  yours! 
We  have  been  accustomed  to  think  —  absurdly  enough,  as 
it  appears  —  that  the  Eternal   Being   never  follows   special 


382  Readings  in  European  History 

laws,  as  we  lowly  human  creatures  must,  but  his  own  general 
laws,  eternal  like  himself.  It  never  occurred  to  any  of  us 
that  God  was  like  a  crazy  master  who  gave  a  fortune  to  one 
slave  and  refused  another  his  necessary  food.  .  .  . 

"  Everything  from  God  is  grace ;  he  has  conferred  his 
grace  on  the  globe  we  dwell  upon  by  forming  it;  upon  the 
trees  the  grace  to  grow ;  upon  the  beasts  that  of  finding 
food.  But  if  one  wolf  finds  a  lamb  in  his  way  to  make  a 
good  meal  of,  and  another  wolf  is  famishing,  shall  we  say 
that  God  has  shown  his  special  grace  to  the  first  wolf?  Has 
he  by  '  preventing '  grace  been  busied  in  causing  one  oak 
to  grow  preferably  to  another  ?  .  .  . 

"  How  pitiable  to  suppose  that  God  is  continually  making, 
unmaking,  and  remaking  sentiments  in  us,  and  what  pre- 
sumption to  think  that  we  are  different  in  this  respect  from 
all  other  beings  !  Moreover  it  is  only  for  those  who  go  to 
confession  that  all  these  changes  are  imagined.  A  Savoyard 
or  a  man  from  Bergamo  shall  on  Monday  have  grace  to 
have  a  mass  said  for  twelve  sous ;  Tuesday  grace  will  fail 
him  and  he  will  go  to  the  tavern;  on  Wednesday  he  will 
have  cooperating  grace  which  will  send  him  away  to  confes- 
sion, but  without  the  efficacious  grace  of  perpetual  contri- 
tion; Thursday  it  may  be  a  'sufficient'  grace  which  will 
prove  insufficient.  God  will  be  continually  at  work  in  the 
head  of  this  man  of  Bergamo,  sometimes  strongly,  sometimes 
weakly,  without  minding  any  other  thing  upon  earth  and 
without  caring  what  becomes  of  the  inside  of  Indians  or 
Chinese.  .  .  . 

"  You  miserable  creatures !  Lift  up  your  eyes  to  the 
heavens  :  see  the  Eternal  Artificer  creating  millions  of  worlds 
all  gravitating  toward  one  another  by  general  and  eternal 
laws !  Behold  the  same  light  reflected  from  the  sun  to 
Saturn  and  from  Saturn  to  us ;  and  amidst  this  harmony 
of  so  many  luminous  bodies  in  a  course  as  amazing  as 
swift,  amidst  this  general  obedience  of  all  nature,  I  defy  you 
to  believe  that  God  is  occupied  with  conferring  versatile 
grace  on  Sister  Theresa  and  concomitant  grace  on  Sister 
Agnes. 


•  •  « 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


383 


These,  it  must  be  remembered,  are  Marcus  Aurelius' 
words,  not  mine  ;  for  God,  who  inspires  you,  has  given  me 
grace  to  believe  all  that  you  say,  or  have  said,  or  shall  say. 

Among  Rousseau's  writings  the  most  permanently- 
influential  is  his  Emile,  or  Education}  This  opens  with 
his  protest  against  the  artificiality  of  the  civilization 
which  he  saw  about  him,  and  his  oft-repeated  exhortation 
to  return  to  nature  as  the  safest  guide. 

All  things  are  good  as  their  Author  made  them,  but  every-    388.  Rous- 
thing  degenerates  in  the  hands  of  man.    By  man  our  native    seau's  sum" 
soil  is  forced  to  nourish  plants  brought  from  foreign  regions,    turnback 
and  one  tree  is   made  to  bear  the  fruit  of  another.    Man    to  nature, 
brings  about  a  general  confusion  of  elements,  climates,  and 
seasons;  he  mutilates  his  dogs,  his  horses,  and  his  slaves; 
he  defaces  and  confounds  everything,  and  seems  to  delight 
only  in  monsters  and  deformity.    He  is  not  content  with  any- 
thing as  Nature  left  it,  not  even  with  man,  whom  he  must 
train  for  his  service  like  a  saddle  horse,  and  twist  in  his  own 
particular  way  like  a  tree  in  his  garden. 

Yet  without  this  interference  matters  would  be  still  worse 
than  they  are,  for  our  species  cannot  remain  half  made  over. 
As  things  now  are,  a  man  left  to  himself  from  his  birth 
would,  in  his  association  with  others,  prove  the  most  pre- 
posterous creature  possible.  The  prejudices,  authority,  neces- 
sity, and  example,  and,  in  short,  the  vicious  social  institutions 
in  which  we  find  ourselves  submerged,  would  stifle  everything 
natural  in  him  and  yet  give  him  nothing  in  return.  He 
would  be  like  a  shrub  which  has  sprung  up  by  accident  in 
the  middle  of  the  highway  to  perish  by  being  thrust  this  way 
and  that  and  trampled  upon  by  passers-by.  .  .  . 

To  form  this  rare  creature,  man,  what  have  we  to  do? 
Much,  doubtless,  but  chiefly  to  prevent  anything  being  done. 
...  In  the  natural  order  of  things,  all  men  being  equal,  their 

1  There  is  an  abridged  translation  by  W.  H.  Payne  of  this  interesting 
work  issued,  in  the  International  Educational  Series  (Appleton,  1893), 
in  one  volume. 


384  Readings  in  European  History 

common  vocation  is  manhood,  and  whoever  is  well  trained 
for  that  cannot  fulfill  any  vocation  badly  which  demands 
manhood.  Whether  my  pupil  be  destined  for  the  army,  the 
church,  or  the  bar,  concerns  me  but  little.  Before  he  is 
called  to  the  career  chosen  by  his  parents,  Nature  summons 
him  to  the  duties  of  human  life.  To  live  is  the  trade  I  wish 
to  teach  him.  .  .  .  All  our  wisdom  consists  in  servile  preju- 
dices ;  all  our  customs  are  but  suggestion,  anxiety,  and  con- 
straint. Civilized  man  is  born,  lives,  dies  in  a  state  of 
slavery.  At  his  birth  he  is  sewed  in  swaddling  clothes ;  at 
his  death  he  is  nailed  in  a  coffin ;  and  as  long  as  he  pre- 
serves the  human  form  he  is  fettered  by  our  institutions. 
It  is  said  that  nurses  sometimes  claim  to  give  the  infant's 
head  a  better  form  by  kneading  it,  and  we  permit  them  to 
do  this !  It  would  appear  that  our  heads  were  badly 
fashioned  by  the  Author  of  Nature,  and  that  they  need  to 
be  made  over  outwardly  by  the  midwife  and  inwardly  by 
philosophers!  The  Caribbeans  are  more  fortunate  than  we 
by  half.  .  .  .  Observe  Nature  and  follow  the  path  she  traces 
for  you  ! 

Rousseau  closes  his  Social  Contract  with  a  chapter 
on  "  civil  religion."  Roman  Catholic  Christianity  he 
regarded  as  very  noxious  to  the  state:  even  the  Chris- 
tianity that  he  discovered  in  the  Gospels,  which  he  pro- 
fesses to  admire,  did  not,  he  believed,  help  to  make  good 
citizens,  but  rather  the  contrary. 

389.  Rous-  Christianity  is  a  purely  spiritual  religion,  occupied  solely 

seau's  with   heavenly  things :    the   country  of   a   Christian   is   not 

deistic 

religion.  °f  tn^s  world.    He  does  his  duty,  it  is  true,  but  he  does  it 

with  a  profound  indifference  as  to  the  good  or  ill  success  of 

his  efforts.    Provided  he  has  nothing  to  reproach  himself 

with,  it  matters  little  to  him  whether  things  go  well  or  ill 

here  below.    If  the  state  is  flourishing,  he  scarcely  dares 

enjoy  the  public  felicity;  he  fears  to  become  proud  of  the 

glory  of  his  country.    If  the  state  degenerates,  he  blesses 

the  hand  of  God  which  lies  heavy  upon  his  people.  .  .  . 


The  Eve  of  the  FrencJi  Revolution  385 

Should  the  depository  of  this  [political]  power  abuse  it, 
he  regards  this  abuse  as  the  rod  with  which  God  punishes 
his  children.  People  would  have  scruples  about  driving  out 
the  usurper  :  it  would  be  necessary  to  disturb  the  public 
repose,  to  use  violence,  to  shed  blood ;  all  this  accords  ill 
with  the  gentleness  of  the  Christian,  and,  after  all,  what  mat- 
ters it  whether  one  is  a  slave  or  free  in  this  vale  of  misery  ? 
The  essential  thing  is  to  go  to  paradise,  and  resignation  is 
but  one  more  means  to  accomplish  it. 

Should  some  foreign  war  supervene,  the  citizens  march  to 
combat  without  difficulty.  None  among  them  think  of  flying ; 
they  do  their  duty,  but  without  passion  for  victory;  they 
know  better  how  to  die  than  to  win.  Whether  they  are  victors 
or  vanquished,  what  matters  it?  Does  not  Providence  know 
better  than  they  what  they  need?  .   .  . 

But  I  am  in  error  in  speaking  of  a  Christian  republic ; 
each  of  these  words  excludes  the  other.  Christianity  preaches 
only  servitude  and  dependence.  Its  spirit  is  too  favorable  to 
tyranny  not  to  be  taken  advantage  of  by  it.  Christians  are 
made  to  be  slaves :  they  know  it  and  do  not  care ;  this  short 
life  has  too  little  value  in  their  eyes.  .  .  . 

There  is,  however,  a  profession  of  faith  purely  civil,  of 
which  it  is  the  sovereign's  [i.e.  the  people's]  duty  to  decide 
upon  the  articles,  not  precisely  as  dogmas  of  religion,  but  as 
sentiments  of  sociality  without  which  it  is  impossible  to  be 
a  good  citizen  or  a  faithful  subject.  Without  being  able  to 
oblige  any  one  to  believe  them,  the  sovereign  can  banish  from 
the  state  whoever  does  not  believe  them  ;  the  sovereign  should 
banish  him,  not  as  impious,  but  as  unsocial,  as  incapable  of 
loving  law  and  justice  sincerely,  and  of  sacrificing  at  need 
his  life  to  his  duty.  If  any  one,  having  publicly  acknowledged 
these  dogmas,  conducts  himself  as  if  he  did  not  acknowledge 
them,  he  should  be  punished  with  death ;  he  has  committed 
the  greatest  of  crimes,  —  he  has  lied  before  the  law. 

The  dogmas  of  civil  religion  should  be  simple,  few  in 
number,  announced  with  precision,  without  explanation  or 
commentary.  The  existence  of  a  powerful,  intelligent,  benevo- 
lent, prescient,  and  provident  Divinity,  the  life  to  come,  the 


386 


Readings  i}i  European  History 


Danger  of 
intolerance. 


happiness  of  the  just,  the  punishment  of  the  wicked,  the 
sacredness  of  the  social  contract  and  the  law, — these  are 
the  positive  dogmas. 

As  to  the  negative  dogmas,  I  limit  them  to  one, — intoler- 
ance :  it  enters  into  the  religions  which  we  have  excluded. 
Those  who  make  a  distinction  between  civil  intolerance  and 
theological  intolerance  deceive  themselves,  to  my  mind. 
These  two  intolerances  are  inseparable.  It  is  impossible  to 
live  in  peace  with  people  whom  one  believes  to  be  damned ; 
to  love  them  is  to  hate  God,  who  punishes  them  ;  they  must 
be  redeemed  or  else  tortured.  Wherever  theological  intol- 
erance is  admitted,  it  must  have  some  civil  effects;  and  as 
soon  as  it  has  them  the  sovereign  is  no  more  a  sovereign, 
even  in  temporal  matters.  From  that  time  priests  are  the 
true  masters  ;  kings  are  but  their  officers. 


VI.    TURGOT   AND    NECKER 


390.  Tur- 
got's  letter 
to  the  king 
upon  assum- 
ing office 
(August, 
1774)- 


Turgot,  immediately  after  learning  from  Louis  XVI 
that  he  had  been  appointed  comptroller  general,  wrote  the 
following  touching  letter  to  that  inefficient  young  mon- 
arch, who  was  so  ready  to  desert  him  a  few  months 
later. 

COMPIEGNE,  August  24,  1 774. 

kjire  ' 

Having  just  come  from  the  private  interview  with  which 
your  Majesty  has  honored  me,  still  full  of  the  anxiety  pro- 
duced by  the  immensity  of  the  duties  now  imposed  upon 
me,  agitated  by  all  the  feelings  excited  by  the  touching  kind- 
ness with  which  you  have  encouraged  me,  I  hasten  to  con- 
vey to  you  my  respectful  gratitude  and  the  devotion  of  my 
whole  life. 

Your  Majesty  has  been  good  enough  to  permit  me  to  place 
on  record  the  engagement  you  have  taken  upon  you  to  sus- 
tain me  in  the  execution  of  those  plans  of  economy  which  are 
at  all  times,  and  to-day  more  than  ever,  an  indispensable 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


387 


necessity.  ...  At  this  moment,  sire,  I  confine  myself  to 
recalling  to  you  these  three  items  : 

No  bankruptcy. 

No  increase  of  taxes. 

No  loans. 

No  bankruptcy,  either  avowed  or  disguised  by  illegal 
reductions. 

No  increase  of  taxes ;  the  reason  for  this  lying  in  the  con- 
dition of  your  people,  and,  still  more,  in  that  of  your  Majesty's 
own  generous  heart. 

No  /oans;  because  every  loan  always  diminishes  the  free 
revenue  and  necessitates,  at  the  end  of  a  certain  time,  either 
bankruptcy  or  the  increase  of  taxes.  In  times  of  peace  it  is 
permissible  to  borrow  only  in  order  to  liquidate  old  debts, 
or  in  order  to  redeem  other  loans  contracted  on  less  advanta- 
geous terms. 

To  meet  these  three  points  there  is  but  one  means.  It  is 
to  reduce  expenditure  below  the  revenue,  and  sufficiently 
below  it  to  insure  each  year  a  saving  of  twenty  millions,  to 
be  applied  to  redemption  of  the  old  debts.  Without  that,  the 
first  gunshot  will  force  the  state  into  bankruptcy. 

The  question  will  be  asked  incredulously,  "  On  what  can 
we  retrench  ?  "  and  each  one,  speaking  for  his  own  depart- 
ment, will  maintain  that  nearly  every  particular  item  of  ex- 
pense is  indispensable.  They  will  be  able  to  allege  very 
good  reasons,  but  these  must  all  yield  to  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  economy.   .  .  . 

These  are  the  matters  which  I  have  been  permitted  to 
recall  to  your  Majesty.  You  will  not  forget  that  in  accept- 
ing the  place  of  comptroller  general  I  have  felt  the  full  value 
of  the  confidence  with  which  you  honor  me  ;  I  have  felt  that 
you  intrust  to  me  the  happiness  of  your  people,  and,  if  it  be 
permitted  to  me  to  say  so,  the  care  of  promoting  among  your 
people  the  love  of  your  person  and  of  your  authority. 

At  the  same  time  I  feel  all  the  danger  to  which  »I  expose 
myself.    I  foresee  that  I  shall  be  alone  in  fighting  against 

J  .  °  danger  of 

abuses  of  every  kind,  against  the  power  of  those  who  profit    opposition  to 
by  these  abuses,  against  the  crowd  of  prejudiced  people  who    all  reforms. 


Turgot 
foresees  the 


388  Readings  in  European  History 

oppose  themselves  to  all  reform,  and  who  are  such  powerful 
instruments  in  the  hands  of  interested  parties  for  perpetuat- 
ing the  disorder.  I  shall  have  to  struggle  even  against  the 
natural  goodness  and  generosity  of  your  Majesty,  and  of  the 
persons  who  are  most  dear  to  you.  I  shall  be  feared,  hated 
even,  by  nearly  all  the  court,  by  all  who  solicit  favors.  They 
will  impute  to  me  all  the  refusals ;  they  will  describe  me  as 
a  hard  man  because  I  shall  have  advised  your  Majesty  that 
you  ought  not  to  enrich  even  those  that  you  love  at  the 
expense  of  your  people's  subsistence. 

And  this  people,  for  whom  I  shall  sacrifice  myself,  are  so 
easily  deceived  that  perhaps  I  shall  encounter  their  hatred 
by  the  very  measures  I  take  to  defend  them  against  exactions. 
I  shall  be  calumniated  (having,  perhaps,  appearances  against 
me)  in  order  to  deprive  me  of  your  Majesty's  confidence.  I 
shall  not  regret  losing  a  place  which  I  never  solicited.  I  am 
ready  to  resign  it  to  your  Majesty  as  soon  as  I  can  no  longer 
hope  to  be  useful  in  it.  .  .  . 

Your  Majesty  will  remember  that  it  is  upon  the  faith  of 
your  promises  made  to  me  that  I  charge  myself  with  a  bur- 
den perhaps  beyond  my  strength,  and  it  is  to  yourself  per- 
sonally, to  the  upright  man,  the  just  and  good  man,  rather 
than  to  the  king,  that  I  give  myself. 

I  venture  to  repeat  here  what  you  have  already  been  kind 
enough  to  hear  and  approve  of.  The  affecting  kindness  with 
which  you  condescended  to  press  my  hands  within  your 
own,  as  if  sealing  my  devotion,  will  never  be  effaced  from 
my  memory.  It  will  sustain  my  courage.  It  has  forever 
united  my  personal  happiness  with  the  interest,  the  glory, 
and  the  happiness  of  your  Majesty.  It  is  with  these  senti- 
ments that  I  am,  sire,  etc. 

The  preamble  to  Turgot's  edict  abolishing  the  guilds 
illustrates  both  the  system  he  endeavored  to  destroy  and 
his  method  of  educating  the  people  by  explaining  the 
nature  and  defects  of  the  abuses  against  which  the  decree 
was  directed. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  389 

In  almost  all  the  towns  the  exercise  of  the  different  arts    391.  Pre- 
and  trades  is  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a  small  number    amble  *° 
of  masters,  united  in  corporations,  who  alone  can,  to  the    edict  abol- 
exclusion  of  all  other  citizens,  make  or  sell  the  articles  be-    ishingthe 
longing  to  their  particular  industry.    Any  person  who,  by    &uilds- 
inclination  or  necessity,  intends  following  an  art  or  trade  can 
only  do  so  by  acquiring  the  mastership  [i.e.  freedom  of  the 
corporation]  after  a  probation  as  long  and  vexatious  as  it  is 
superfluous.     By  having  to  satisfy  repeated   exactions,  the 
money  he  had  so  much  need  of  in  order  to  start  his  trade  or 
open  his  workshop  has  been  consumed  in  mere  waste.  .  .  . 

Citizens  of  all  classes  are  deprived  both  of  the  right  to 
choose  the  workmen  they  would  employ,  and  of  the  advan- 
tages they  would  enjoy  from  competition  operating  toward 
improvements  in  manufacture  and  reduction  in  price.  Often 
one  cannot  get  the  simplest  work  done  without  its  having  to 
go  through  the  hands  of  several  workmen  of  different  corpo- 
rations, and  without  enduring  the  delays,  tricks,  and  exactions 
which  the  pretensions  of  the  different  corporations,  and  the 
caprices  of  their  arbitrary  and  mercenary  directors,  demand 
and  encourage. 

Thus  the  effects  of  these  establishments  are,  first,  as 
regards  the  state,  a  vast  tyranny  over  trade  and  industrial 
work;  second,  as  regards  the  great  body  of  the  people,  a 
loss  of  wages  and  the  means  of  subsistence  ;  third,  in  respect 
to  the  inhabitants  of  towns  in  general,  a  slavery  to  exclusive 
privileges  equivalent  to  a  real  monopoly,  —  a  monopoly  of 
which  those  who  exercise  it  against  the  public  are  themselves 
the  victims  whenever,  in  their  turn,  they  have  need  of  the 
articles  or  the  work  of  any  other  corporation.  .  .  . 

Among  the  infinite  number  of  unreasonable  regulations,  we 
find  in  some  corporations  that  all  are  excluded  from  them  ex- 
cept the  sons  of  masters,  or  those  who  marry  the  widows  of 
masters.  Others  reject  all  those  whom  they  call  "strangers," 
—  that  is,  those  born  in  another  town.  In  many  of  them  for 
a  young  man  to  be  married  is  enough  to  exclude  him  from 
the  apprenticeship,  and  consequently  from  the  mastership. 
The  spirit  of  monopoly  which  has  dictated  the  making  of 


390  Readings  in  European  History 

these  statutes  has  been  carried  out  to  the  excluding  of  women 
even  from  the  trades  the  most  suitable  to  their  sex,  such  as 
embroidery,  which  they  are  forbidden  to  exercise  on  their 
own  account.   .  .   . 

God,  by  giving  to  man  wants,  and  making  his  recourse  to 
work  necessary  to  supply  them,  has  made  the  right  to  work 
the  property  of  every  man,  and  this  property  is  the  first,  the 
most  sacred,  the  most  imprescriptible  of  all. 

The  first  paragraph  of  the  edict  itself  provides  that : 

It  shall  be  free  to  all  persons,  of  whatever  quality  or  con- 
dition they  may  be,  even  to  all  foreigners,  to  undertake  and 
to  exercise  in  all  our  kingdom,  and  particularly  in  our  good 
city  of  Paris,  whatever  kind  of  trade  and  whatever  profession 
of  art  or  industry  may  seem  good  to  them  ;  for  which  pur- 
pose we  now  extinguish  and  suppress  all  corporations  and 
communities  of  merchants  and  artisans,  as  well  as  all  mas- 
terships and  guild  directories.  We  abrogate  all  privileges, 
statutes,  and  regulations  of  the  said  corporations,  so  that  none 
of  our  subjects  shall  be  troubled  in  the  exercise  of  his  trade 
or  profession  by  any  cause  or  under  any  pretext  whatever. 

Shortly  after  his  retirement  in  1 78 1,  Necker  set 
to  work  to  write  A  Treatise  on  the  Administration  of 
the  Finances  of  Fi'ance.  In  the  introduction  to  this  he 
speaks  of  his  recent  experiences  as  minister  of  finance. 

392.  Necker         The  review  I  take  of  my  past  administration  occasions, 

reviews  his     ft  js  true,  neither  remorse  nor  repentance  :  possibly  I  may 
ownadminis-  c     .    .       .  .  ,  ,  c       w   i 

even  find  in  it  some    actions   the   remembrance   of   which 

will  shed  a  happy  influence  over  the  remainder  of  my  days ; 

possibly  I  may  think  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  revival 

and  support  of  public  confidence,  the  enemies  of  the  king, 

who  relied  on  the  effects  of  the  former  disorder  and  low  state 

of  public  credit  in   France,  might  have  gained  advantages 

that  have  escaped  them  ;   possibly  I  may  think  that  if,   in 

the  first  years  of  the  war,  I  had  been  obliged  to  furnish  the 

resources  of  a  prudent  government   by  taxes   or  rigorous 


tration. 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  391 

operations,  the  poor  would  have  been  very  unhappy,  and  the 
Other  classes  of  citizens  would  have  taken  alarm. 

Yet,  to  balance  these  pleasing  recollections,  I  shall  always 
behold  the  empty  shadow  of  the  more  lively  and  pure  satis- 
factions that  my  administration  was  deprived  of  ;  I  shall 
have  always  present  to  my  mind  those  benefits  of  every  kind 
which  it  would  have  been  so  easy  to  have  effected  if  the 
fruits  of  so  many  solicitudes,  instead  of  being  appropriated 
solely  to  the  extraordinary  expenses  of  the  state,  could  have 
been  applied  daily  to  augment  the  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  the  people. 

Alas  !  what  might  not  have  been  done  under  other  circum- 
stances !  It  wounds  my  heart  to  think  of  it !  I  labored  dur- 
ing the  storm  ;  I  put  the  ship,  as  it  were,  afloat  again,  and 
others  enjoy  the  command  of  her  in  the  days  of  peace ! 
But  such  is  the  fate  of  men  ;  that  Providence  which  searches 
the  human  heart  and  finds  even  in  the  virtues  on  which  we 
pride  ourselves  some  motives  which  are  not  perhaps  pure 
enough  in  its  sight,  takes  a  delight  in  disappointing  the 
most  pardonable  of  all  passions,  namely,  that  of  the  love  of 
glory  and  of  the  good  opinion  of  the  public.   .   .  . 

I  regret,  and  I  have  made  no  secret  of  it,  that  I  was  inter- 
rupted in  the  middle  of  my  career,  and  that  I  was  not  able 
to  finish  what  I  had  conceived  for  the  good  of  the  state  and 
for  the  honor  of  the  kingdom.  I  have  not  the  hypocritical 
vanity  to  affect  a  deceitful  serenity,  which  would  be  too 
nearly  allied  to  indifference  to  deserve  a  place  among  the 
virtues.  That  moment  will  be  long  present  to  my  mind 
when,  some  days  after  my  resignation,  being  occupied  in 
assorting  and  classifying  my  papers,  I  came  across  those 
that  contained  my  various  ideas  for  future  reforms,  and  more 
especially  the  plans  I  had  formed  for  ameliorating  the  salt 
tax,  for  the  suppression  of  every  customhouse  in  the  interior 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  for  the  extension  of  the  provin- 
cial administrations  :  —  I  could  proceed  no  farther,  and  push- 
ing away  all  these  notes  by  a  kind  of  involuntary  motion,  I 
covered  my  face  with  my  hands,  and  a  flood  of  tears  over- 
powered me. 


392 


Readings  in  Europeaii  History 


After  tracing  the  growth  of  public  opinion  in  France, 
Necker  continues  : 

393.  Necker  A  great  many  foreigners,  from  various  causes,  cannot 
on  the  sway  nave  a  just  notion  of  the  authority  that  is  exercised  in  France 
opinion  in  by  public  opinion.  They  cannot  comprehend  the  nature  of 
France.  an  invisible  power  which,  destitute  of  treasury,  of  guards 

and  armies,  dictates  its  laws  in  the  capital,  in  the  court,  and 
even  in  the  king's  palace.  Nevertheless  nothing  is  more 
true  nor  more  remarkable ;  and  we  shall  cease  to  wonder  at 
it  if  we  reflect  on  what  must  be  the  consequences  of  the 
spirit  of  society  when  that  spirit  has  an  unbounded  sway 
over  a  sensible  people,  who  love  not  only  to  judge  but  to 
make  a  figure  in  the  world  ;  who  are  not  divided  by  polit- 
ical interests,  weakened  by  despotism,  or  overcome  by  tur- 
bulent passions ;  lastly,  over  a  nation  in  which,  perhaps,  a 
general  propensity  to  imitation  produces  a  multiplicity  of 
opinions  and  weakens  the  force  of  those  that  are  too  singu- 
lar, so  that  being  commonly  united  together,  and  resembling 
billows  that  are  more  or  less  impetuous,  they  have  a  very 
powerful  ascendant  while  they  are  in  motion.  .  .  . 

Let  us  appreciate  the  full  value  of  so  salutary  an  author- 
ity ;  let  us  rally  ourselves,  in  order  to  defend  it  against  those 
it  annoys  and  who  would  destroy  it.  It  is  that  authority 
alone  which  sets  bounds  to  the  mischievous  progress  of  in- 
difference :  in  the  midst  of  a  depraved  age  its  voice  alone  is 
attended  to,  and  it  seems  to  preside  in  the  tribunal  of  honor. 
I  will  go  still  farther  :  it  is  the  ascendency  of  public  opin- 
ion that  opposes  more  obstacles  in  France  to  the  abuse  of 
power  than  any  other  consideration  whatsoever.  Yes,  it  is 
entirely  by  that  opinion,  and  the  esteem  in  which  it  is  still 
held,  that  the  nation  has  a  kind  of  influence,  by  having  it  in 
its  power  to  reward  with  praise,  or  punish  with  contempt.  If 
ever  that  opinion  is  entirely  despised,  or  if  it  ever  grows  too 
weak,  then  liberty  will  lose  its  principal  support,  and  there 
will  be  a  greater  necessity  than  ever  that  the  sovereign  should 
be  virtuous  and  his  ministers  moderate.   .  .  . 

Preambles  to  edicts  are  a  form  peculiar  to  the  French 
government.    Under  the  empire  of  despotism  the  sovereign 


The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


393 


disdains  to  instruct  his  subjects,  or  is  afraid  of  accustoming    importance 
them  to  reflect  and  argue.    In  free  countries,  on  the  other    ln  France 
hand,  such  as  England,  every  new  law  being  discussed  in  the    amt>ies  to 
assembly  of  the  representatives  of  the  nation,  the  people  are    edicts, 
well  informed,  or  at  least  reputed  to  be  so,  at  the  moment 
these  laws   are  determined  on  ;  and  every  individual  may 
know  the  motive  for  making  them,  from  the  collection  of 
parliamentary  debates  or  from  the  public  papers. 

But  in  France,  where  there  are  no  national  assemblies, 
and  where  nevertheless  the  laws  of  the  sovereign  must  be 
registered  by  the  supreme  courts, — in  France,  where  the 
monarch  entertains  a  certain  regard  for  the  national  charac- 
ter, and  where  the  ministers  themselves  are  made  sensible 
every  hour  that  they  stand  in  need  of  the  public  approba- 
tion,—  it  has  been  thought  essential  to  explain  the  motives 
of  the  will  of  the  sovereign,  when  that  will  manifests  itself 
to  the  people,  whether  under  the  form  of  edicts  or  of  simple 
proclamations  of  the  council. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


The  Ancien  Regime:  Mathews,  The  French  Revolution,  pp.  1-30; 
Lowell,  The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution,  pp.  4-24  ;  Ca?nbridge  Mod- 
ern History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  36-65. 

Church  and  Clergy:  Mathews,  pp.  42-51;  Lowell,  pp.  25-69. 

The  Philosophers:  Mathews,  pp.  52-72;  Lowell,  pp.  243-273; 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  1-35.  Extracts  from  the 
writings  of  some  of  the  more  noted  philosophers  are  given  in  Transla- 
tions and  Reprints,  Vol.  VI,  No.  1. 

Turgot  and  Necker:  Mathews,  pp.  91-101  ;  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  66-78. 

Rousseau:  Lowell,  pp.  274-321. 

Early  Years  of  Louis  XVPs  Reign:  Hassall,  Balance  of  Power 
{European  History,  1715-/789),  pp.  401-424 ;  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  VIII,  pp.  79-98.  


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


Maclehose,    The  Last  Days  of  the  French  Monarchy.     Well  illus-  B.  Addi- 

trated.     This  and  Lowell's  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution  are  the  best  tional  read- 

general  accounts  to  be  had  in  English  of  the  institutions  of  the  old  „     ..  , 
monarchy. 


394  Readings  in  European  History 

De  Tocqueville,  State  of  Society  in  France  before  the  Revolution. 
A  very  remarkable  philosophical  account  of  the  character  and  policy  of 
the  French  government.  This  should  be  studied  with  the  utmost  care 
by  all  students  of  the  period.  A  new  edition  of  the  French  original, 
with  introduction  and  notes,  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1904. 

Taine,  The  Ancient  Regime.  A  brilliant  work.  The  chapters  on  the 
society,  literature,  and  philosophy  of  the  period  are  the  best ;  those  on 
the  economic  conditions  are  disappointing. 

RoCQUAIN,  The  Revolutionary  Spirit  before  the  Revolution,  1 894.  A 
condensation,  omitting  the  valuable  notes  of  the  original  French  edition. 
A  suggestive  account  of  the  various  disturbances  preceding  the  disorders 
of  the  Revolution  itself. 

Morley,  John,  Voltaire,  a  brilliant  essay;  Rousseau,  2  vols.;  Diderot 
and  the  Encyclopedists,  2  vols. ;  Critical  Miscellanies,  3  vols.,  containing 
essays  on  Turgot  and  other  important  persons  of  the  period.  Mr.  Mor- 
ley's  writings  are  noteworthy  not  only  for  their  scholarship  and  distin- 
guished style  but  also  for  the  fundamental  sympathy  between  his  views 
and  many  of  those  of  the  eighteenth-century  philosophers. 

Sorel,  Montesquieu.     A  useful  little  biography. 

Say,  Leon,  Turgot.    Very  valuable  review  of  Turgot's  work. 

Sources  in  Voltaire's  writings   (e.g.  The  Philosophical   Dictionary),  Montes- 

English.  quieu's  Spirit  of  Laws  (in  the  Bohn  Library),  Rousseau's  Social  Con- 

tract and  Emile  are  readily  procured  in  English. 

Stephens,  W.  W.,  Life  and  Writings  of  Turgot.  Contains  extracts 
from  the  preambles  to  Turgot's  decrees. 

Young,  Arthur,  Travels  in  France  (Bohn  Library).    See  above, 

P-  373- 

Campan,  Madame  de,  Memoirs.    See  below,  p.  400. 

Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  VI,  No.  I,  in  which  Professor  Whit- 
comb  gives  some  interesting  extracts  from  the  writings  of  the  philoso- 
phers; the  same,  Vol.  V,  No.  2,  Protest  of  the  Cour  des  Aides  of  iyyj. 
A  very  extraordinary  indictment  of  the  Ancien  Regime  presented  to  the 
king  by  his  magistrates  during  Turgot's  administration.  No  single 
document  on  the  Ancien  Regime  is  better  worth  careful  study. 


C.  Materials  Gomel,  Les  Causes  financieres  de  la  revolution  francaise,  2  vols.     In 

for  advanced   Spite  0f  the  title  of  this  work,  it  is  really  the  best  general  account  of  the 
*  y'  antecedents  of  the  Revolution  ;  clear,  fair-minded,  and  accurate. 

Sorel,  V Europe  et  la  revolution  francaise.  Vol.  I  of  this  monu- 
mental work  is  a  brilliant  account  of  the  spirit  of  the  Ancien  Regime  in 
France  and  Europe  at  large. 


TJie  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution 


395 


Jobez,  La  France  sous  Louis  XVI,  3  vols.,  1885.  An  excellent  gen- 
eral history  of  events  of  the  reign. 

Histoire  de  France,  edited  by  Lavisse.  Vol.  VIII,  Part  II  (Louis  XV) 
by  Carre;  and  Vol.  IX  (Louis  XVI,  1774-1789)  by  Carre.  These  vol- 
umes are  announced.  Also,  by  same  writer,  La  France  sous  Louis  XV, 
1891. 

Rocquain,  Z' Esprit  revolutionnaire  avant  la  revolution,  1878.  Valu- 
able notes,  and  appendix  containing  list  of  books  condemned  during 
the  eighteenth  century. 

Aubertin,  H  Esprit  publique  au  i8ieme  siecle,  1872.  Very  suggestive. 

Babeau,  A.,  Le  Village  sous  Pancien  regime,  1878;  La  Ville  sous 
Vancien  regime,  1880;  La  Province  sous  Pancien  regime,  2  vols.,  1894; 
La  Vie  rurale  dans  P  ancienne  France,  1883  ;  Les  Artisans  et  les  Domes- 
tiques  d'' autrefois,  1886;  Les  Bourgeois  d*  autrefois,  1886;  Les  Voyageurs 
en  France  depuis  la  renaissance  jusqu'a.  la  revolution,  1885;  etc.  Careful 
studies  of  important  phases  of  French  life  before  the  Revolution. 

Levasseur,  Histoire  des  classes  ouvrieres  avant  ij8q,  Vol.  II,  and 
excellent  chapter  at  opening  of  his  Histoire  des  classes  ouvrieres  depuis 
1789. 

St.  Leon,  Martin,  Histoire  des  corporations  des  metiers,  1897. 

See  also  chapters  in  Vol.  VII  of  the  Histoire  generate,  Chapter  XIII, 
"La  France  economique,"  by  Levasseur;  and  Chapter  XIV,  "La  Litte- 
rature  francaise,"  by  Faguet. 

Boiteau,  HEtat  de  la  France  en  1789. 

Clamageran,  Histoire  de  Pimpdt  en  France,  3  vols.  While  this 
closes  with  1774,  it  supplies  the  key  to  the  financial  situation  at  the 
opening  of  Louis  XVI's  reign. 


Babeau's 
monographs 


Besides  the  invaluable  cahiers  (see  below,  p.  397),  a  few  only  of  the    Sources, 
sources  (but  all  of  them  of  first-rate  importance)  are  mentioned  here. 

Mercy-Argenteau,  Correspondance  secrete  avec  Pimperatrice  Marie- 
Therese,  avec  les  lettres  de  Marie-  Therese  et  de  Marie- Antoinette,  3  vols., 
1875  »  an<^  Correspondance  secrete  avec  Pempereur  Joseph  II  et  I e  prince 
de  Kaunitz,  2  vols.,  1889-1891.  An  extraordinary  collection  of  informa- 
tion, which  the  sagacious  Comte  de  Mercy  (see  above,  p.  366)  trans- 
mitted to  Vienna,  from  1766  to  1790. 

Lettres  de  Marie  Antoinette  (publiees  par  Maxime  de  la  Rocheterie  et 
le  Marquis  de  Beaucourt),  2  vols.,  1895-1896. 

Grimm,  Diderot,  Raynal,  etc.,  Correspondance  litteraire,  philoso- 
phique  et  critique,  de  Ij4j-iy8y,  edited  by  Tourneux,  16  vols.,  1877— 
1882.  Admits  one  to  the  intimacy  of  the  chief  men  of  letters  of  the 
time. 


396  Readings  in  Europe  a,7i  History 

Flammermont,  Remontrances  du  parlement  de  Paris,  3  vols.  The 
strictures  of  the  great  court  at  Paris  on  the  policy  of  the  ministers  dur- 
ing the  eighteenth  century. 

Turgot,  (Euvres,  edited  by  Daire,  2  vols.  Affords  the  clearest 
notion  of  the  economic  conditions.  Includes  all  of  Turgot's  preambles 
to  his  edicts.  This  belongs  to  the  important  Collection  des  principaux 
economistes,  4  vols.,  1843-1848. 

Barbier,  Journal  historique  et  anecdotique  du  regne  de  Louis  XV, 
4  vols.  (Societe  de  l'histoire  de  France).  One  of  the  most  important  of 
the  memoirs  ;  closes  about  the  year  1 763,  and  gives  a  lively  picture  of  the 
Ancien  Regime  from  the  standpoint  of  a  lawyer.  Among  the  other  well- 
known  memoirs  for  Louis  XVI's  reign  are  those  of  Madame  de  Cam- 
pan,  Seguier,  Weber,  Besenval,  Bertrand  de  Moleville,  Augeard,  —  all  by 
the  pens  of  what  the  Revolution  later  branded  as  "  aristocrats."  Also 
Mhnoires  et  Correspondance  du  general  Lafayette,  6  vols.,  1 837-1 838. 

See  bibliographies  in  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  791 
sqq. ;  Histoire generate,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  367  sqq.  and  648^^.  Also  at  the 
close  of  Lowell,  The  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution. 


CHAPTER    XXXV 
THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 

I.   The  Cahiers  of  1789 

The  cahiers,  drawn  up  in  accordance  with  an  ancient 
custom  by  the  three  orders  of  the  realm,  form  one  of 
the  most  extraordinary  historical  documents  of  all  time. 
The  conditions  under  which  they  were  drafted  were,  on 
the  whole,  favorable  to  a  frank  and  general  expression 
on  the  part  of  all  classes  of  the  French  people  of  their 
suggestions  for  reform.  A  portion  of  one  of  the  cahiers 
of  the  third  estate,  selected  somewhat  at  random,  is 
given  below.1 

Cahier  of  the  grievances,  complaints,  and  protests  of  the  electo-    394.  CaMer 

ral  district  of  Carcassonne,  drawn  up  by  the  commissioners    of  the  third 

.  estate  of 

named  by  the  ge?ieral  assembly  of  the  third  estate  and  based   carcas- 

upon  the  various  cahiers  received  from  the  several  communi-    sonne. 

tics  of  the  said  district  : 

The  third  estate  of  the  electoral'  district  of  Carcassonne, 
desiring  to  give  to  a  beloved  monarch,  and  one  so  worthy 
of  our  affection,  the  most  unmistakable  proof  of  its  love  and 
respect,  of  its  gratitude  and  fidelity,  desiring  to  cooperate 
with  the  whole  nation  in  repairing  the  successive  misfor- 
tunes which  have  overwhelmed  it,  and  with  the  hope  of 
reviving  once  more  its  ancient  glory,  declares  that  the  hap- 
piness of  the  nation  must,  in  their  opinion,  depend  upon 

1  A  cahier  of  a  single  order  in  one  electoral  district  would  fill  several 
pages  of  this  volume,  and  all  those  prepared  to  be  taken  to  Versailles 
occupy  together,  when  printed,  six  compactly  printed  quarto  volumes. 
Professor  Whitcomb  has  translated  a  typical  cahier  of  each  of  the 
orders  in  Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  IV,  No.  5. 

397    . 


398 


Readings  in  European  History 


Roman 

Catholic 

religion. 


Treatment  of 
non-Catholics, 


Abolition  of 
papal  dues. 


that  of  its  king,  upon  the  stability  of  the  monarchy,  and  upon 
the  preservation  of  the  orders  which  compose  it  and  of  the 
fundamental  laws  which  govern  it. 

Considering,  too,  that  a  holy  respect  for  religion,  moral- 
ity, civil  liberty,  and  the  rights  of  property,  a  speedy  return 
to  true  principles,  a  careful  selection  and  due  measure  in  the 
matter  of  the  taxes,  a  strict  proportionality  in  their  assess- 
ment, a  persistent  economy  in  government  expenditures,  and 
indispensable  reforms  in  all  branches  of  the  administration, 
are  the  best  and  perhaps  the  onry  means  of  perpetuating  the 
existence  of  the  monarchy; 

The  third  estate  of  the  electoral  district  of  Carcassonne 
very  humbly  petitions  his  Majesty  to  take  into  consideration 
these  several  matters,  weigh  them  in  his  wisdom,  and  permit 
his  people  to  enjoy,  as  soon  as  may  be,  fresh  proofs  of  that 
benevolence  which  he  has  never  ceased  to  exhibit  toward 
them  and  which  is  dictated  by  his  affection  for  them. 

In  view  of  the  obligation  imposed  by  his  Majesty's  com- 
mand that  the  third  estate  of  this  district  should  confide  to 
his  paternal  ear  the  causes  of  the  ills  which  afflict  them  and 
the  means  by  which  they  may  be  remedied  or  moderated, 
they  believe  that  they  are  fulfilling  the  duties  of  faithful  sub- 
jects and  zealous  citizens  in  submitting  to  the  consideration 
of  the  nation,  and  to  the  sentiments  of  justice  and  affection 
which  his  Majesty  entertains  for  his  subjects,  the  following: 

i.  Public  worship  should  be  confined  to  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic apostolic  religion,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  forms  of 
worship ;  its  extension  should  be  promoted  and  the  most 
efficient  measures  taken  to  reestablish  the  discipline  of  the 
Church  and  increase  its  prestige. 

2.  Nevertheless  the  civil  rights  of  those  of  the  king's  sub- 
jects who  are  not  Catholics  should  be  confirmed,  and  they 
should  be  admitted  to  positions  and  offices  in  the  public 
administration,  without  however  extending  this  privilege  — 
which  reason  and  humanity  alike  demand  for  them — to 
judicial  or  police  functions  or  to  those  of  public  instruction. 

3.  The  nation  should  consider  some  means  of  abolish- 
ing the  annates  and  all  other  dues  paid  to  the  holy  see.  to 


The  Fretich  Revolution 


399 


the  prejudice  and  against  the  protests  of  the  whole  French 
people. 

[Pluralities  should  be  prohibited,  monasteries  reduced  in 
numbers,  and  holidays  suppressed  or  decreased.] 

7.  The  rights  which  have  just  been  restored  to  the  nation 
should  be  consecrated  as  fundamental  principles  of  the  mon- 
archy, and  their  perpetual  and  unalterable  enjoyment  should 
be  assured  by  a  solemn  law,  which  should  so  define  the 
rights  both  of  the  monarch  and  of  the  people  that  their  vio- 
lation shall  hereafter  be  impossible. 

8.  Among  these  rights  the  following  should  be  especially 
noted  :  the  nation  should  hereafter  be  subject  only  to  such 
laws  and  taxes  as  it  shall  itself  freely  ratify. 

9.  The  meetings  of  the  Estates  General  of  the  kingdom 
should  be  fixed  for  definite  periods,  and  the  subsidies  judged 
necessary  for  the  support  of  the  state  and  the  public  service 
should  be  voted  for  no  longer  a  period  than  to  the  close  of 
the  year  in  which  the  next  meeting  of  the  Estates  General 
is  to  occur. 

10.  In  order  to  assure  to  the  third  estate  the  influence  to 
which  it  is  entitled  in  view  of  the  number  of  its  members, 
the  amount  of  its  contributions  to  the  public  treasury,  and 
the  manifold  interests  which  it  has  to  defend  or  promote 
in  the  national  assemblies,  its  votes  in  the  assembly  should 
be  taken  and  counted  by  head. 

11.  No  order,  corporation,  or  individual  citizen  may  lay 
claim  to  any  pecuniary  exemptions.  .  .  .  All  taxes  should 
be  assessed  on  the  same  system  throughout  the  nation. 

12.  The  due  exacted  from  commoners  holding  fiefs  should 
be  abolished,  and  also  the  general  or  particular  regulations 
which  exclude  members  of  the  third  estate  from  certain  posi- 
tions, offices,  and  ranks  which  have  hitherto  been  bestowed 
on  nobles  either  for  life  or  hereditarily.  A  law  should  be 
passed  declaring  members  of  the  third  estate  qualified  to  fill 
all  such  offices  for  which  they  are  judged  to  be  personally 
fitted. 

13.  Since  individual  liberty  is  intimately  associated  with 
national   liberty,   his   Majesty  is   hereby  petitioned   not   to 


Granting  of 
subsidies. 


Regular 
meetings  of 
the  Estates 
General. 


Vote  by 
head. 


No  exemp- 
tions from 
taxes. 

Privileges  of 
the  nobility 
in  holding 
office  to  be 
abolished. 


Lettres  de 
cachet. 


400 


Readings  in  European  History 


Freedom  of 
the  press. 


permit  that  it  be  hereafter  interfered  with  by  arbitrary  orders 
for  imprisonment.   .   .   . 

14.  Freedom  should  be  granted  also  to  the  press,  which 
should  however  be  subjected,  by  means  of  strict  regulations, 
to  the  principles  of  religion,  morality,  and  public  decency. .  .  . 


60.  The  third  estate  of  the  district  of  Carcassonne  places 
its  trust,  for  the  rest,  in  the  zeal,  patriotism,  honor,  and 
probity  of  its  deputies  in  the  National  Assembly  in  all  mat- 
ters which  may  accord  with  the  beneficent  views  of  his 
Majesty,  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom,  the  union  of  the  three 
estates,  and  the  public  peace. 


395.  The 
opening  of 
the  Estates 
General. 
(From 
Madame  de 
Campan's 
Memoirs.) 


Mirabeau 
and  the  court. 


II.  The  Opening  of  the  Estates  General  in   1789 

Madame  de  Campari,  one  of  the  queen's  ladies  in  wait- 
ing, gives  some  account  in  her  well-known  Memoirs  of 
the  arrival  of  the  deputies  of  the  third  estate  and  of  their 
prejudice  against  Marie  Antoinette  and  the  court. 

The  Estates  General  opened  May  4.  For  the  last  time 
the  queen  appeared  in  royal  magnificence.  .  .  .  The  first 
session  of  the  Estates  was  held  next  day.  The  king  deliv- 
ered his  address  with  assurance  and  dignity.  The  queen  told 
me  that  he  gave  the  matter  much  attention,  and  rehearsed 
his  speech  frequently  in  order  to  be  quite  master  of  the 
intonations  of  his  voice.  His  Majesty  gave  public  indica- 
tions of  his  attachment  and  deference  for  the  queen,  who 
was  applauded  ;  but  it  was  easy  to  see  that  the  applause 
was  really  meant  for  the  king  alone. 

From  the  very  early  sessions  it  was  clear  that  Mirabeau 
would  prove  very  dangerous  to  the  government.  It  is  alleged 
that  he  revealed  at  this  time  to  the  king,  and  more  particu- 
larly to  the  queen,  a  part  of  the  plans  he  had  in  mind,  and 
the  conditions  upon  which  he  would  abandon  them.  He 
had  already  exhibited  the  weapons  with  which  his  eloquence 
and  audacity  furnished  him,  in  order  that  he  might  open 


The  French  Revolution  .401 

negotiations  with  the  party  he  proposed  to  attack.  This  man 
played  at  revolution  in  order  to  gain  a  fortune.  The  queen 
told  me  at  this  time  that  he  asked  for  an  embassy,  —  Con- 
stantinople, if  I  remember  rightly.  He  was  refused  with  that 
proper  contempt  which  vice  inspires,  but  which  policy  would 
doubtless  best  have  disguised,  if  the  future  could  have  been 
foreseen.1 

The  general  enthusiasm  which  prevailed  during  the  early  Alarm  of 
sessions  of  the  Assembly,  the  discussions  among  the  depu-  the  court 
ties  of  the  third  estate  and  nobility,  and  even  of  the  clergy, 
filled  their  Majesties  and  those  attached  to  the  cause  of 
monarchy  with  increasing  alarm.  .  .  .  The  deputies  of  the 
third  estate  arrived  at  Versailles  with  the  deepest  prejudices 
against  the  court.  The  wicked  sayings  of  Paris  never  fail 
to  spread  throughout  the  provinces.  The  deputies  believed 
that  the  king  indulged  in  the  pleasures  of  the  table  to  a 
shameful  excess.  They  were  persuaded  that  the  queen 
exhausted  the  treasury  of  the  state  to  gratify  the  most  unrea- 
sonable luxury. 

Almost  all  wished  to  visit  the  Little  Trianon.2  The  ex- 
treme simplicity  of  this  pleasure  house  did  not  correspond 
with  their  ideas.  Some  insisted  that  they  be  shown  even  the 
smallest  closets,  on  the  ground  that  some  richly  furnished 
apartments  were  being  concealed  from  them.  At  last  they 
designated  one  which  they  declared  was  said  to  be  decorated 
throughout  with  diamonds  and  twisted  columns  set  with 
sapphires  and  rubies.  The  queen  could  not  get  these  silly 
ideas  out  of  her  head  and  told  the  king  about  them.  He 
thought,  from  the  description  of  the  room  furnished  to  the 
guards  in  the  Trianon,  that  the  deputies  had  in  mind  the 
decoration  of  imitation  diamonds  in  the  theater  at  Fontaine- 
bleau  constructed  in  Louis  XV's  reign.* 

1  The  queen  abhorred  Mirabeau,  who  had  scandalized  even  the  court 
by  his  private  immorality.  His  attempts  to  save  the  king  and  queen 
(see  below,  pp.  414  sqq.)  were  viewed  as  vulgar  plots  for  his  own 
advancement. 

2  A  simple  little  pleasure  house  in  a  secluded  part  of  the  gardens  at 
Versailles,  much  beloved  by  the  queen  on  account  of  its  retirement. 


402 


Readings  in  European  History 


396.  Arthur 
Young  visits 
the  National 
Assembly 
(June,  1789). 


The  in- 
numerable 
pamphlets. 


The  speakers 
at  the  Palais 
Royal  in 
Paris. 


Scarcity 
of  food. 


Arthur  Young  (see  above,  p.  373)  arrived  in  Paris  about 
a  month  after  the  Estates  had  come  together.  He 
reports  (June  8,  1789) : 

The  king,  court,  nobility,  clergy,  army,  and  parliament 
[i.e.  parlements~\  are  nearly  in  the  same  situation.  All  these 
consider  with  equal  dread  the  ideas  of  liberty  now  afloat, 
except  the  first,  who,  for  reasons  obvious  to  those  who  know 
his  character,  troubles  himself  little,  even  with  circumstances 
that  concern  his  power  the  most  intimately.   .  .  . 

The  business  going  forward  at  present  in  the  pamphlet 
shops  of  Paris  is  incredible.  I  went  to  the  Palais  Royal  to 
see  what  new  things  were  published,  and  to  procure  a  cata- 
logue of  all.  Every  hour  produces  something  new.  Thirteen 
came  out  to-day,  sixteen  yesterday,  and  ninety-two  last  week. 

Nineteen-twentieths  of  these  productions  are  in  favor  of 
liberty,  and  commonly  violent  against  the  clergy  and  the 
nobility.  I  have  to-day  bespoke  many  of  this  description 
that  have  reputation  ;  but  inquiring  for  such  as  had  appeared 
on  the  other  side  of  the  question,  to  my  astonishment  I  find 
there  are  but  two  or  three  that  have  merit  enough  to  be 
known. 

But  the  coffee-houses  in  the  Palais  Royal  present  yet  more 
singular  and  astonishing  spectacles :  they  are  not  only 
crowded  within,  but  other  expectant  crowds  are  at  the  doors 
and  windows,  listening  a  gorge  deploye  to  certain  orators,  who 
from  chairs  or  tables  harangue  each  his  little  audience.  The 
eagerness  with  which  they  are  heard,  and  the  thunder  of 
applause  they  receive  for  every  sentiment  of  more  than  com- 
mon hardiness  or  violence  against  the  present  government, 
cannot  easily  be  imagined.  I  am  all  amazement  at  the  min- 
istry permitting  such  nests  and  hotbeds  of  sedition  and 
revolt,  which  disseminate  amongst  the  people  every  hour 
principles  that  by  and  by  must  be  opposed  with  vigor;  and 
therefore  it  seems  little  short  of  madness  to  allow  the  propa- 
gation at  present. 

Everything  conspires  to  render  the  present  period  in 
France  critical.    The   want   of  bread  is  terrible ;  accounts 


The  French  Revolution 


403 


arrive  every  moment  from  the  provinces  of  riots  and  dis- 
turbances, and  calling  in  the  military  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  markets.  .  .  . 

June  75.    This  has  been  a  rich  day,  and  such  an  one  as   Arthur 
ten  years  ago  none  could  believe  would  ever  arrive  in  France;   Young  de" 
a  very  important  debate  being  expected  on  what,  in   our  important 
House  of  Commons,  would  be  termed  the  state  of  the  nation,    session  of 
My  friend,  Monsieur  Lazowski,  and  myself  were  at  Versailles    ^une  I5" 
at  eight  in  the  morning.    We  went  immediately  to  the  hall 
of  the  states  to  secure  good  seats  in  the  gallery ;  we  found 
some  deputies  already  there,  and  a  pretty  numerous  audience 
collected.    The  room  is  too  large  ;  none  but  stentorian  lungs 
or  the  finest,  clearest  voices  can  be  heard.    However,  the 
very  size  of  the  apartment,  which  admits  two  thousand  peo- 
ple, gave  a  dignity  to  the  scene.    It  was  indeed  an  interest- 
ing one.    The  spectacle  of  the  representatives  of  twenty-five 
millions  of  people,  just  emerging  from  the  evils  of  two  hun- 
dred years  of  arbitrary  power,  and  rising  to  the  blessings  of 
a  freer  constitution,  assembled  with  open  doors  under  the 
eye  of  the  public,  was  framed  to  call  into  animated  feelings 
every  latent  spark,  every  emotion   of  a  liberal  bosom ;  to 
banish  whatever  ideas  might  intrude  of  their  being  a  peo- 
ple too  often  hostile  to  my  own  country,  and  to  dwell  with 
pleasure  on  the  glorious  idea  of  happiness  to  a  great  nation. 

Monsieur  TAbbe  Sieyes  opened  the  debate.  He  is  one  Abbe  Sieyes 
of  the  most  zealous  sticklers  for  the  popular  cause ;  car- 
ries his  ideas  not  to  a  regulation  of  the  present  government, 
which  he  thinks  too  bad  to  be  regulated  at  all,  but  wishes 
to  see  it  absolutely  overturned,  —  being  in  fact  a  violent 
republican  :  this  is  the  character  he  commonly  bears,  and  in 
his  pamphlets  he  seems  pretty  much  to  justify  such  an  idea. 
He  speaks  ungracefully  and  uneloquently,  but  logically, — 
or  rather  reads  so,  for  he  read  his  speech,  which  was  pre- 
pared. His  motion,  or  rather  string  of  motions,  was  to  de- 
clare themselves  the  representatives  known  and  verified  of 
the  French  nation,  admitting  the  right  of  all  absent  deputies 
[the  nobility  and  clergy]  to  be  received  among  them  on  the 
verification  of  their  powers. 


404 


Readings  in  European  History 


Mirabeau's 
speech. 


Disorderly 
method  of 
procedure 
in  the 
Assembly. 


Monsieur  de  Mirabeau  spoke  without  notes  for  near  an 
hour,  with  a  warmth,  animation,  and  eloquence  that  entitles 
him  to  the  reputation  of  an  undoubted  orator.  He  opposed 
the  words  "known"  and  "verified,"  in  the  proposition  of 
Abbe  Sieves,  with  great  force  of  reasoning,  and  proposed 
in  lieu  that  they  should  declare  themselves  simply  Represen- 
tatives du  peuple  Francoise ;  that  no  veto  should  exist  against 
their  resolves  in  any  other  assembly ;  that  all  [existing]  taxes 
are  illegal,  but  should  be  granted  during  the  present  sessions 
of  the  states,  and  no  longer  ;  that  the  debt  of  the  king  should 
become  the  debt  of  the  nation,  and  be  secured  on  funds 
accordingly.  Monsieur  de  Mirabeau  was  well  heard,  and  his 
proposition  much  applauded. 

In  regard  to  their  general  method  of  proceeding,  there 
are  two  circumstances  in  which  they  are  very  deficient.  The 
spectators  in  the  galleries  are  allowed  to  interfere  in  the  de- 
bates by  clapping  their  hands,  and  other  noisy  expressions  of 
approbation  :  this  is  grossly  indecent ;  it  is  also  dangerous  ; 
for,  if  they  are  permitted  to  express  approbation,  they  are, 
by  parity  of  reason,  allowed  expressions  of  dissent,  and 
they  may  hiss  as  well  as  clap  ;  which  it  is  said  they  have 
sometimes  done  :  this  would  be  to  overrule  the  debate  and 
influence  the  deliberations. 

Another  circumstance  is  the  want  of  order  among  them- 
selves. More  than  once  to-day  there  were  an  hundred 
members  on  their  legs  at  a  time,  and  Monsieur  Bailly  abso- 
lutely without  power  to  keep  order. 


III.   The  Decree  abolishing  the  Feudal  System 

(August  ii,  1789) 

The  abolition  of  the  feudal  system,  which  took  place 
during  the  famous  night  session  of  August  4-5,  1789, 
was  caused  by  the  reading  of  a  report  on  the  misery  and 
disorder  which  prevailed  in  the  provinces.  The  report 
declares  that  "  Letters  from  all  the  provinces  indicate 
that  property  of  all  kinds  is  a  prey  to  the  most  criminal 


The  French  Revolution 


405 


violence;  on  all  sides  chateaux  are  being  burned,  con- 
vents destroyed,  and  farms  abandoned  to  pillage.  The 
taxes,  the  feudal  dues,  all  are  extinct ;  the  laws  are  with- 
out force,  and  the  magistrates  without  authority."  With 
the  hope  of  pacifying  and  encouraging  the  people,  the 
Assembly,  in  a  fervor  of  enthusiasm  and  excitement, 
straightway  abolished  many  of  the  ancient  abuses.  The 
document  here  given  is  the  revised  decree,  completed 
a  week  later. 

Article  I.  The  National  Assembly  hereby  completely 
abolishes  the  feudal  system.  It  decrees  that,  among  the 
existing  rights  and  dues,  both  feudal  and  censuel,1  all  those 
originating  in  or  representing  real  or  personal  serfdom  shall 
be  abolished  without  indemnification.  All  other  dues  are 
declared  redeemable,  the  terms  and  mode  of  redemption  to 
be  fixed  by  the  National  Assembly.  Those  of  the  said  dues 
which  are  not  extinguished  by  this  decree  shall  continue  to 
be  collected  until  indemnification  shall  take  place. 

II.  The  exclusive  right  to  maintain  pigeon  houses  and 
dovecotes  is  abolished.  The  pigeons  shall  be  confined  dur- 
ing the  seasons  fixed  by  the  community.  During  such 
periods  they  shall  be  looked  upon  as  game,  and  every  one 
shall  have  the  right  to  kill  them  upon  his  own  land. 

III.  The  exclusive  right  to  hunt  and  to  maintain  un- 
inclosed  warrens  is  likewise  abolished,  and  every  landowner 
shall  have  the  right  to  kill,  or  to  have  destroyed  on  his  own 
land,  all  kinds  of  game,  observing,  however,  such  police 
regulations  as  may  be  established  with  a  view  to  the  safety 
of  the  public. 

All  hunting  capitaineries?  including  the  royal  forests,  and 
all  hunting  rights  under  whatever  denomination,  are  likewise 
abolished.  Provision  shall  be  made,  however,  in  a  manner 
compatible  with  the  regard  due  to  property  and  liberty, 
for  maintaining  the  personal  pleasures  of  the  king. 

1  This  refers  to  the  cens,  a  perpetual  due  similar  to  the  payments 
made  by  English  copyholders.  2  See  above,  p.  365. 


397.  Decree 
abolishing 
the  feudal 
system. 


Extinction  of 
all  hunting 
rights. 


406 


Readings  in  European  Histo?y 


Manorial 

courts 

suppressed. 


Tithes 
abolished 


The  president  of  the  Assembly  shall  be  commissioned 
to  ask  of  the  king  the  recall  of  those  sent  to  the  galleys  or 
exiled,  simply  for  violations  of  the  hunting  regulations,  as 
well  as  for  the  release  of  those  at  present  imprisoned  for 
offenses  of  this  kind,  and  the  dismissal  of  such  cases  as  are 
now  pending. 

IV.  All  manorial  courts  are  hereby  suppressed  without 
indemnification.  But  the  magistrates  of  these  courts  shall 
continue  to  perform  their  functions  until  such  time  as  the 
National  Assembly  shall  provide  for  the  establishment  of  a 
new  judicial  system. 

V.  Tithes  of  every  description,  as  well  as  the  dues  which 
have  been  substituted  for  them,  under  whatever  denomi- 
nation they  are  known  or  collected  (even  when  compounded 
for),  possessed  by  secular  or  regular  congregations,  by 
holders  of  benefices,  members  of  corporations  (including  the 
Order  of  Malta  and  other  religious  and  military  orders),  as 
well  as  those  devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  churches,  those 
impropriated  to  lay  persons,  and  those  substituted  for  the 
portion  congrue?-  are  abolished,  on  condition,  however,  that 
some  other  method  be  devised  to  provide  for  the  expenses 
of  divine  worship,  the  support  of  the  officiating  clergy,  for 
the  assistance  of  the  poor,  for  repairs  and  rebuilding  of 
churches  and  parsonages,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  all 
institutions,  seminaries,  schools,  academies,  asylums,  and 
organizations  to  which  the  present  funds  are  devoted.  Until 
such  provision  shall  be  made  and  the  former  possessors 
shall  enter  upon  the  enjoyment  of  an  income  on  the  new 
system,  the  National  Assembly  decrees  that  the  said  tithes 
shall  continue  to  be  collected  according  to  law  and  in  the 
customary  manner. 

Other  tithes,  of  whatever  nature  they  may  be,  shall 
be  redeemable  in  such  manner  as  the  Assembly  shall 
determine.  Until  this  matter  is  adjusted,  the  National 
Assembly  decrees  that  these,  too,  shall  continue  to  be 
collected. 

1  This  expression  refers  to  the  minimum  remuneration  fixed  for  the 
priests. 


The  French  Revolution 


407 


VI.  All  perpetual  ground  rents,  payable  either  in  money 
or  in  kind,  of  whatever  nature  they  may  be,  whatever  their 
origin  and  to  whomsoever  they  may  be  due,  .  .  .  shall  be 
redeemable  at  a  rate  fixed  by  the  Assembly.  No  due  shall 
in  the  future  be  created  which  is  not  redeemable. 

VII.  The  sale  of  judicial  and  municipal  offices  shall 
be  abolished  forthwith.  Justice  shall  be  dispensed  gratis. 
Nevertheless  the  magistrates  at  present  holding  such  offices 
shall  continue  to  exercise  their  functions  and  to  receive  their 
emoluments  until  the  Assembly  shall  have  made  provision 
for  indemnifying  them. 

VIII.  The  fees  of  the  country  priests  are  abolished,  and 
shall  be  discontinued  so  soon  as  provision  shall  be  made  for 
increasing  the  minimum  salary  [portion  congrue\  of  the  par- 
ish priests  and  the  payment  to  the  curates.  A  regulation 
shall  be  drawn  up  to  determine  the  status  of  the  priests  in 
the  towns. 

IX.  Pecuniary  privileges,  personal  or  real,  in  the  pay- 
ment of  taxes  are  abolished  forever.  Taxes  shall  be  col- 
lected from  all  the  citizens,  and  from  all  property,  in  the 
same  manner  and  in  the  same  form.  Plans  shall  be  consid- 
ered by  which  the  taxes  shall  be  paid  proportionally  by  all, 
even  for  the  last  six  months  of  the  current  year. 

X.  Inasmuch  as  a  national  constitution  and  public  liberty 
are  of  more  advantage  to  the  provinces  than  the  privileges 
which  some  of  these  enjoy,  and  inasmuch  as  the  surrender 
of  such  privileges  is  essential  to  the  intimate  union  of  all 
parts  of  the  realm,  it  is  decreed  that  all  the  peculiar  privi- 
leges, pecuniary  or  otherwise,  of  the  provinces,  principali- 
ties, districts,  cantons,  cities,  and  communes,  are  once  for 
all  abolished  and  are  absorbed  into  the  law  common  to  all 
Frenchmen. 

XI.  All  citizens,  without  distinction  of  birth,  are  eligible 
to  any  office  or  dignity,  whether  ecclesiastical,  civil,  or  mili- 
tary ;  and  no  profession  shall  imply  any  derogation. 

XII.  Hereafter  no  remittances  shall  be  made  for  annates 
or  for  any  other  purpose  to  the  court  of  Rome,  the  vice 
legation  at  Avignon,  or  to  the  nunciature  at  Lucerne.    The 


Sale  of  offices 
discontinued 


Exemptions 
from  taxa- 
tion abol- 
ished. 


All  local 
differences 
in  the  law 
abolished. 


Papal 

powers 

reduced. 


408 


Readings  171  European  History 


clergy  of  the  diocese  shall  apply  to  their  bishops  in  regard 
to  the  filling  of  benefices  and  dispensations,  the  which  shall 
be  granted  gratis  without  regard  to  reservations,  expectan- 
cies, and  papal  months,  all  the  churches  of  France  enjoying 
the  same  freedom. 

XIII.  [This  article  abolishes  various  ecclesiastical  dues.] 

Pluralities.  XIV.   Pluralities  shall  not  be  permitted  hereafter  in  cases 

where  the  revenue  from  the  benefice  or  benefices  held  shall 
exceed  the  sum  of  three  thousand  livres.  Nor  shall  any  indi- 
vidual be  allowed  to  enjoy  several  pensions  from  benefices, 
or  a  pension  and  a  benefice,  if  the  revenue  which  he  already 
enjoys  from  such  sources  exceeds  the  same  sum  of  three 
thousand  livres. 

Pensions.  XV.  The  National  Assembly  shall  consider,  in  conjunc- 

tion with  the  king,  the  report  which  is  to  be  submitted  to 
it  relating  to  pensions,  favors,  and  salaries,  with  a  view  to 
suppressing  all  such  as  are  not  deserved,  and  reducing 
those  which  shall  prove  excessive ;  and  the  amount  shall 
be  fixed  which  the  king  may  in  the  future  disburse  for  this 
purpose. 

XVI.  The  National  Assembly  decrees  that  a  medal  shall 
be  struck  in  memory  of  the  recent  grave  and  important  delib- 
erations for  the  welfare  of  France,  and  that  a  Te  Deum  shall 
be  chanted  in  gratitude  in  all  the  parishes  and  the  churches 
of  France. 

XVII.  The  National  Assembly  solemnly  proclaims  the 
king,  Louis  XVI,  the  Restorer  of  French  Liberty. 

XVIII.  The  National  Assembly  shall  present  itself  in  a 
body  before  the  king,  in  order  to  submit  to  him  the  decrees 
which  have  just  been  passed,  to  tender  to  him  the  tokens  of 
its  most  respectful  gratitude,  and  to  pray  him  to  permit  the 
Te  Deum  to  be  chanted  in  his  chapel,  and  to  be  present 
himself  at  this  service. 

XIX.  The  National  Assembly  shall  consider,  immediately 
after  the  constitution,  the  drawing  up  of  the  laws  necessary 
for  the  development  of  the  principles  which  it  has  laid  down 
in  the  present  decree.  The  latter  shall  be  transmitted  by 
the  deputies  without  delay  to  all  the  provinces,  together  with 


The  FrencJi  Revolution 


409 


the  decree  of  the  10th  of  this  month,  in  order  that  it  may 
be  printed,  published,  read  from  the  parish  pulpits,  and 
posted  up  wherever  it  shall  be  deemed  necessary. 


IV.   Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man  and  of 

the  Citizen 

A  declaration  of  the  rights  of  man,  which  had  been 
demanded  by  many  of  the  cahiers,  was  the  part  of  the 
new  constitution  which  the  Assembly  decided  (August 
4)  should  be  first  drawn  up.  The  members  recognized 
that  they  were  imitating  an  American  precedent  in  doing 
this.  Our  first  state  constitutions,  several  of  which  were 
preceded  by  elaborate  bills  of  rights,  had  very  early  been 
translated  into  French. 

Almost  every  one  of  the  articles  in  the  declaration 
recalls  some  abuse  of  the  Ancien  Regime.  This  docu- 
ment has  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  Europe,  and 
was  imitated  in  many  of  the  constitutions  of  the  nine- 
teenth century. 

The  representatives  of  the  French  people,  organized  as  a 
National  Assembly,  believing  that  the  ignorance,  neglect,  or 
contempt  of  the  rights  of  man  are  the  sole  cause  of  public 
calamities  and  of  the  corruption  of  governments,  have  deter- 
mined to  set  forth  in  a  solemn  declaration  the  natural,  inalien- 
able, and  sacred  rights  of  man,  in  order  that  this  declaration, 
being  constantly  before  all  the  members  of  the  social  body, 
shall  remind  them  continually  of  their  rights  and  duties ;  in 
order  that  the  acts  of  the  legislative  power,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  executive  power,  may  be  compared  at  any  moment 
with  the  objects  and  purposes  of  all  political  institutions 
and  may  thus  be  more  respected ;  and,  lastly,  in  order  that 
the  grievances  of  the  citizens,  based  hereafter  upon  simple 
and  incontestable  principles,  shall  tend  to  the  maintenance 
of  the   constitution    and  redound  to  the  happiness  of  all. 


398.  Decla- 
ration of 
the  rights 
of  man. 


Ni 


410  Readings  in  European  History 

Therefore  the  National  Assembly  recognizes  and  proclaims, 
in  the  presence  and  under  the  auspices  of  the  Supreme 
Being,  the  following  rights  of  man  and  of  the  citizen  : 

Article  i.  Men  are  born  and  remain  free  and  equal  in 
rights.  Social  distinctions  may  be  founded  only  upon  the 
general  good. 

2.  The  aim  of  all  political  association  is  the  preservation 
of  the  natural  and  imprescriptible  rights  of  man.  These  rights 
are  liberty,  property,  security,  and  resistance  to  oppression. 

3.  The  principle  of  all  sovereignty  resides  essentially  in 
the  nation.  No  body  nor  individual  may  exercise  any  au- 
thority which  does  not  proceed  directly  from  the  nation. 

4.  Liberty  consists  in  the  freedom  to  do  everything  which 
injures  no  one  else  ;  hence  the  exercise  of  the  natural  rights 
of  each  man  has  no  limits  except  those 'which  assure  to  the 
other  members  of  the  society  the  enjoyment  of  the  same 
rights.    These  limits  can  only  be  determined  by  law. 

5.  Law  can  only  prohibit  such  actions  as  are  hurtful  to 
society.  Nothing  may  be  prevented  which  is  not  forbidden 
by  law,  and  no  one  may  be  forced  to  do  anything  not  pro- 
vided for  by  law. 

6.  Law  is  the  expression  of  the  general  will.  Every  citi- 
zen has  a  right  to  participate  personally,  or  through  his  rep- 
resentative, in  its  formation.  It  must  be  the  same  for  all, 
whether  it  protects  or  punishes.  All  citizens,  being  equal  in 
the  eyes  of  the  law,  are  equally  eligible  to  all  dignities  and 
to  all  public  positions  and  occupations,  according  to  their 
abilities,  and  without  distinction  except  that  of  their  virtues 
and  talents. 

7.  No  person  shall  be  accused,  arrested,  or  imprisoned 
except  in  the  cases  and  according  to  the  forms  prescribed 
by  law.  Any  one  soliciting,  transmitting,  executing,  or  caus- 
ing to  be  executed,  any  arbitrary  order,  shall  be  pun- 
ished. But  any  citizen  summoned  or  arrested  in  virtue  of 
the  law  shall  submit  without  delay,  as  resistance  constitutes 
an  offense. 

8.  The  law  shall  provide  for  such  punishments  only  as 
are  strictly  and  obviously  necessary,  and  no  one  shall  suffer 


The  French  Revolution  4 1 1 

punishment  except  it  be  legally  inflicted  in  virtue  of  a  law 
passed  and  promulgated  before  the  commission  of  the 
offense. 

9.  As  all  persons  are  held  innocent  until  they  shall  have 
been  declared  guilty,  if  arrest  shall  be  deemed  indispensable, 
all  harshness  not  essential  to  the  securing  of  the  prisoner's 
person  shall  be  severely  repressed  by  law. 

10.  No  one  shall  be  disquieted  on  account  of  his  opin- 
ions, including  his  religious  views,  provided  their  manifesta- 
tion does  not  disturb  the  public  order  established  by  law. 

11.  The  free  communication  of  ideas  and  opinions  is  one 
of  the  most  precious  of  the  rights  of  man.  Every  citizen 
may,  accordingly,  speak,  write,  and  print  with  freedom,  but 
shall  be  responsible  for  such  abuses  of  this  freedom  as  shall 
be  defined  by  law. 

12.  The  security  of  the  rights  of  man  and  of  the  citizen 
requires  public  military  forces.  These  forces  are,  therefore, 
established  for  the  good  of  all  and  not  for  the  personal 
advantage  of  those  to  whom  they  shall  be  intrusted. 

13.  A  common  contribution  is  essential  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  public  forces  and  for  the  cost  of  administra- 
tion. This  should  be  equitably  distributed  among  all  the 
citizens  in  proportion  to  their  means. 

14.  All  the  citizens  have  a  right  to  decide,  either  person- 
ally or  by  their  representatives,  as  to  the  necessity  of  the 
public  contribution  ;  to  grant  this  freely ;  to  know  to  what 
uses  it  is  put ;  and  to  fix  the  proportion,  the  mode  of  assess- 
ment and  of  collection  and  the  duration  of  the  taxes. 

15.  Society  has  the  right  to  require  of  every  public  agent 
an  account  of  his  administration. 

16.  A  society  in  which  the  observance  of  the  law  is  not 
assured,  nor  the  separation  of  powers  defined,  has  no  con- 
stitution at  all. 

17.  Since  property  is  an  inviolable  and  sacred  right,  no 
one  shall  be  deprived  thereof  except  where  public  necessity, 
legally  determined,  shall  clearly  demand  it,  and  then  only 
on  condition  that  the  owner  shall  have  been  previously  and 
equitably  indemnified. 


412 


Readings  in  European  History 


399.  Mira- 
beau's  ad- 
vice to  the 
king  in  Octo 
ber,  1789. 
(Extracts.) 


V.   Mirabeau's  Fears  after  the  "  October  Days  " 

Mirabeau  is  generally  recognized  as  the  ablest  states- 
man in  France  during  the  opening  of  the  Revolution. 
After  the  mob  had  carried  off  the  king  to  Paris  during 
the  "  October  Days,"  Mirabeau  was,  in  spite  of  the 
king's  and  queen's  abhorrence  and  distrust  of  him, 
brought  into  relations  with  the  court  and  permitted  to 
give  advice  which,  however,  was  never  taken.  His  first 
communication  to  the  king  (October  15)  furnishes  a 
wonderful  picture  of  the  situation  in  France  and  the 
dangers  to  which  the  king  was  exposed  in  Paris.  There 
is  scarcely  a  feature  of  the  approaching  reign  of  terror 
which  escapes  Mirabeau's  prophetic  insight.  The  king, 
shortly  after  Mirabeau's  death  (in  April,  1791),  tried  to 
escape  from  France  in  precisely  the  manner  against 
which  the  great  statesman  had  most  urgently  warned 
him,  and  with  precisely  the  results  which  Mirabeau  fore- 
cast. 

The  king  could  not  refuse  to  come  to  Paris,  and  whether 
the  National  Assembly  could  have  refused  to  follow  him  or 
not,  it  had  not,  in  any  case,  the  power  to  detain  him.  Is  the 
king  free  in  Paris  ?  He  is,  in  the  sense  that  no  foreign  will 
has  taken  the  place  of  his  own,  but  he  is  certainly  not  at 
liberty  to  leave  Paris.  He  may  not  select  those  who  guard 
his  person ;  he  cannot  even  exercise  any  direct  control  over 
the  militia  to  whom  his  safety  is  confided.  The  National 
Assembly  is  free  in  Paris  so  far  as  its  deliberations  are  con- 
cerned, but  it  could  not  adjourn  to  another  town  in  the  king- 
dom, nor  can  it  guarantee  to  the  delegate  of  the  nation  * 
more  freedom  than  he  already  has. 

Will  the  king  enjoy  in  Paris  entire  personal  security  even  ? 
Placed  as  he  is,  the  least  mischance  may  compromise  his 


J  The  king. 


The  French  Revolution 


413 


safety  !  It  is  threatened  by  external  movements,  commotions 
within,  party  divisions,  the  errors  of  enthusiasm  and  of  impa- 
tience, and,  above  all,  by  the  violent  collision  of  the  capital 
with  the  provinces.  Although  Paris  is  powerful,  it  contains 
many  causes  for  disturbance.  Its  inhabitants,  when  excited, 
are  irresistible.  Winter  is  approaching  and  food  may  be 
wanting.  Bankruptcy  may  be  declared.  What  will  Paris  be 
three  months  hence?  Assuredly  a  poorhouse,  perhaps  a 
theater  of  horrors.  Is  it  to  such  a  place  that  the  head  of  the 
nation  should  intrust  his  existence  and  our  only  hope? 

The  ministers  are  without  resources.  Only  one  of  them 
enjoys  any  popularity,  and  he  has  always  been  supported 
rather  by  certain  enthusiastic  admirers  than  by  a  party. 
But  his  resources  are  well  known,  and  he  has  just  shown 
himself  in  his  true  light.  His  empty  brain  has  never  con- 
templated more  than  to  prop  up  here  and  there  an  edifice 
which  is  giving  away  at  every  point.  He  is  anxious  to  pro- 
long the  death  agony  until  the  moment  he  has  chosen  for 
his  political  retirement,  when,  as  in  1781,  he  plans  to  leave 
an  alleged  balance  between  the  receipts  and  expenditures, 
and  some  millions  in  the  royal  treasury.  What  will  become 
of  the  nation  after  this  useless  attempt,  which  renders  bank- 
ruptcy inevitable?  We  are  only  weary  and  discouraged  as 
yet ;    it  is  the  moment  of  despair  which  is  to  be  feared.  .  .  . 

Public  strength  lies  only  in  public  opinion  and  in  the 
revenues  of  the  state.  But  every  bond  of  public  opinion  is 
severed.  Only  the  direct  taxes  are  paid  at  all,  and  these 
only  partially,  although  the  half  of  our  taxes  are  indirect. 
Several  years  will  be  required  to  replace  what  six  months 
have  just  destroyed,  and  the  impatience  of  the  people,  which 
is  increased  by  their  misery,  is  apparent  on  every  hand. 

A  still  more  fatal  emergency  is  to  be  anticipated.  The 
National  Assembly,  which  is  so  badly  constituted  in  principle, 
composed  as  it  is  of  discordant  factions  laboriously  brought 
together,  can  see  that  each  day  the  confidence  in  its  work  is 
diminishing.  .  .  . 

The  respect  which  an  exalted  title  and  a  great  revolution 
seen  from  afar  inspires,  as  well  as  hope,  so  essential  to  the 


Danger  of 
disorder  in 
Paris. 


Necker's 
incapacity. 


General  loss 
of  respect  for 
the  National 
Assembly. 


414  Readings  in  European  History 

people,  still  sustains  it.  But  each  day  this  great  cause  is 
deserted  by  a  portion  of  those  who  make  public  opinion, 
although  it  demands  the  closest  cooperation  of  every  faction 
and  party  in  the  realm.  The  people  are,  moreover,  only 
informed  of  the  almost  inevitable  mistakes  of  a  legislative 
body  which  is  too  numerous,  whose  footing  is  insecure,  and 
which  has  gone  through  no  apprenticeship  :  no  emphasis  is 
laid  upon  the  ease  with  which  such  mistakes  could  be  cor- 
rected by  the  next  legislature.  The  only  way  to  save  the  state 
and  the  nascent  constitution  is  to  put  the  king  in  a  position 
which  will  allow  him,  without  delay,  to  unite  with  his  people. 

King's  criti-  Paris  has  long  swallowed  up  the  taxes  of  the  kingdom. 

cal  position  paris  is  the  seat  of  the  financial  regime  which  the  provinces 
loathe.  Paris  has  created  the  debt.  Paris,  by  its  miserable 
stock  gambling,  has  destroyed  public  credit,  and  has  com- 
promised the  honor  of  the  nation.  Must  the  National 
Assembly,  too,  regard  this  city  only,  and  sacrifice  the  whole 
kingdom  for  it?  Several  provinces  fear  that  the  capital  will 
dominate  the  Assembly  and  direct  the  course  of  its  work. 
What  then  is  to  be  done?  Is  the  king  free?  His  free- 
dom is  not  complete,  nor  is  it  recognized.  Is  the  king  safe? 
I  do  not  think  so.  Can  even  Paris  save  him  alone?  No; 
Paris  is  lost  if  she  is  not  brought  to  order  and  forced  to 
moderation.  Will  the  National  Assembly  finish  its  session 
without  being  harassed  by  the  disturbances  which  a  thousand 
circumstances  lead  us  to  anticipate?  He  would  be  bold, 
certainly,  who  should  guarantee  this ! 

Should  no  successful  effort  be  made  to  give  another  direc- 
tion to  public  opinion,  to  enlighten  the  people  as  to  their 
true  interests,  to  prepare,  by  instructions  given  to  constitu- 
ents, the  spirit  of  the  new  legislature,  will  the  state  recover 
its  tranquillity,  the  army  its  strength,  the  executive  power  its 
influence,  and  the  monarch  his  real  rights,  whose  exercise  is 
essential  to  public  liberty?  Or  will  the  monarchy  be  shaken 
to  its  foundation  and  very  probably  dismembered,  — that  is 
to  say,  dissolved?  It  is  easy  to  foresee  what  is  to  be  appre- 
hended by  what  has  already  happened.  Some  measures  must 
obviously  be  taken,  as  all  the  facts  clearly  indicate. 


The  FrencJi  Revolution 


415 


Several  methods  present  themselves,  but  there  are  those 
which  would  entail  the  most  terrible  evils,  and  which  I  only 
mention  to  deter  the  king  from  a  course  which  would  mean 
certain  destruction.  To  withdraw  to  Metz  —  or  upon  any 
other  frontier  —  would  be  to  declare  war  upon  the  nation 
and  abdicate  the  throne.  A  king,  who  is  the  only  safeguard 
of  his  people,  does  not  fly  before  his  people.  .  .  .  He  does 
not  excite  all  manner  of  suspicion  against  himself,  nor  does 
he  place  himself  in  a  position  where  he  can  only  reenter  his 
possessions  with  arms  in  his  hands,  or  be  reduced  to  suppli- 
cate foreign  aid. 

Who  can  say  to  what  a  state  of  frenzy  the  French  nation 
might  be  aroused  if  it  saw  its  king  abandoning  it  in  order  to 
join  a  group  of  exiles,  and  become  one  of  them  himself,  or 
how  it  would  prepare  for  resistance  and  oppose  the  forces  he 
might  collect?  Even  I  should  denounce  the  monarch  after 
such  an  act. 

To  withdraw  into  the  interior  of  the  kingdom  and  call 
together  the  entire  nobility  would  be  a  policy  no  less  hazard- 
ous. Justly  or  not,  the  whole  nation,  which  in  its  ignorance 
confuses  nobility  and  aristocracy,  has  long  looked  upon  the 
gentry  en  masse  as  their  implacable  enemies.  The  abolition  of 
the  feudal  system  was  the  expiation  of  ten  centuries  of  mad- 
ness. The  disturbance  might  have  been  lessened,  but  now  it 
is  too  late,  and  the  decree  is  irrevocable.  To  join  the  nobility 
would  be  worse  than  for  the  king  to  throw  himself  into  a 
foreign  and  hostile  army.  He  has  to  choose  between  a  great 
nation  and  a  few  individuals,  between  peace  and  civil  war 
carried  on  upon  exceedingly  unequal  terms.  .  .  . 

It  is  certain,  in  short,  that  a  great  revolution  is  necessary 
to  save  the  kingdom ;  that  the  nation  has  rights,  that  it  is  on 
the  way  to  recover  them  all,  and  that  it  is  not  sufficient  simply 
to  reestablish  them,  but  they  must  be  consolidated;  that  a 
national  convention  can  alone  regenerate  France;  that  the 
Assembly  has  already  made  several  laws  which  it  is  indis- 
pensable to  adopt ;  and  that  there  is  no  safety  for  the  king 
and  for  the  state  except  in  the  closest  alliance  between  the 
monarch  and  his  people. 


The  king 
should  on 
no  account 
flee  to  the 
boundary. 


The  populai 
distrust  of 
the  riobility. 


41 6  Readings  in  European  History 

All  the  methods  which  I  have  mentioned  having  been 

rejected,  I  will  make  the  following  observations  upon  a  final 

plan  which  is  certainly  not  without  peril.  .  .  . 

The  king  Having  taken  certain  precautions,  the  king  may  leave  his 

should  retire    paiace  in  open  day  and  retire  to  Rouen.    He  should  select 

to  Rouen  and     .  .  .  .  ...  .    ,      ,  . 

summon  the  tnat  Cltv  or  lts  environs,  because  it  is  the  center  of  the  king- 
Assembly  dom,  because  .  .  .  such  a  choice  proclaims  that  there  is  no 
to  him.  intention  of  flight,  and  that  the  only  object  is  to  conciliate 

the  provinces.  .  .  . 

Before  the  king's  departure  a  proclamation  should  be  pre- 
pared, addressed  to  all  the  provinces,  in  which  the  king  should 
say,  among  other  things,  that  he  is  about  to  throw  himself  into 
the  arms  of  his  people;  that  violence  has  been  done  him  at 
Versailles ;  that  he  was  in  a  measure  watched  at  Paris,  and 
was  not  free  to  come  and  go,  as  every  citizen  is  and  ought  to  be. 
For  the  truth  of  these  statements  proofs  should  be  furnished. 
The  king  should  say,  moreover,  that  he  recognizes  that 
this  situation  serves  as  an  excuse  to  the  ill  disposed  not  to 
obey  the  decrees  of  the  National  Assembly  and  the  sanction 
given  by  him  to  these  decrees,  all  of  which  could  easily  com- 
promise a  revolution  in  which  he  is  as  much  interested  as 
the  most  ardent  friends  of  liberty ;  that  he  hopes  to  be  insep- 
arable from  his  people,  and  that  the  selection  which  he  has 
made  of  Rouen  proves  this  beyond  controversy ;  that  he  is 
the  first  king  of  his  race  who  has  formed  the  purpose  of 
investing  the  nation  with  all  its  rights,  and  that  he  has  per- 
sisted in  this  design  in  spite  of  his  ministers  and  the  counsels 
by  which  princes  are  corrupted ;  that  he  has  adopted  with- 
out reserve  such  and  such  decrees  of  the  National  Assembly; 
that  he  renews  his  sanction  and  acceptance,  and  that  his 
sentiments  in  this  matter  are  unchangeable. 

The  proclamation  should  announce  that  the  king  is  about 
to  call  the  National  Assembly  to  him  in  order  that  it  may 
continue  its  work,  but  that  he  will  soon  summon  a  new 
convention  to  judge,  confirm,  modify  and  ratify  the  work  of 
the  first  Assembly. 

The  king  should  state  that  he  is  ready  to  submit  to  the 
greatest  personal  sacrifices,  since  there  are  to  be  no  more 


The  French  Revolution 


417 


promises  of  economy  which  are  never  carried  out ;  that  he 
will  live  like  a  private  individual ;  that  a  million  will  suffice 
him  for  his  personal  expenses  and  those  incurred  as  head 
of  a  family;  that  he  asks  no  more,  and  requires  but  a  sin- 
gle  table  for  himself  and  his  family;  that  all  the  luxury  of 
the  throne  should  consist  in  the  perfecting  of  the  civil 
government  and  in  the  wise  liberality  of  distinctly  national 
outlays.  .  .  . 

The  king  should  declare  that,  although  he  has  resolved 
upon  all  possible  personal  sacrifice,  he  by  no  means  holds 
that  the  same  retrenchment  can  be  applied  to  all  the  pay- 
ments which  have,  for  a  long  time,  been  granted  to  a  host 
of  citizens  who  have  at  present  no  other  means  of  support, 
and  he  requests  the  nation  to  consider  that  public  peace  is 
not  to  be  successfully  reestablished  by  ruining  and  driving 
to  despair  so  many  thousand  persons;  that  for  the  rest,  he 
takes  his  people  to  witness  as  to  his  personal  conduct  in  the 
past;  that  he  will  not  subdue  them  by  arms,  but  by  his  love; 
that  he  confides  his  honor  and  safety  to  French  loyalty; 
that  he  only  wishes  the  happiness  of  the  citizens,  and  that 
his  own  pleasure  is  of  no  further  importance.  This  procla- 
mation of  a  good  king,  this  peace  manifesto  at  once  firm  and 
popular,  ought  to  be  forwarded  by  extraordinary  couriers  to 
all  the  provinces,  and  all  those  in  command  should  be  noti- 
fied to  be  on  their  guard.  .  .  . 


VI.   Address  of  the  National  Assembly  to  the 
French  People  (February  ii,   1790) 

The  National  Assembly,  as  it  progresses  in  its  work,  is 
receiving  upon  every  hand  the  felicitations  of  the  provinces, 
cities,  and  villages,  testimonials  of  the  public  satisfaction  and 
expressions  of  grateful  appreciation ;  but  murmurs  reach  it 
as  well,  from  those  who  are  affected  or  injured  by  the  blows 
aimed  at  so  many  abuses  and  prejudices.  While  occupied 
with  the  welfare  of  all,  the  Assembly  is  solicitous  in  regard 
to  individual  ills.  It  can  forgive  prejudice,  bitterness,  and 
injustice,  but  it  feels  it  to  be  one  of  its  duties  to  warn  you 


400.  The 
National 
Assembly 
reviews  its 
achieve- 
ments dur- 
ing the 
previous  six 
months. 
(February, 
1790.) 


4i8 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  Estates 
General  con- 
verted into 
a  National 
Assembly. 


Abolition  of 
privileges. 


against  the  influence  of  calumny,  and  to  quiet  the  empty 
terrors  which  some  are  vainly  trying  to  arouse  in  you.  To 
what  have  they  not  resorted  in  order  to  mislead  and  dis- 
courage you?  They  pretend  to  be  unaware  of  the  good  that 
the  National  Assembly  has  accomplished;  this  we  propose 
to  recall  to  your  mind.  Objections  have  been  raised  against 
what  has  been  done;  these  we  propose  to  meet.  Doubts 
and  anxiety  have  been  disseminated  as  to  what  we  propose 
to  do  in  the  future ;  this  we  will  explain  to  you. 

What  has  the  Assembly  accomplished?  In  the  midst  of 
storms,  it  has,  with  a  firm  hand,  traced  the  principles  of  a 
constitution  which  will  assure  your  liberty  forever.  The 
rights  of  man  had  been  misconceived  and  insulted  for 
centuries ;  they  have  been  reestablished  for  all  humanity 
in  that  declaration,  which  shall  serve  as  an  everlasting  war 
cry  against  oppressors  and  as  a  law  for  the  legislators  them- 
selves. The  nation  had  lost  the  right  to  decree  both  the 
laws  and  the  taxes;  this  right  has  been  restored  to  it,  while 
at  the  same  time  the  true  principles  of  monarchy  have  been 
solemnly  established,  as  well  as  the  inviolability  of  the  au- 
gust head  of  the  nation  and  the  heredity  of  the  throne  in  a 
family  so  dear  to  all  Frenchmen. 

Formerly  you  had  only  the  Estates  General;  now  you 
have  a  National  Assembly  of  which  you  can  never  be  again 
deprived.  In  the  Estates  General  the  several  orders,  which 
were  necessarily  at  odds  and  under  the  domination  of  ancient 
pretensions,  dictated  the  decrees  and  could  check  the  free 
action  of  the  national  will.  These  orders  no  longer  exist; 
all  have  disappeared  before  the  honorable  title  of  citizen. 
All  being  citizens  alike,  you  demanded  citizen-defenders 
and,  at  the  first  summons,  the  National  Guard  arose,  which, 
called  together  by  patriotism  and  commanded  by  honor,  has 
everywhere  maintained  or  established  order  and  watches  with 
untiring  zeal  over  the  safety  of  each  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

Privileges  without  number,  irreconcilably  at  enmity  with 
every  good,  made  up  our  entire  public  law.  These  have 
been  destroyed,  and  at  the  word  of  this  Assembly  the 
provinces  which  were  the  most  jealous  of  their  own  privileges 


The  French  Revolution 


419 


applauded  their  disappearance,  feeling  that  they  gained 
rather  than  lost  thereby.  A  vexatious  feudal  system,  power- 
ful even  in  its  ruin,  covered  the  whole  of  France  ;  it  has  now 
disappeared,  never  to  return.  In  the  provinces  you  were 
subject  to  a  harassing  administration;  from  this  you  have 
been  freed.  Arbitrary  commands  threatened  the  liberty  of 
the  citizens ;  they  have  been  done  away  with.  You  desired 
a  complete  organization  of  the  municipalities  ;  this  you  have 
just  received,  and  the  creation  of  these  bodies,  chosen  by 
your  votes,  offers,  at  this  moment,  a  most  imposing  spectacle. 
At  the  same  time  the  National  Assembly  has  finished  the 
task  of  a  new  division  of  the  kingdom,  which  alone  might 
serve  to  remove  the  last  trace  of  former  prejudices,  substitute 
for  provincial  selfishness  the  true  love  for  one's  country,  and 
serve  as  the  basis  of  a  just  system  of  representation.1  .  .  . 

This,  Frenchmen,  is  our  work,  or  rather  yours,  for  we  are 
only  your  organ,  and  you  have  enlightened,  encouraged,  and 
sustained  us  in  our  labors.  What  a  glorious  period  is  this 
which  we  at  last  enjoy !  How  honorable  the  heritage  which 
you  may  transmit  to  your  posterity!  Raised  to  the  rank  of 
citizens;  admissible  to  every  form  of  employment;  enlight- 
ened censors  of  the  administration  when  it  is  not  actually  in 
your  hands;  certain  that  all  will  be  done  by  you  and  for 
you ;  equal  before  the  law ;  free  to  act,  to  speak,  to  write ; 
owing  no  account  to  individuals  but  always  to  the  common 
will ;  —  what  condition  more  happy!  Is  there  a  single  citizen 
worthy  of  the  name  who  would  dare  look  back,  who  would 
rebuild  once  more  the  ruins  which  surround  us,  in  order 
again  to  contemplate  the  former  structure? 

Yet  what  has  not  been  said   and   done  to  weaken   the 
natural  impressions  which  such  advantages  should  produce 
upon  you?    It  is  urged  that  we  have  destroyed  everything;    Sons  made 
everything  must,  then,  be  reconstructed.    But  what  is  there    against  it. 
which   need   be  so    much    regretted?     If   we   would   know, 
let  those  be  questioned  in  regard  to  the  objects  of  reform 

1  The  enumeration  of  a  few  further  reforms  is  here  omitted.  The 
Assembly  notes  the  abolition  of  the  sale  of  offices  and  the  partial 
extinction  of  the  salt  tax. 


The  Assem- 
bly replies  to 
the  accusa- 


420  Readings  in  European  History 

or  destruction  who  did  not  profit  by  them ;  let  even  men 
of  good  faith  be  questioned  who  did  profit  by  them.  But  let 
us  leave  one  side  those  who,  in  order  to  ennoble  the  demands 
of  purely  personal  interests,  now  choose  as  the  objects  of 
their  commiseration  the  fate  of  those  to  whom  they  were 
formerly  quite  indifferent.  We  may  then  judge  if  each  sub- 
ject of  reform  does  not  enjoy  the  approval  of  all  of  those 
whose  opinions  should  be  considered. 

Some  say  that  we  have  acted  too  precipitately,  as  many 
others  proclaim  that  we  have  been  too  deliberate.  Too 
much  precipitation  !  Does  not  every  one  know  that  only  by 
attacking  and  overthrowing  all  the  abuses  at  the  same  time 
can  we  hope  to  be  freed  from  them  without  danger  of  their 
return;  that  then,  and  then  only,  every  one  becomes  inter- 
ested in  the  reestablishment  of  order ;  that  slow  and  partial 
reforms  have  always  resulted  in  no  reform  at  all,  and  that 
an  abuse  preserved  becomes  the  support,  and  before  long 
the  means  of  restoring  all  those  which  we  thought  to  have 
destroyed  ? 

Our  meetings  are  said  to  be  disorderly;  what  of  that,  if 
the  decrees  which  proceed  from  them  are  wise?  We  are 
indeed  far  from  wishing  to  hold  up  for  your  admiration  the 
details  of  all  our  debates.  More  than  once  they  have  been 
a  source  of  annoyance  to  us,  but  at  the  same  time  we  have 
felt  that  it  was  very  unjust  to  take  advantage  of  this  dis- 
order ;  and  indeed  this  impetuosity  is  the  almost  inevitable 
effect  of  the  first  conflict  which  has  perhaps  ever  been  fought 
by  every  right  principle  against  every 'form  of  error. 

We  are  accused  of  having  aspired  to  a  chimerical  per- 
fection. A  curious  reproach  indeed,  which,  if  one  looks  at 
it  closely,  proves  to  be  only  an  ill-disguised  desire  for  the 
perpetuation  of  the  abuses.  The  National  Assembly  has 
not  allowed  itself  to  be  influenced  by  motives  of  servile 
interest  or  pusillanimity.  It  has  had  the  courage,  or  rather 
the  sense,  to  believe  that  useful  ideas,  essential  to  the 
human  race,  were  not  destined  simply  to  adorn  the  pages 
of  a  book,  and  that  the  Supreme  Being,  when  he  granted 
the  attribute  of  perfectibility  to  man,  did  not  forbid  him 


The  French  Revolution  421 

to  apply  this  peculiar  appanage  of  his  nature  to  the  social 
organization,  which  has  become  the  most  comprehensive 
of  his  interests  and  almost  the  most  important  of  his 
needs. 

It  is  impossible,  some  say,  to  regenerate  an  old  and  cor- 
rupt nation.  Let  such  objectors  learn  that  there  is  nothing 
corrupt  but  those  who  wish  to  perpetuate  corrupting  abuses, 
and  that  a  nation  becomes  young  again  the  moment  it 
resolves  to  be  born  anew  in  liberty.  Behold  the  regenera- 
tion !  How  the  nation's  heart  already  beats  with  joy  and 
hope,  and  how  pure,  elevated,  and  patriotic  are  its  senti- 
ments !  With  what  enthusiasm  do  the  people  daily  solicit 
the  honor  of  being  allowed  to  take  the  oath  of  citizen  !  — 
but  why  consider  so  despicable  a  reproach  ?  Shall  the 
National  Assembly  be  reduced  to  excuse  itself  for  not  hav- 
ing rendered  the  French  people  desperate  ? 

But  we  have  done  nothing  for  the  people,  their  pretended 
friends  cry  on  all  sides.  Yet  it  is  the  people's  cause  which 
is  everywhere  triumphant.  Nothing  done  for  the  people  ! 
Does  not  every  abuse  which  is  abolished  prepare  the  way 
for,  and  assure  to  them,  relief  ?  Is  there  an  abuse  which  does 
not  weigh  upon  the  people  ?  They  do  not  complain,  —  it  is 
because  the  excess  of  their  ills  has  stifled  complaint.  They 
are  now  unhappy,  —  say  better  that  they  are  still  unhappy, 
—  but  not  for  long ;  that  we  swear. 

We  have  destroyed  the  power  of  the  executive  —  no,  say 
rather  the  power  of  the  ministers,  which,  in  reality,  for- 
merly destroyed  or  often  degraded  the  executive  power.  We 
have  enlightened  the  executive  power  by  showing  it  its  true 
rights;  we  have,  above  all,  ennobled  it  by  bringing  it  to  the 
true  source  of  its  power,  the  power  of  the  people.  The  exec- 
utive power  is  now  without  force,  —  against  the  constitution 
and  the  law,  that  is  true,  but  in  support  of  them  it  will  be 
more  powerful  than  ever  before. 

The  people  are  aroused,  —  yes,  for  its  defense,  and  with 
reason.  But,  it  is  urged,  in  several  places  there  have  been 
unfortunate  occurrences.  Should  the  National  Assembly 
be  reproached  for   these  ?    Should  disasters   be  attributed 


422  Readings  in  European  History 

to  it  which  it  mourns,  which  it  would  have  prevented  and 
arrested  by  the  force  of  its  decrees,  and  which  the  here- 
after indissoluble  union  between  the  two  powers  and  the 
irresistible  action  of  all  the  national  forces  will  doubtless 
check  ? 

We  have  exceeded  our  powers.  The  reply  is  simple.  We 
were  incontestably  sent  to  make  a  constitution  :  this  was  the 
wish  and  the  need  of  the  whole  of  France.  But  was  it  pos- 
sible to  create  a  constitution  and  form  an  even  imperfect 
body  of  constitutional  decrees,  without  the  plenitude  of 
power  which  we  have  exercised  ?  We  will  say  more  :  with- 
out the  National  Assembly  France  was  lost ;  without  the 
recognition  of  the  principle  which  has  governed  all  our 
decrees,  of  submitting  the  decision  of  every  matter  to  a 
majority  of  votes,  freely  cast,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive, 
we  will  not  say  a  constitution,  but  even  the  prospect  of 
destroying  permanently  the  least  of  the  abuses.  This  prin- 
ciple embodies  an  eternal  truth  and  has  been  recognized 
throughout  France.  It  receives  recognition  in  a  thousand 
ways  in  the  numerous  ratifications  which  oppose  the  swarm 
of  libels  reproaching  us  for  exceeding  our  powers.  These 
addresses,  felicitations,  compliments,  and  patriotic  resolu- 
tions,—  what  a  conclusive  confirmation  do  they  constitute 
of  those  powers  which  some  would  contest ! 

These,  Frenchmen,  are  the  reproaches  which  have  been 
directed  against  your  representatives  in  the  mass  of  culpable 
writings  in  which  a  tone  of  civic  grief  is  assumed.  But  their 
authors  flatter  themselves  in  vain  that  we  are  to  be  discour- 
aged. Our  courage  is  redoubled ;  you  will  not  long  wait  for 
the  results.1  .  .  .  We  will  pursue  our  laborious  task,  devot- 
ing ourselves  to  the  great  work  of  drawing  up  the  constitu- 
tion —  your  work  as  well  as  ours.  We  will  complete  it, 
aided  by  the  wisdom  of  all  France. 

1  The  reforms  which  the  Assembly  announces  for  the  future  are 
omitted  here.  The  chief  were  an  enlightened  system  of  taxes,  a  reor- 
ganization of  the  Church,  new  codes  of  the  criminal  and  civil  law,  and 
a  national  system  of  education. 


The  French  Revolution 


423 


VII.  The  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy 

The  reorganization  of  the  Church  which  followed  upon   401.  The 
the  confiscation  of  its  vast  possessions  is  an  excellent   "viiconsti- 

1  tution  of 

illustration  of  the  spirit  of  the  National  Assembly.  The  the  clergy 
demand  for  complete  uniformity  and  simplification  is  iipoT.12' 
especially  pronounced  in  the  reform  of  this  most  vener- 
,  able  institution  of  France,  the  anomalies  and  intricacies 
of  which  were  hallowed  not  only  by  age  but  by  religious 
reverence.  The  chief  articles  are  given  below,  and  indi- 
cate how  completely  the  Assembly  desired  to  bring  the 
Church  under  rules  similar  to  those  which  they  were 
drawing  up  for  the  state. 

The  National  Assembly,  after  having  heard  the  report  of 
the  ecclesiastical  committee,  has  decreed  and  do  decree  the 
following  as  constitutional  articles  : 


Title  1 

Article  I.  Each  department  shall  form  a  single  dio- 
cese, and  each  diocese  shall  have  the  same  extent  and  the 
same  limits  as  the  department. 

II.  The  seat  of  the  bishoprics  of  the  eighty-three  depart- 
ments of  the  kingdom  shall  be  established  as  follows  :  that 
of  the  department  of  the  Lower  Seine  at  Rouen ;  that  of  the 
department  of  Calvados  at  Bayeux.1  .  .  . 

All  other  bishoprics  in  the  eighty-three  departments  of 
the  kingdom,  which  are  not  included  by  name  in  the  present 
article,  are,  and  forever  shall  be,  abolished. 

The  kingdom  shall  be  divided  into  ten  metropolitan  dis- 
tricts, of  which  the  sees  shall  be  situated  at  Rouen,  Rheims, 
Besancon,  Rennes,  Paris,  Bourges,  Bordeaux,  Toulouse,  Aix, 
and  Lyons.  These  archbishoprics  shall  have  the  following 
denominations  :  that  of  Rouen  shall  be  called  the  Archbish- 
opric of  the  Coast  of  the  Channel.2  .   .  . 

1  The  names  of  the  remaining  episcopal  sees  are  here  omitted. 

2  The  remaining  names  of  the  archbishoprics  are  here  omitted. 


New  bishop- 
rics to  coin- 
cide with  the 
departments- 


424 


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The  jurisdic- 
tion of  no 
foreign 
bishops  to  be 
any  longer 
recognized. 


New  parish 
divisions. 


General 
abolition  of 
ancient 
ecclesiastical 
offices. 


Election  of 
bishops  and 
priests  by 
the  regular 
voters. 


IV.  No  church  or  parish  of  France  nor  any  French  citi- 
zen may  acknowledge  upon  any  occasion,  or  upon  any  pre- 
text whatsoever,  the  authority  of  an  ordinary  bishop  or  of  an 
archbishop  whose  see  shall  be  under  the  supremacy  of  a 
foreign  power,  nor  that  of  his  representatives  residing  in 
France  or  elsewhere ;  without  prejudice,  however,  to  the 
unity  of  the  faith  and  the  intercourse  which  shall  be  main- 
tained with  the  visible  head  of  the  universal  Church,  as 
hereafter  provided. 

VI.  A  new  arrangement  and  division  of  all  the  parishes 
of  the  kingdom  shall  be  undertaken  immediately  in  concert 
with  the  bishop  and  the  district  administration. 

XX.  All  titles  and  offices  other  than  those  mentioned  in 
the  present  constitution,  dignities,  canonries,  prebends,  half 
prebends,  chapels,  chaplainships,  both  in  cathedral  and  col- 
legiate churches,  all  regular  and  secular  chapters  for  either 
sex,  abbacies  and  priorships,  both  regular  and  in  conwiendam, 
for  either  sex,  as  well  as  all  other  benefices  and  prestimonies 
in  general,  of  whatever  kind  or  denomination,  are  from  the 
day  of  this  decree  extinguished  and  abolished  and  shall  never 
be  reestablished  in  any  form. 

Title  II 

Article  I.  Beginning  with  the  day  of  publication  of  the 
present  decree,  there  shall  be  but  one  mode  of  choosing 
bishops  and  parish  priests,  namely  that  of  election. 

II.  All  elections  shall  be  by  ballot  and  shall  be  decided 
by  the  absolute  majority  of  the  votes. 

III.  The  election  of  bishops  shall  take  place  according 
to  the  forms  and  by  the  electoral  body  designated  in  the 
decree  of  December  22,  1789,  for  the  election  of  members 
of  the  departmental  assembly. 

VI.  The  election  of  a  bishop  can  only  take  place  or  be 
undertaken  upon  Sunday,  in  the  principal  church  of  the 
chief  town  of  the  department,  at  the  close  of  the  parish  mass, 
at  which  all  the  electors  are  required  to  be  present. 

VII.  In  order  to  be  eligible  to  a  bishopric,  one  must  have 
fulfilled  for  fifteen  years  at  least  the  duties  of  the  church 


The  French  Revolution 


425 


ministry  in  the  diocese,  as  a  parish  priest,  officiating  minister, 
or  curate,  or  as  superior,  or  as  directing  vicar  of  the  seminary. 

XIX.  The  new  bishop  may  not  apply  to  the  pope  for  any 
form  of  confirmation,  but  shall  write  to  him,  as  to  the  visible 
head  of  the  universal  Church,  as  a  testimony  to  the  unity  of 
faith  and  communion  maintained  with  him. 

XXI.  Before  the  ceremony  of  consecration  begins,  the 
bishop  elect  shall  take  a  solemn  oath,  in  the  presence  of  the 
municipal  officers,  of  the  people,  and  of  the  clergy,  to  guard 
with  care  the  faithful  of  his  diocese  who  are  confided  to  him, 
to  be  loyal  to  the  nation,  the  law,  and  the  king,  and  to  support 
with  all  his  power  the  constitution  decreed  by  the  National 
Assembly  and  accepted  by  the  king. 

XXV.  The  election  of  the  parish  priests  shall  take  place 
according  to  the  forms  and  by  the  electors  designated  in  the 
decree  of  December  22,  1789,  for  the  election  of  members  of 
the  administrative  assembly  of  the  district. 

XL.  Bishoprics  and  cures  shall  be  looked  upon  as  vacant 
until  those  elected  to  fill  them  shall  have  taken  the  oath 
above  mentioned. 


Bishops 
required  to 
take  an  oath 
to  support 
the  new 
constitution 


Title  III 

Article  I.  The  ministers  of  religion,  performing  as  they 
do  the  first  and  most  important  functions  of  society  and 
forced  to  live  continuously  in  the  place  where  they  discharge 
the  offices  to  which  they  have  been  called  by  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  shall  be  supported  by  the  nation. 

II.  Every  bishop,  priest,  and  officiating  clergyman  in  a 
chapel  of  ease  shall  be  furnished  with  a  suitable  dwelling,  on 
condition,  however,  that  the  occupant  shall  make  all  the  neces- 
sary current  repairs.  This  shall  not  affect  at  present,  in  any 
way,  those  parishes  where  the  priest  now  receives  a  money 
equivalent  instead  of  his  dwelling.  The  departments  shall, 
moreover,  have  cognizance  of  suits  arising  in  this  connection, 
brought  by  the  parishes  and  by  the  priests.  Salaries  shall 
be  assigned  to  each,  as  indicated  below. 

III.  The  bishop  of  Paris  shall  receive  fifty  thousand  livres; 
the  bishops  of  the  cities  having  a  population  of  fifty  thousand 


Salaries  of 
bishops  and 
priests. 


426 


Readings  in  European  History 


or  more,  twenty  thousand  livres  ;  other  bishops,  twelve  thou- 
sand livres. 

V.  The  salaries  of  the  parish  priests  shall  be  as  follows  : 
in  Paris,  six  thousand  livres ;  in  cities  having  a  population 
of  fifty  thousand  or  over,  four  thousand  livres  ;  in  those 
having  a  population  of  less  than  fifty  thousand  and  more 
than  ten  thousand,  three  thousand  livres  ;  in  cities  and  towns 
of  which  the  population  is  below  ten  thousand  and  more  than 
three  thousand,  twenty-four  hundred  livres. 

In  all  other  cities,  towns,  and  villages  where  the  parish 
shall  have  a  population  between  three  thousand  and  twenty- 
five  hundred,  two  thousand  livres  ;  in  those  between  twenty- 
five  hundred  and  two  thousand,  eighteen  hundred  livres;  in 
those  having  a  population  of  less  than  two  thousand,  and 
more  than  one  thousand,  the  salary  shall  be  fifteen  hundred 
livres ;  in  those  having  one  thousand  inhabitants  and  under, 
twelve  hundred  livres. 

VII.  The  salaries  in  money  of  the  ministers  of  religion 
shall  be  paid  every  three  months,  in  advance,  by  the  treasurer 
of  the  district. 

XII.  In  view  of  the  salary  which  is  assured  to  them  by 
the  present  constitution,  the  bishops,  parish  priests,  and 
curates  shall  perform  the  episcopal  and  priestly  functions 


gratis. 


Title  IV 


Bishops  and  Article  I.  The  law  requiring  the  residence  of  ecclesi- 

priests  must     astics   in   the  districts  under  their  charge  shall  be  strictly 

residence  and   observed.    All  vested  with  an  ecclesiastical  office  or  func- 

perform  their   tion  shall  be  subject  to  this,  without  distinction  or  exception. 

duties-  II.   No  bishop  shall  absent  himself  from  his  diocese  more 

than  two  weeks   consecutively  during  the  year,  except    in 

case  of  real  necessity  and  with  the  consent  of  the  directory 

of  the  department  in  which  his  see  is  situated. 

III.  In  the  same  manner,  the  parish  priests  and  the 
curates  may  not  absent  themselves  from  the  place  of  their 
duties  beyond  the  term  fixed  above,  except  for  weighty 
reasons,  and  even  in  such  cases  the  priests  must  obtain 


The  French  Revolution  427 

the  permission  both  of  their  bishop  and  of  the  directory  of 
their  district,  and  the  curates  that  of  the  parish  priest. 

VI.  Bishops,  parish  priests,  and  curates  may,  as  active 
citizens,  be  present  at  the  primary  and  electoral  assemblies ; 
they  may  be  chosen  electors,  or  as  deputies  to  the  legisla- 
tive body,  or  as  members  of  the  general  council  of  the  com- 
munes or  of  the  administrative  councils  of  their  districts  or 
departments. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Cahiers :  Lowell,  Eve  of  the  French  Revolution,  Chapters  XXI-    A.  Refer 
XXII,  pp.  342-376 ;   Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  134-144.    ences. 

The  Pamphlets:  Lowell,  Chapter  XX,  pp.  322-341. 

Convocation  of  the  Estates  General :  Mathews,  The  French  Revo- 
lution, Chapter  VIII,  pp.  102-110;  Stephens,  H.  Morse,  History  of 
the  French  Revolution,  Vol.  I,  Prologue,  and  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-54  ;  Cam- 
bridge Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  96-118. 

Opening  of  the  National  Assembly:  Mathews,  Chapter  IX, 
pp.  111-124;  Stephens,  Chapter  II,  pp.  55-74;  Ca?n bridge  Modern 
History,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  145-158. 

Fall  of  the  Bastile:  Mathews,  Chapter  X,  pp.  125-137;  Stephens, 
pp.  128-145  ;   Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  159-169. 

The  Country  at  Large  in  Summer  of  1789:  Stephens,  Chapter  VI, 
pp.  169-197. 

Abolition  of  the  Ancien  Regime:  Mathews,  Chapters  XI-XII, 
pp.  138-165. 

The  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy:  Stephens,  Chapter  X, 
pp.  291-309. 

[For  the  full  bibliography  of  the  French  Revolution,  see  close  of  the 
following  chapter.] 


CHAPTER    XXXVI 

THE  FIRST   FRENCH   REPUBLIC 

I.  The  Flight  of  the  King  and  the  Origin  of  a 

Republican  Party 

The  National  Assembly,  which  had  done  so  much  to 
reform  France,  was  drawing  to  a  close  in  the  summer  of 
1 79 1,  after  two  years  of  arduous  labor.  It  was  subject- 
ing the  new  constitution  which  it  had  been  drafting  to  a 
final  revision  before  it  left  the  task  of  government  to 
the  king  and  the  Legislative  Assembly,  after  carefully 
defining  and  restricting  the  powers  of  both.  The  flight 
of  the  king  toward  the  eastern  frontier,  on  June  20, 
1 79 1,  served  to  show  how  slight  was  the  chance  that 
the  new  government  would  succeed,  when  the  monarch 
was  ready  to  desert  his  people  in  order  to  put  himself  in 
the  hands  of  foreign  powers  and  of  the  runaway  nobles. 
The  impression  that  the  news  of  the  king's  flight  made 
upon  the  people  of  Paris  is  described  by  Prudhomme,  a 
well-known  journalist  of  the  time,  in  his  newspaper. 

402.  How  It  was  not  until  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  that  the  muni- 

thePari-        cipal  government  announced,  bv  firms:  a  cannon  thrice,  the 

sians  viewed  .  ,    ,       ,  _f       .    ° .  ,  , 

the  flight  of    unexpected  event  of  the  day.    But  for  three  hours  the  news 

the  king         had  already  been  passing  from  mouth  to  mouth  and  was 

ioif  20>        circulating  in  all  quarters  of  the  city.    During  these  three 

(From  Prud-    hours  many  outrages  might  have  been  committed.    The  king 

homme's         hacl  gone.    This  news  produced  a  moment  of  anxiety,  and 

de  Paris.)         everybody  ran  in  a  crowd  to  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries  to 

see  if  it  were  true ;  but  every  one  turned  almost  immediately 

428 


The  First  French  Republic 


429 


to  the  hall  where  the  National  Assembly  met,  declaring  that 
their  king  was  in  there  and  that  Louis  XVI  might  go  where 
he  pleased. 

Then  the  people  became  curious  to  visit  the  apartments 
vacated  by  the  royal  family;  they  traversed  them  all,  and 
we  questioned  the  sentinels  we  found  there,  "  Where,  and 
how,  could  he  have  escaped?  How  could  this  fat  royal  per- 
son, who  complained  of  the  meanness  of  his  lodging,  manage 
to  make  himself  invisible  to  the  sentries,  —  he  whose  girth 
would  stop  up  any  passage?  "  The  soldiers  of  the  guard  had 
nothing  to  say  to  this.  We  insisted  :  "  This  flight  is  not 
natural ;  your  commanders  must  have  been  in  the  plot,  .  .  . 
for  while  you  were  at  your  post  Louis  XVI  left  his  with- 
out your  knowing  it  and  yet  passing  close  to  you."  These 
reflections,  which  naturally  suggested  themselves,  account 
for  the  reception  which  made  Lafayette  pale  when  he 
appeared  in  the  Place  de  Greve  and  passed  along  the  quays. 
He  took  refuge  in  the  National  Assembly,  where  he  made 
some  confessions  that  did  little  to  restore  him  to  popu- 
lar favor. 

Far  from  being  "famished  for  a  glimpse  of  the  king,"  the 
people  proved,  by  the  way  in  which  they  took  the  escape 
of  Louis  XVI,  that  they  were  sick  of  the  throne  and  tired 
of  paying  for  it.  If  they  had  known,  moreover,  that  Louis 
XVI,  in  his  message,  which  was  just  then  being  read  in  the 
National  Assembly,  complained  "  that  he  had  not  been  able 
to  find  in  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries  the  most  simple  con- 
veniences of  life,"  the  people  might  have  been  roused  to 
some  excess ;  but  they  knew  their  own  strength  and  did  not 
permit  themselves  any  of  those  little  exhibitions  of  ven- 
geance which  are  natural  to  irritated  weakness. 

They  contented  themselves  with  making  sport,   in  their    Conduct  of 
own  way,  of  royalty  and  of  the  man  who  was  invested  with    the  P°Pulace 

Til  .       /    t       1  .  r  i  m  the  royal 

it.     I  he  portrait  of  the  king  was  taken  down  from  its  place    apartments. 
of  honor  and  hung  on  the  door.    A  fruit  woman  took  pos- 
session of  Antoinette's  bed  and  used  it  to  display  her  cher- 
ries, saying,  "  It 's  the  nation's  turn  now  to  be  comfortable." 
A  young  girl  refused  to  let  them  put  the  queen's  bonnet  on 


430  Readings  in  European  History 

her  head  and  trampled  on  it  with  indignation  and  contempt. 
They  had  more  respect  for  the  dauphin's  study, — but  we 
should  blush  to  report  the  titles  of  the  books  which  his 
mother  had  selected. 

The  streets  and  public  squares  offered  a  spectacle  of  an- 
other kind.  The  national  force  deployed  itself  everywhere 
in  an  imposing  manner.  The  brave  Santerre  alone  enrolled 
two  thousand  pikemen  in  his  faubourg.  These  were  n?t  the 
"  active  "  citizens  and  the  royal  bluecoats,  that  were  enjoy- 
ing the  honors  of  the  celebration.  The  woolen  caps  reap- 
peared and  eclipsed  the  bearskins.  The  women  contested 
with  the  men  the  duty  of  guarding  the  city  gates,  saying, 
"  It  was  the  women  who  brought  the  king  to  Paris  and  the 
men  who  let  him  escape."  But  do  not  boast  too  loudly,  ladies; 
it  was  not  much  of  a  present,  after  all. 

The  prevailing  spirit  was  apathy  in  regard  to  kings  in 
general  and  contempt  for  Louis  XVI  in  particular.  This 
showed  itself  in  the  least  details.  On  the  Place  de  Greve 
the  people  broke  up  a  bust  of  Louis  XVI,  which  was  illu- 
minated by  that  celebrated  lantern  which  had  been  a  source 
of  terror  to  the  enemies  of  the  Revolution.  When  will  the 
people  execute  justice  upon  all  these  bronze  kings,  monu- 
ments of  our  idolatry  ?  In  the  Rue  St.  Honore  they  forced 
a  dealer  to  sacrifice  a  plaster  head  which  somewhat  resem- 
bled Louis  XVI.  In  another  shop  they  contented  them- 
selves with  putting  a  paper  band  over  his  eyes.  The  words 
"king,"  "queen,"  "royal,"  "Bourbon,"  "Louis,"  "court," 
"  Monsieur,"  "  the  king's  brother,"  were  effaced  wherever 
they  were  found  on  pictures  or  on  the  signs  over  shops 
and  stores. 

While  the  National  Assembly  naturally  tried  to  shield 
the  king  after  his  unmistakable  attempt  to  escape 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  France,  many  leaders  in 
the  clubs  denounced  him  as  a  traitor  and  demanded 
his  deposition.  A  petition  was  drafted  in  which  the 
National  Assembly  was  requested  to  regard  the  flight 


The  Fi?rst  French  Republic 


431 


of  Louis  XVI  as  tantamount  to  his  abdication.  This  was 
submitted  on  July  17  to  the  crowds  which  collected  on 
the  Champ  de  Mars  in  Paris.  Some  disorder  having 
arisen,  the  crowd  treated  the  National  Guard  with  dis- 
respect, and  the  command  was  finally  given  to  fire  upon 
the  people.  Lafayette,  then  head  of  the  guard,  and  others 
tried  later  to  justify  the  harsh  command,  and  were  furi- 
ously attacked  by  Marat  in  his  famous  newspaper,  The 
People's  Friend.  The  following  extract  from  it  furnishes 
a  good  illustration  of  the  attitude  of  the  violent  repub- 
licans at  this  time. 


O  credulous  Parisians !  can  you  be  duped  by  these  shame- 
ful deceits  and  cowardly  impostures  ?  See  if  their  aim  in 
massacring  the  patriots  was  not  to  annihilate  your  clubs  ! 
Even  while  the  massacre  was  going  on,  the  emissaries  of 
Mottier  [i.e.  Lafayette]  were  running  about  the  streets  mix- 
ing with  the  groups  of  people  and  loudly  accusing  the  fra- 
ternal societies  and  the  club  of  the  Cordeliers  of  causing 
the  misfortunes.  The  same  evening  the  club  of  the  Corde- 
liers, wishing  to  come  together,  found  the  doors  of  their 
place  of  meeting  nailed  up.  Two  pieces  of  artillery  barred 
the  entrance  to  the  Fraternal  Society,  and  only  those  con- 
script fathers  who  were  sold  to  the  court  were  permitted  to 
enter  the  Jacobin  Club,  by  means  of  their  deputy's  cards. 

Not  satisfied  with  annihilating  the  patriotic  associations, 
these  scoundrels  violate  the  liberty  of  the  press,  annihilate 
the  Declaration  of  Rights  —  the  rights  of  nature.  Cowardly 
citizens,  can  you  hear  this  without  trembling?  They  declare 
the  oppressed,  who,  in  order  to  escape  their  tyranny,  would 
make  a  weapon  of  his  despair  and  counsel  the  massacre  of 
his  oppressors,  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace.  They  declare 
every  citizen  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace  who  cries,  in  an 
uprising,  to  the  ferocious  satellites  to  lower  or  lay  down  their 
arms,  thus  metamorphosing  into  crimes  the  very  humanity  of 
peaceful  citizens,  the  cries  of  terror  and  natural  self-defense. 


403.  Marat 
attacks 
Lafayette 
and  the 
royalists. 


432 


Readings  in  European  History 


404.  The 
Declaration 
of  Pillnitz 
(August  27, 
1791). 


Infamous  legislators,  vile  scoundrels,  monsters  satiated 
with  gold  and  blood,  privileged  brigands  who  traffic  with  the 
monarch,  with  our  fortunes,  our  rights,  our  liberty,  and  our 
lives !  You  thought  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  patri- 
otic writers  and  paralyze  them  with  fright  at  the  sight  of  the 
punishments  you  inflict.  I  flatter  myself  that  they  will  not 
soften.  As  for  The  Friend  of  the  People,  you  know  that  for  a 
long  time  your  decrees  directed  against  the  Declaration  of 
Rights  have  been  waste  paper  to  him.  Could  he  but  rally 
at  his  call  two  thousand  determined  men  to  save  the  coun- 
try, he  would  proceed  at  their  head  to  tear  out  the  heart  of 
the  infernal  Mottier  in  the  midst  of  his  battalions  of  slaves. 
He  would  burn  the  monarch  and  his  minions  in  his  palace, 
and  impale  you  on  your  seats  and  bury  you  in  the  burning 
ruins  of  your  lair. 

The  flight  of  the  king,  his  arrest  at  Varennes,  and 
the  agitation  which  accompanied  and  followed  the  affair 
led  the  queen's  brother,  the  Emperor  Leopold,  to  issue, 
in  concert  with  the  king  of  Prussia,  the  Declaration  of 
Pillnitz.  This  was  regarded  by  the  French  as  an  expres- 
sion  of  sympathy  for  the  Emigres  and  as  a  promise  to 
form  a  European  alliance  for  the  purpose  of  undoing  the 
Revolution  in  France.  To  those  who  signed  the  decla- 
ration it  was,  however,  scarcely  more  than  an  empty- 
threat,  which  they  had  little  idea  of  carrying  out. 

His  Majesty  the  Emperor  and  his  Majesty  the  king  of 
Prussia,  having  given  attention  to  the  wishes  and  represen- 
tations of  Monsieur  [the  brother  of  the  king  of  France],  and 
of  Monsieur  le  Comte  d'Artois,  jointly  declare  that  they 
regard  the  present  situation  of  his  Majesty  the  king  of 
France  as  a  matter  of  common  interest  to  all  the  sovereigns 
of  Europe.  They  trust  that  this  interest  will  not  fail  to  be 
recognized  by  the  powers,  whose  aid  is  solicited ;  and  that 
in  consequence  they  will  not  refuse  to  employ,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  their  said  majesties,  the  most  efficient  means,  in 


The  First  FrencJi  Republic 


433 


proportion  to  their  resources,  to  place  the  king  of  France  in 

a  position  to  establish,  with  the  most  absolute  freedom,  the 

foundations  of  a  monarchical  form   of  government,  which 

shall  at  once  be  in  harmony  with  the  rights  of  sovereigns 

and  promote  the  welfare  of  the  French  nation.    In  that  case1 

their  said  majesties  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  Prussia  are 

resolved  to  act  promptly  and  in  common  accord  with  the 

forces  necessary  to  obtain  the  desired  common  end. 

In  the  meantime  they  will  give  such  orders  to  their  troops 

as  are  necessary  in  order  that  these  may  be  ready  to  be 

called  into  active  service. 

Leopold. 

Frederick  William. 
Pillnitz,  August  27,  1791. 


II.  A  Royalist's  View  of  the  Achievements  Of  the 

National  Assembly 

The  views  of  the  more  conservative  royalists  in  re-   405.  Opinion 
gard  to  the  work  of  the  National  Assembly  are  expressed    servative 
in  the  following  editorial  in  the  well-known  periodical,    royalist  on 

...  .  .  the  work  of 

Le  Mercure  de  France.    This  article  was  written  by  Mai-   the  National 

let  du  Pan,  the  editor,  who,  although  he  clearly  realized    Assembly- 

the  vices  of  the  Ancien  Regime  and   did   not   wish  it 

restored,  nevertheless  held,   like  many  thoughtful  men 

of  the  time,  that  the  Assembly  had  been  very  unwise 

in  its  methods. 

The  Constitutional  Assembly  cannot  fail,  without  denying 
positive  and  accepted  facts,  to  recognize  that,  as  a  result 
of  its  doctrines  and  action,  it  leaves  every  religious  principle 
destroyed,  morals  in  the  last  stage  of  degradation,  free  sway 


1  Namely,  in  case  the  other  powers  agreed  to  join  them  in  checking 
the  Revolution.  The  signers  of  the  declaration  well  knew  that  England 
would  not  associate  itself  with  them  for  such  a  purpose  and  that  conse- 
quently their  threat  would  not  be  executed. 


434  Readings  in  European  History 

to  every  vice,  the  rights  of  property  violated  and  under- 
mined, our  forces,  both  land  and  naval,  in  a  worse  state 
than  at  the  opening  of  its  reign  ;  that  it  has  shaken,  if  not 
destroyed,  the  foundation  of  all  military  organization ;  that 
it  leaves  our  finances  in  chaos,  the  public  debt  considerably 
augmented,  the  annual  deficit,  according  to  the  most  favor- 
able calculators,  increased  by  half,  the  taxes  in  arrears,  their 
payment  suspended,  having  struck  at  their  very  roots  by  the 
recklessness  of  an  absolutely  new  system  of  which  the  imme- 
diate effects  have  been  to  make  the  people  regard  themselves 
as  freed  from  taxation. 

It  cannot  disguise  from  itself  that  our  influence  and  repu- 
tation in  Europe  are  eclipsed ;  that  our  commerce  is  less 
flourishing,  our  industry  less  productive,  our  population 
less  numerous ;  that  our  labor  has  decreased  as  well  as  the 
national  wealth ;  that  it  has  caused  the  disappearance  of  the 
specie  and  dissipated  an  enormous  amount  of  the  public 
capital;  that,  finally,  our  internal  police,  in  spite  of  numer- 
ous guards,  is  more  oppressive  and  less  effective  than  it  was 
before  the  Revolution. 

We  will  add,  what  no  one  can  deny,  that  the  number  of 
unfortunates  of  all  classes  has  increased  to  a  most  frightful 
extent ;  that  misery  and  despair  cast  a  funeral  pall  over  the 
songs  of  triumph,  the  illuminations,  the  Te  Deums  and  con- 
gratulatory speeches.  I  do  not  speak  of  the  clergy  and 
nobility ;  their  condition  and  birth  having  rendered  them 
criminal  in  the  eyes  of  the  dominant  party,  their  misfortunes 
are  undoubtedly  well-merited  punishments,  and  four  or  five 
hundred  private  individuals,  having  declared  themselves 
inviolable,  have  assumed  the  right  to  determine  their  fate 
as  the  judge  determines  that  of  criminals  ;  but  I  ask  that 
a  single  class  of  Frenchmen,  except  the  stockbrokers,  be 
pointed  out  to  me  whose  fortunes  have  not  diminished  and 
whose  resources  and  prosperity  have  not  been  painfully 
affected ! 

In  order  justly  to  appreciate  the  conduct  of  our  first  law- 
makers, we  must  avoid  the  sophism  by  which  they  have  con- 
stantly fascinated  the  common  people,  —  that  of  comparing 


The  First  FrencJi  Republic  435 

the  present  situation  of  France  with  the  disastrous  results 
of  the  most  horrible  despotism.  That  is  a  false  standpoint  to 
which  knaves  and  fools  are  always  careful  to  revert.  A  vast 
number  of  citizens  do  not  desire  the  old  any  more  than  the 
new  re'gime,  and  the  reproaches  heaped  upon  the  latter  have 
no  bearing  on  the  reform  of  the  older  system.  In  order  to 
overcome  the  disapprobation  of  the  citizens  it  must  be  proved 
that,  without  the  action  of  the  Assembly  and  the  public  and 
private  calamities  which  this  has  involved,  France  would 
never  have  gained  freedom,  the  security  of  person  and  prop- 
erty, safety,  which  is  the  first  condition  of  a  good  gov- 
ernment, peace,  which  is  its  sign,  political  equality,  plenty, 
strength,  order,  and  general  consideration.  It  would,  more- 
over, have  to  be  proved  that  the  Assembly  had  not  the  power 
to  choose  other  institutions  ;  that  no  middle  course  presented 
itself,  and  that  the  only  government  adapted  to  the  existing 
exigencies  was  that  which  the  Assembly  proclaimed,  since  no 
other  offered  such  obvious  advantages  or  a  more  evidently 
propitious  future. 


III.  Origin  of  the  Jacobin  Club 

The  spontaneous  origin  of  the  Jacobin  Club,  which 
was  to  play  such  a  conspicuous  role  in  the  Revolution,  is 
here  described  by  one  of  its  prominent  early  members, 
Alexandre  de  Lameth.  The  society  grew  with  astonishing 
rapidity.  By  December,  1790,  there  were  eleven  hundred 
names  enrolled  upon  the  list  of  Paris  members,  and  by 
June,  1 79 1,  the  affiliated  clubs  throughout  the  provinces 
numbered  four  hundred  and  six.  It  must  not  be  sup- 
posed that  the  Jacobins  represented  a  well-defined  policy 
or  defended  a  single  set  of  political  opinions.  Nor  were 
they  by  any  means  always  in  agreement  among  them- 
selves. For  example,  in  the  winter  of  1 791-1792  a 
strong  party  among  them  opposed  the  growing  tendency 


436 


Readings  in  European  History 


406.  How 
the  Jacobin 
Club  origi- 
nated in 
1789. 


to  involve  France  in  a  war  with  Europe.  Lameth  makes 
clear  the  way  in  which  the  society  supplemented  the 
National  Assembly. 

After  the  transfer  of  the  Assembly  to  Paris  [October, 
1789],  the  deputies  from  provinces  which  were  distant  from 
the  capital,  and  who,  for  the  most  part,  had  never  visited 
Paris  (for  traveling  was  not  so  easy  then  as  it  is  now), 
experienced  a  sort  of  terror  at  the  idea  of  being  alone  and, 
so  to  speak,  lost  in  the  midst  of  this  huge  city.  They  almost 
all,  consequently,  endeavored  to  lodge  as  near  as  possible  to 
the  Assembly,  which  then  sat  near  the  Feuillants  (at  the 
point  where  the  Rue  de  Rivoli  and  the  Rue  Castiglione  now 
intersect),  in  order  that  they  might  be  easily  found  in  case 
of  necessity.  But  they  were  desirous  that  there  should  also 
be  a  place  where  they  might  meet  to  agree  upon  the  direc- 
tion of  public  matters.  They  applied  to  residents  of  the 
capital  in  whom  they  had  confidence  ;  a  search  was  made  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Assembly,  and  the  refectory  of  the 
convent  of  the  Jacobins  was  leased  for  two  hundred  francs 
a  year.  The  necessary  furniture,  which  consisted  of  chairs 
and  tables  for  the  committee,  was  procured  for  a  like  sum. 

At  the  first  session  about  one  hundred  deputies  were 
present,  the  next  day  double  that  number.  The  Baron  de 
Menou  was  elected  president,  and  Target,  Barnave,  Alex- 
andre de  Lameth,  Le  Chapelier,  and  Adrien  du  Port  were 
elected  secretaries,  as  well  as  three  others  whose  names  have 
escaped  me.  A  committee  was  chosen  to  draw  up  a  list  of 
regulations,  of  which  Barnave  was  the  chairman.  The  soci- 
ety decided  on  the  name  Friends  of  the  Constitution.  It  was 
determined  that  all  members  of  the  Assembly  should  be  ad- 
mitted, but  only  such  other  persons  should  be  received  as 
had  published  useful  works.  The  first  to  be  thus  received 
were  Condorcet,  the  Marquis  de  Casotte,  a  distinguished 
economist,  the  Abbe  Lecamus,  a  mathematician,  and  a  small 
number  of  other  savants  or  publicists. 

The  aim  of  the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  the  Constitution 
was  to  discuss  questions  which  were  already,  or  were  about  to 


The  First  French  Republic  437 

be  placed,  upon  the  calendar  of  the  National  Assembly.  It 
cannot  be  denied  that,  inasmuch  as  the  non-deputies  present 
exercised  no  restraint  upon  these  discussions,  they  often  had 
more  force  and  brilliancy  than  in  the  Assembly  itself,  where 
one  found  himself  hindered  by  the  violent  contradictions  of 
the  right  wing,  and  often  intimidated  by  a  crowd  of  spectators. 

This  preliminary  consideration  shed  a  great  deal  of  light 
upon  the  discussions  in  the  Assembly.  The  resolve  to  decide 
within  the  society  itself,  by  preliminary  ballots,  the  nominees 
for  president,  secretaries,  and  the  committees  of  the  Assem- 
bly, proved  a  great  advantage  to  the  popular  party;  for  from 
that  time  the  elections  were  almost  always  carried  by  the  left, 
although  up  to  that  time  they  had  been  almost  entirely  con- 
trolled by  the  right.  Camus,  an  ecclesiastical  lawyer,  then 
president  and  since  become  a  republican,  had  been  elected 
by  the  aristocracy. 

The  number  of  the  deputies  who  customarily  frequented 
the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  the  Constitution  quickly  rose  to 
nearly  four  hundred.  The  number  of  writers  also  increased 
in  a  marked  ratio.  But  it  was  not  long  before  the  condition 
of  having  published  a  useful  book  was  no  longer  required 
for  admission  to  the  society,  and  it  was  decided  that  it  was 
sufficient  to  have  been  recommended  by  six  members.  The 
organization  then  grew  larger,  and  no  longer  possessed  the 
same  solidity  in  its  composition.  Very  soon  the  place  of 
meeting  became  insufficient,  and  permission  was  obtained 
from  the  monks  of  the  convent  to  meet  in  their  library,  and 
later,  in  their  church. 

Along  in  December,  1789,  many  of  the  leading  inhabitants 
of  the  provinces,  having  come  to  Paris  either  on  private  busi- 
ness or  to  follow  more  closely  the  course  of  public  affairs, 
had  themselves  introduced  at  the  society  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  establish  similar  ones  in  the  chief  cities  of  France  ; 
for  they  felt  that  these  associations  of  citizens  intent  upon 
defending  the  cause  of  public  interest  would  form  an  efficient 
means  of  counteracting  the  violent  opposition  of  "the  aristoc- 
racy, a  class  which  had  not  yet  lost  the  power  which  it  had 
so  long  exercised. 


43 8  Readings  in  European  History 

IV.  The  Legislative  Assembly  and  the  Enemies  of 

the  Revolution 

The  early  months  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  were 
mainly  occupied  with  the  policy  to  be  pursued  toward 
three  classes  of  opponents  to  the  Revolution,  —  the  run- 
away nobles,  the  foreign  powers,  who  seemed  ready  to 
aid  them,  and,  at  home,  the  members  of  the  clergy, 
who  refused  to  support  the  new  constitution.  The  king 
was  also  regarded  with  the  greatest  suspicion.  Since 
the  flight  to  Varennes  and  the  Declaration  of  Pillnitz  it 
seemed  clear  to  both  the  Assembly  and  the  people  at 
large  that  the  king  was  in  all  probability  relying  upon 
help  from  foreign  powers.  That  they  were  quite  right 
in  this  assumption  has  since  been  proved  by  the  discov- 
ery of  letters  like  the  following  which  Louis  was  at  the 
time  secretly  dispatching  to  his  fellow-monarchs. 

My  Brother:  Paris'  December  3.  *79i. 

407.  Letter  I  have  learned  through  M.  du  Moustier  of  the  interest 
of  Louis  XVI  which  your  Majesty  has  expressed  not  only  in  my  person 
of  Prussia2  but  a^so  m  ^e  welfare  °f  my  kingdom.  In  giving  me  these 
suggesting  proofs,  the  attitude  of  your  Majesty  has,  in  all  cases  where 
foreign  inter-  y0ur  interest  might  prove  advantageous  to  my  people,  excited 
French  my  lively  appreciation.    I  confidently  take  advantage  of  it 

affairs.  at  this  time  when,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  I  have  accepted 

the  new  constitution,  seditious  leaders  are  openly  exhibit- 
ing their  purpose  of  entirely  destroying  the  remnants  of  the 
monarchy.  I  have  just  addressed  myself  to  the  emperor, 
the  empress  of  Russia,  and  to  the  kings  of  Spain  and  Swe- 
den ;  I  am  suggesting  to  them  the  idea  of  a  congress  of  the 
chief  powers  of  Europe,  supported  by  an  armed  force,  as  the 
best  means-  of  checking  seditious  parties,  of  establishing  a 
more  desirable  order  of  things,  and  of  preventing  the  evil 
which  afflicts  us  from  reaching  the  other  states  of  Europe. 


The  First  French  Republic 


439 


I  trust  that  your  Majesty  will  approve  my  ideas,  and  that 
you  will  maintain  the  most  absolute  secrecy  about  the  propo- 
sition I  am  making  to  you.  You  will  easily  understand  that 
the  circumstances  in  which  I  find  myself  force  me  to  ob- 
serve the  greatest  caution.  That  is  why  no  one  but  the 
baron  of  Breteuil  is  informed  of  my  plans,  and  your  Majesty 
may  therefore  communicate  to  him  anything  you  wish.  .   .  . 

Your  good  brother, 

Louis. 

The  king  not  unnaturally  refused  to  sanction  the 
edicts  which  the  Assembly  directed  against  the  emi- 
grant nobles,  but  he  wrote  to  his  brothers  expostulating 
with  them  for  increasing  his  unpopularity  by  their  im- 
politic language  and  their  intrigues  with  foreign  powers. 

On  October  31,  on  motion  of  the  Girondist,  Isnard, 
the  Assembly  bluntly  ordered  the  king's  older  brother, 
the  count  of  Provence,  to  return  to  France  on  pain  of 
losing  all  rights  to  the  regency. 

Louis  Stanislas  Xavier,  Prince  of  France : 

The  National  Assembly  requires  you  in  virtue  of  the 
French  constitution,  title  III,  chapter  ii,  section  3,  article  2, 
to  return  to  the  kingdom  within  a  period  of  two  months  from 
to-day,  failing  which  you  will,  after  the  expiration  of  the 
said  period,  lose  your  contingent  right  to  the  regency. 

On  December  6  the  count  published  the  above  order 
in  Coblenz  (the  Emigres'  center  of  activity),  with  the 
following  counter-proclamation  of  his  own. 

Members  of  the  French  Assembly,  calling  itself  National: 

Sanity  requires  you,  in  virtue  of  title  I,  chapter  i,  section 
1,  article  1,  of  the  imprescriptible  laws  of  common  sense,  to 
return  to  yourselves  within  a  period  of  two  months  from 
to-day,  failing  which  you  will,  after  the  expiration  of  the 
said  period,  be  regarded  as  having  lost  your  right  to  be 


408.  The 

count  of 
Provence 
summoned 
back  to 
France ;  and 
his  impudent 
reply  to  the 
Assembly. 


44Q 


Readi7igs  in  European  History 


409.  The 
French 
Assembly 
declares  war 
on  Austria, 


Reasons 
for  war. 


considered  reasonable  beings,  and  will  be  regarded  as  mad- 
men, fit  for  the  insane  asylum. 

Since  the  opening  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  most 
of  the  Girondists  had  been  warmly  advocating  war, 
which  they  believed  would  force  the  king  to  take  a 
definite  stand  either  with  or  against  the  nation.  When 
war  was  finally  declared  against  Austria  on  April  20, 
the  Assembly  was  able  to  assign  a  number  of  plausible 
reasons  for  their  action. 

The  National  Assembly,  deliberating  upon  the  formal 
proposition  of  the  king,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  court 
of  Vienna,  in  contempt  of  treaties,  has  not  ceased  to  extend 
open  protection  to  French  rebels  ; 

That  it  has  instigated  and  formed  a  concert  with  several 
of  the  powers  of  Europe  directed  against  the  independence 
and  safety  of  the  French  nation  ; 

That  Francis  I,  king  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  has,  by 
his  diplomatic  notes  of  the  18th  of  March  and  the  7th  of 
April  last,  refused  to  renounce  this  concert ; 

That,  in  spite  of  the  proposition  made  to  him  by  the  note 
of  March  11,  1792,  to  reduce  to  a  peace  basis  the  troops 
upon  the  frontiers,  he  has  continued,  and  hastened,  hostile 
preparations ; 

That  he  has  formally  attacked  the  sovereignty  of  the 
French  nation  by  declaring  his  intention  of  maintaining  the 
claims  of  the  German  princes  who  hold  territory  in  France, 
whom  the  French  nation  has  repeatedly  offered  to  indemnify  ; 

That  he  has  endeavored  to  divide  the  citizens  of  France 
and  arm  them  against  one  another  by  holding  out  to  the 
malcontents  the  hope  of  assistance  from  a  concert  of  the 
powers ; 

And  that,  finally,  by  his  refusal  to  reply  to  the  last  dis- 
patches of  the  king  of  France,  he  leaves  no  hope  of  obtain- 
ing, by  way  of  friendly  negotiation,  the  redress  of  these 
several  grievances,  —  which  is  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of 
war ;  —  the  Assembly  decrees  that  immediate  action  is  urgent. 


The  First  French  Republic 


441 


The  National  Assembly  proclaims  that  the  French  nation,  Firm  pur- 
faithful   to  the   principles   consecrated   by  its   constitution,  Pose  of  the 

r  .  J  French  to 

"not  to  undertake  any  war  with  a  view  to  conquest  nor  make 


no 


ever  to  employ  its  forces  against  the  liberty  of  any  people,"    conquests, 
only  takes  up  arms  for  the  maintenance  of  its  liberty  and 
independence ; 

That  the  war  which  it  is  forced  to  prosecute  is  not  a  war 
of  nation  against  nation,  but  the  just  defense  of  a  free  people 
against  the  unjust  aggression  of  a  king; 

That  the  French  nation  never  confuses  its  brethren  with 
its  real  enemies  ; 

That  it  will  neglect  nothing  which  may  reduce  the  curse 
of  war,  spare  and  preserve  property,  and  cause  all  the  un- 
happiness  inseparable  from  war  to  fall  alone  upon  those  who 
have  conspired  against  its  liberty ; 

That  it  adopts  in  advance  all  foreigners  who,  abjuring 
the  cause  of  its  enemies,  shall  range  themselves  under  its 
banners  and  consecrate  their  efforts  to  the  defense  of 
liberty ;  and  that  it  will  promote  by  all  means  in  its  power 
their  settling  in  France. 

Deliberating  upon  the  formal  proposition  of  the  king  and 
after  having  decreed  the  matter  one  of  urgent  importance, 
the  Assembly  decrees  war  against  the  king  of  Hungary  and 
of  Bohemia. 


The  victories   of  the  Austrians  which  followed  the   410.  Decree 
declaration  of  war  called  forth  harsh  measures  against    nonjuring  * 
enemies  at  home,  namely,  such  of  the  clergy  as  had  been   clergy, 
roused  to  opposition  by  the  radical  ecclesiastical  reforms 
of  the  Assembly.    The  decree  of  May  27,  1 792,  ordered 
the  expulsion  from  the  realm  of  those   clergymen  who 
refused  to  take  the  oath  to  the  constitution.    The  king 
increased  his  unpopularity  by  refusing  to  sanction  this 
measure  of  the  Assembly. 

.  .  .  The  National  Assembly,  considering  that  the  efforts 
which  the   nonjuring  clergymen   are  constantly  making  to 


442 


Readings  in  European  History 


Definition  of 

nonjuring 

clergymen. 


overthrow  the  constitution  preclude  the  supposition  that 
these  said  ecclesiastics  desire  to  unite  in  the  social  compact ; 
considering  that  it  would  compromise  the  public  safety  longer 
to  regard  as  members  of  society  men  who  are  evidently 
seeking  to  dissolve  it ;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  laws 
are  without  force  against  men  such  as  these  who,  operating 
upon  the  conscience  in  order  to  seduce  the  people,  nearly 
always  conceal  their  criminal  maneuvers  from  those  who 
might  repress  and  punish  them,  decrees  as  follows : 

i.  The  deportation  of  nonjuring  ecclesiastics  shall  take 
place  as  a  measure  of  public  security  and  of  the  general 
police  power,  in  the  cases  and  according  to  the  forms  here- 
inafter set  forth. 

2.  All  those  shall  be  considered  as  nonjuring  ecclesiastics 
who,  being  subject  to  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  law  of 
December  26,  1790,  shall  not  have  taken  it;  those  also,  not 
included  in  the  said  law,  who  have  not  taken  the  civic  oath 
since  September  3,  last,  the  day  when  the  French  constitu- 
tion was  declared  completed ;  finally,  those  who  shall  have 
retracted  either  oath. 

3.  When  twenty  active  citizens  of  the  same  canton  shall 
unite  in  a  demand  for  the  deportation  of  a  nonjuring  eccle- 
siastic, the  directory  of  the  department  shall  be  required 
to  pronounce  the  deportation  if  the  opinion  of  the  district 
directory  is  in  conformity  with  the  petition.  .  .  . 


15.  When  an  ecclesiastic  against  whom  deportation  has 
been  pronounced  is  enjoying  no  pension  or  revenue,  he  shall 
receive  three  livres  for  each  day's  journey  of  ten  leagues, 
as  far  as  the  frontiers,  in  order  to  support  him  on  the  way. 
These  charges  shall  be  borne  by  the  public  treasury  and 
advanced  by  the  treasury  of  the  district  in  which  the  said 
ecclesiastic  resides. 

16.  Those  ecclesiastics  against  whom  deportation  has 
been  pronounced  who  shall  remain  in  the  kingdom  after 
announcing  their  retirement,  or  who  shall  return  again  after 
crossing  the  boundary,  shall  be  condemned  to  imprisonment 
for  ten  years. 


The  First  French  Republic 


443 


V.  The  Abolition  of  Monarchy 

The  demands  for  the  suspension  of  Louis  XVI,  who 
was  generally  believed  to  be  in  traitorous  correspondence 
with  the  Austrians  and  Prussians,  became  numerous  in 
the  summer  of  1 792  ;  but  it  remained  for  the  duke  of 
Brunswick  to  assure  the  downfall  of  the  monarchy  by 
his  proclamation,  which  became  known  in  Paris,  July  28, 
and  seemed  to  furnish  the  agitators  with  a  complete 
justification  for  the  revolt  which  they  were  already  plan- 
ning and  which  they  carried  out  on  August  10. 

Their  Majesties  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  Prussia 
having  intrusted  to  me  the  command  of  the  united  armies 
which  they  have  collected  on  the  frontiers  of  France,  I 
desire  to  announce  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  kingdom  the 
motives  which  have  determined  the  policy  of  the  two  sov- 
ereigns and  the  purposes  which  they  have  in  view. 

After  arbitrarily  violating  the  rights  of  the  German  princes 
in  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  disturbing  and  overthrowing  good 
order  and  legitimate  government  in  the  interior  of  the 
realm,  committing  against  the  sacred  person  of  the  king 
and  his  august  family  outrages  and  brutalities  which  con- 
tinue to  be  renewed  daily,  those  who  have  usurped  the  reins 
of  government  have  at  last  completed  their  work  by  declar- 
ing an  unjust  war  on  his  Majesty  the  emperor  and  attacking 
his  provinces  situated  in  the  Low  Countries.  Some  of  the 
territories  of  the  Germanic  empire  have  been  affected  by 
this  oppression,  and  others  have  only  escaped  the  same 
fate  by  yielding  to  the  threats  of  the  dominant  party  and  its 

emissaries. 

His  Majesty  the  king  of  Prussia,  united  with  his  Imperial 
Majesty  by  the  bonds  of  a  strict  defensive  alliance  and  him- 
self a  preponderant  member  of  the  Germanic  body,  would 
have  felt  it  inexcusable  to  refuse  to  march  to  the  help  of  his 
ally  and  fellow-member  of  the  empire.  .  .  . 


411.  The 
proclama- 
tion of  the 
duke  of 
Brunswick 

(JulY  25> 
1792). 

Accusations 
against  those 
who  have 
"  usurped  " 
the  power  in 
France. 


444 


Readings  in  European  History 


Aims  of 
the  allies. 


The  allied 
courts  medi- 
tate no 
conquests. 

They  purpose 
to  free  the 
French  king. 


Forgiveness 
for  those  who 
cooperate 
with  the 
allies. 

Threats 
against  those 
who  oppose 
the  invaders. 


To  these  important  interests  should  be  added  another 
aim  equally  important  and  very  close  to  the  hearts  of  the 
two  sovereigns, — namely,  to  put  an  end  to  the  anarchy  in 
the  interior  of  France,  to  check  the  attacks  upon  the  throne 
and  the  altar,  to  reestablish  the  legal  power,  to  restore  to 
the  king  the  security  and  the  liberty  of  which  he  is  now 
deprived  and  to  place  him  in  a  position  to  exercise  once 
more  the  legitimate  authority  which  belongs  to  him. 

Convinced  that  the  sane  portion  of  the  French  nation 
abhors  the  excesses  of  the  faction  which  dominates  it,  and 
that  the  majority  of  the  people  look  forward  with  impatience 
to  the  time  when  they  may  declare  themselves  openly  against 
the  odious  enterprises  of  their  oppressors,  his  Majesty  the 
emperor  and  his  Majesty  the  king  of  Prussia  call  upon  them 
and  invite  them  to  return  without  delay  to  the  path  of  rea- 
son, justice,  order,  and  peace.  In  accordance  with  these 
views,  I,  the  undersigned,  the  commander  in  chief  of  the 
two  armies,  declare : 

i.  That,  drawn  into  this  war  by  irresistible  circumstances, 
the  two  allied  courts  entertain  no  other  aims  than  the  wel- 
fare of  France,  and  have  no  intention  of  enriching  them- 
selves by  conquests. 

2.  That  they  do  not  propose  to  meddle  in  the  internal 
government  of  France,  and  that  they  merely  wish  to  deliver 
the  king,  the  queen,  and  the  royal  family  from  their  captiv- 
ity, and  procure  for  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  the  neces- 
sary security  to  enable  him,  without  danger  or  hindrance,  to 
make  such  engagements  as  he  shall  see  fit,  and  to  work  for 
the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  according  to  his  pledges. 

3.  That  the  allied  armies  will  protect  the  towns  and  vil- 
lages, and  the  persons  and  goods  of  those  who  shall  submit 
to  the  king  and  who  shall  cooperate  in  the  immediate  rees- 
tablishment  of  order  and  the  police  power  throughout  France. 

4.  .  .  .  That,  on  the  contrary,  the  members  of  the  Na- 
tional Guard  who  shall  fight  against  the  troops  of  the  two 
allied  courts,  and  who  shall  be  taken  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  shall  be  treated  as  enemies  and  punished  as  rebels 
to  their  king  and  as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.  .   .  . 


The  First  French  Republic  445 

7.  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  and  villages  who 
may  dare  to  defend  themselves  against  the  troops  of  their 
Imperial  and  Royal  Majesties  and  fire  on  them,  either  in 
the  open  country  or  through  windows,  doors,  and  openings 
in  their  houses,  shall  be  punished  immediately  according 
to  the  most  stringent  laws  of  war,  and  their  houses  shall  be 
burned  or  destroyed.  .   .  . 

8.  The  city  of  Paris  and  all  its  inhabitants  without  dis-    Fate  of  Paris 
tinction  shall  be  required  to  submit  at  once  and  without    if  li  Permits 
delay  to  the  king,  to  place  that  prince  in  full  and  complete    come'to 
liberty,  and  to  assure  to  him,  as  well  as  to  the  other  royal  per-    harm, 
sonages,  the  inviolability  and  respect  which  the  law  of  nature 

and  of  nations  demands  of  subjects  toward  sovereigns.  .  .  . 
Their  said  Majesties  declare,  on  their  word  of  honor  as 
emperor  and  king,  that  if  the  chateau  of  the  Tuileries  is 
entered  by  force  or  attacked,  if  the  least  violence  be  offered 
to  their  Majesties  the  king,  queen,  and  royal  family,  and  if 
their  safety  and  their  liberty  be  not  immediately  assured, 
they  will  inflict  an  ever  memorable  vengeance  by  delivering 
over  the  city  of  Paris  to  military  execution  and  complete 
destruction,  and  the  rebels  guilty  of  the  said  outrages  to  the 
punishment  that  they  merit.   .  .  . 

Finally,  I  pledge  myself,  in  my  own  name  and  in  my  said 
capacity,  to  cause  the  troops  intrusted  to  my  command  to 
observe  good  and  strict  discipline,  promising  to  treat  with 
kindness  and  moderation  all  well-intentioned  subjects  who  • 
show  themselves  peaceful  and  submissive,  and  to  use  force 
only  against  those  who  shall  be  guilty  of  resistance  and 
ill  will. 

It  is  for  these  reasons  that  I  call  upon  and  exhort  in  the 
most  urgent  manner  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom  not 
to  oppose  the  movements  and  operations  of  the  troops  which 
I  command,  but  rather,  on  the  contrary,  to  grant  them  every- 
where a  free  passage  and  to  assist  and  aid  them  with  all 
good  will  as  circumstances  shall  demand. 

Given  at  the  headquarters  at  Coblenz,  July  25,  1792. 

Charles  William  Ferdinand, 

Duke  of  Brunswick-Liineburg, 


446 


Readings  in  European  History 


412.  The 
debate 
during  the 
first  session 
of  the 
Convention. 


Louis  XVI  had  been  suspended  August  10  on  account 
of  the  misgivings  which  his  conduct  inspired.  The  de- 
bate carried  on  six  weeks  later,  during  the  opening 
session  of  the  Convention,  September  21,  1792,  well 
illustrates  the  attitude  of  the  new  Assembly  toward 
the  ancient  monarchy  and  serves  to  introduce  some  of 
the  men  who  were  soon  to  be  most  active  during  the 
Reign  of  Terror. 

The  citizens  chosen  by  the  French  people  to  form  the 
National  Convention  having  assembled  to  the  number  of 
three  hundred  and  seventy  one,  and  having  examined  the 
credentials  of  the  members,  declare  that  the  National  Con- 
vention is  organized.  .   .  . 

M.  Manuel.  Representatives  of  the  sovereign  people  :  the 
task  which  devolves  upon  you  demands  the  power  and  wis- 
dom of  gods  themselves.  When  Cineas  entered  the  Roman 
senate  he  thought  he  beheld  an  assembly  of  kings.  Such 
a  comparison  would  be  an  insult  to  you.  Here  we  see  an 
assembly  of  philosophers  occupied  in  preparing  the  way  for 
the  happiness  of  the  world.  I  move  that  the  president  of 
France  have  his  residence  in  the  national  palace,  that  the 
symbols  of  law  and  power  be  always  at  his  side,  and  that 
every  time  that  he  opens  a  session  all  the  citizens  shall  rise. 
This  act  of  homage  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  will  con- 
stantly recall  to  us  our  rights  and  duties. 

M.  Simon.  I  move  that  the  Assembly  declare  that  they 
will  never  deliberate  except  in  the  presence  of  the  people. 

The  President.  Your  motion,  having  no  relation  to  the 
previous  motion,  I  cannot  give  the  floor  to  those  who  wish 
to  support  or  oppose  your  proposition  until  the  Assembly 
has  passed  upon  the  motion  of  Monsieur  Manuel. 

M.  Mathieu.  I  am  doubtful  whether  the  discussion  sug- 
gested by  Monsieur  Manuel  should  take  precedence  in  our 
deliberations.  Our  predecessors  lost  much  time  in  determin- 
ing the  exact  dimensions  of  the  chair  of  the  former  king. 
We  do  not  wish  to  commit  the  same  error.  .  .  . 


The  First  French  Republic  447 

M.  Chabot.  Representatives  of  the  people  :  I  oppose  the 
motion  made  by  Citizen  Manuel.  I  am  astonished  that 
Citizen  Manuel,  after  having  repudiated  every  idea  of  any 
comparison  with  kings,  should  propose  to  make  one  of  our 
members  like  a  king.  The  French  nation,  by  sending  to  the 
Convention  two  hundred  members  of  the  legislative  body 
who  have  individually  taken  an  oath  to  combat  both  kings 
and  royalty,  has  made  itself  quite  clear  as  to  its  desire  to 
establish  a  popular  government.  It  is  not  only  the  ?iame  of 
king  that  it  would  abolish  but  everything  which  suggests 
preeminence,  so  that  there  will  be  no  president  of  France. 
You  cannot  look  for  any  other  kind  of  dignity  than  associ- 
ating with  the  sans-culottes  who  compose  the  majority  of  the 
nation.  Only  by  making  yourselves  like  your  fellow-citizens 
will  you  acquire  the  necessary  dignity  to  cause  your  decrees 
to  be  respected.  .   .  . 

M.  Tallien.  I  am  much  astonished  to  hear  this  discussion 
about  ceremonials.  .  .  .  Outside  of  this  hall  the  president 
of  the  Convention  is  a  simple  citizen.  If  you  want  to  speak 
to  him,  you  can  go  and  look  for  him  on  the  third  or  the 
fifth  floor.    There  is  where  virtue  has  its  lodging.  .  .   . 

The  Assembly  unanimously  rejected  the  motion  of  Mon- 
sieur Manuel. 

M.  Tallien.  I  move  that  before  everything  else  the  Assem- 
bly take  a  solemn  pledge  not  to  separate  till  it  has  given  the 
French  people  a  government  established  on  the  foundations 
of  liberty  and  equality.  I  move  that  the  members  take  an 
oath  to  make  no  laws  which  depart  from  this  standard,  and 
that  this  oath  shall  constantly  guide  the  representatives  of 
the  people  in  their  work.  Those  who  shall  perjure  them- 
selves shall  be  immolated  to  the  just  vengeance  of  the 
people.   .  .  .    [_Applause.~\ 

M.  Merlin.  I  move  that  we  do  not  take  any  oaths.  Let 
us  promise  the  people  to  save  them.    Let  us  go  to  work. 

M.  Couthon.  ...  I  am  not  afraid  that,  in  the  discussion 
which  is  about  to  take  place,  any  one  will  dare  to  speak  of 
royalty  again ;  it  is  fit  only  for  slaves,  and  the  French  would 
be  unworthy  of  the  liberty  which  they  have  acquired  should 


44 8  Readings  in  Europea?i  History 

they  dream  of  retaining  a  form  of  government  branded  by 
fourteen  centuries  of  crime.  But  it  is  not  royalty  alone  that 
must  be  eliminated  from  our  constitution,  but  every  kind  of 
individual  power  which  tends  to  restrict  the  rights  of  the 
people  and  violate  the  principles  of  equality.  .   .  . 

M.  Philippeaux.  There  is  a  still  more  pressing  subject ; 
that  is,  to  furnish  the  organs  of  the  law  the  necessary  power 
to  maintain  public  tranquillity.  I  move  that  you  maintain 
provisionally  in  power  all  the  authorities  now  in  existence.  .  .  . 

M.  Camus.  The  most  essential  thing  is  to  order  that  the 
taxes  continue  to  be  collected,  for  you  know  that  they  have 
to  be  voted  at  the  opening  of  every  new  legislature. 

The  motions  of  Messieurs  Philippeaux  and  Camus  were 
unanimously  passed.  .  .  . 

M.  Collot  d'Herbois.  You  have  just  taken  a  wise  resolu- 
tion, but  there  is  one  which  you  cannot  postpone  until  the 
morrow,  or  even  until  this  evening,  or  indeed  for  a  single 
instant,  without  being  faithless  to  the  wish  of  the  nation,  — 
that  is  the  abolition  of  royalty.     [  Unanimous  applause. , ] 

M.  Qiiinette.  We  are  not  the  judges  of  royalty;  that  be- 
longs to  the  people.  Our  business  is  to  make  a  concrete 
government,  and  the  people  will  then  choose  between  the 
old  form  where  there  was  royalty  and  that  which  we  shall 
submit  to  them.  .  .  . 

M.  Gregoire.  Assuredly  no  one  of  us  would  ever  propose 
to  retain  in  France  the  fatal  race  of  kings ;  we  all  know  but 
too  well  that  dynasties  have  never  been  anything  else  than 
rapacious  tribes  who  lived  on  nothing  but  human  flesh.  It 
is  necessary  completely  to  reassure  the  friends  of  liberty. 
We  must  destroy  this  talisman,  whose  magic  power  is  still 
sufficient  to  stupefy  many  a  man.  I  move  accordingly  that 
you  sanction  by  a  solemn  law  the  abolition  of  royalty. 

The  entire  Assembly  rose  by  a  spontaneous  movement  and 
passed  the  motion  of  Monsieur  Gre'goire  by  acclamation. 

M.  Bazire.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  ...  It  would  be  a 
frightful  example  for  the  people  to  see  an  Assembly  com- 
missioned with  its  dearest  interests  voting  in  a  moment  of 
enthusiasm.    I  move  that  the  question  be  discussed. 


The  First  French  Republic 


449 


M.  Gregoire.  Surely  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  discuss 
what  everybody  agrees  on.  Kings  are  in  the  moral  order 
what  monsters  are  in  the  physical.  Courts  are  the  workshops 
of  crimes,  the  lair  of  tyrants.  The  history  of  kings  is  the 
martyrology  of  nations.  Since  we  are  all  convinced  of  the 
truth  of  this,  why  discuss  it?  I  demand  that  my  motion  be 
put  to  vote,  and  that  later  it  be  supplied  with  a  formal  justi- 
fication worthy  of  the  solemnity  of  the  decree. 

M.  Ducos.  The  form  of  your  decree  would  be  only  the 
history  of  the  crimes  of  Louis  XVI,  a  history  already  but 
too  well  known  to  the  French  people.  I  demand  that  it  be 
drawn  up  in  the  simplest  terms.  There  is  no  need  of  expla- 
nation after  the  knowledge  which  has  been  spread  abroad 
by  the  events  of  August  10. 

The  discussion  was  closed.  There  was  a  profound  silence. 
The  motion  of  Monsieur  Gregoire,  put  to  vote,  was  adopted 
amidst  the  liveliest  applause : 

"  The  National  Convention  decrees  that  royalty  is  abol- 
ished in  France." 

The  Convention,  after  ridding  France  of  the  institu- 
tion of  monarchy,  proposed  to  make  its  armies  a  means 
of  propagating  liberty  and  reform  throughout  Europe. 
It  accordingly  prepared  a  proclamation  to  be  published 
in  those  countries  which  already  were,  or  should  be,  occu- 
pied by  the  armies  of  the  new  French  republic. 

The  French  people  to  the  people  of  ;  brothers  and  friends : 

We  have  conquered  our  liberty  and  we  shall  maintain  it. 
We  offer  to  bring  this  inestimable  blessing  to  you,  for  it 
has  always  been  rightly  ours,  and  only  by  a  crime  have  our 
oppressors  robbed  us  of  it.  We  have  driven  out  your  tyrants. 
Show  yourselves  free  men  and  we  will  protect  you  from  their 
vengeance,  their  machinations,  or  their  return. 

From  this  moment  the  French  nation  proclaims  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  people,  the  suppression  of  all  civil  and  mili- 
tary authorities  which  have  hitherto  governed  you  and  of  all 
the  taxes  which  you  bear,  under  whatever  form,  the  abolition 


413.  Procla< 
mation  to 
nations 
whose 
tyrants 
have  been 
driven  out 
by  the 
French 
republican 
armies  (De- 
cember 15, 
1792). 


450 


Readings  in  European  History 


414.  The 
count  of 
Provence 
announces 
the  death  of 
Louis  XVI 
to  the 
Emigres. 


of  the  tithe,  of  feudalism,  of  seigniorial  rights  and  monopo- 
lies of  every  kind,  of  serfdom,  whether  real  or  personal,  of 
hunting  and  fishing  privileges,  of  the  corvee,  the  salt  tax,  the 
tolls  and  local  imposts,  and,  in  general,  of  all  the  various 
kinds  of  taxes  with  which  you  have  been  loaded  by  your 
usurpers ;  it  also  proclaims  the  abolition  among  you  of  all 
noble  and  ecclesiastical  corporations  and  of  all  prerogatives 
and  privileges  opposed  to  equality.  You  are,  from  this 
moment,  brothers  and  friends  ;  all  are  citizens,  equal  in 
rights,  and  all  are  alike  called  to  govern,  to  serve,  and  to 
defend  your  country.1 

Upon  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI,  his  brother,  the 
count  of  Provence,  formally  announced  to  his  fellow- 
Emigres  the  tragedy  which  their  conduct  had  done  so 
much  to  consummate. 

Gentlemen  :  Hamm,  Westphalia,  January  28,  1793. 

It  is  with  sentiments  of  the  deepest  grief  that  I  impart 
to  you  the  new  loss  which  we  have  just  experienced  in  the 
king,  my  brother,  whom  the  tyrants  who  for  so  long  a  time 
have  been  desolating  France  have  sacrificed  to  their  sacri- 
legious rage.  This  horrible  event  brings  with  it  new  duties 
for  me  which  I  propose  to  fulfill.  I  have  taken  the  title  of 
regent  of  the  kingdom,  which  the  right  of  birth  gives  me 
during  the  minority  of  King  Louis  XVII,  my  nephew,  and 
I  have  delegated  to  the  count  of  Artois  that  of  lieutenant 
general  of  the  kingdom. 

Your  sentiments  are  too  well  proved  by  your  constancy 
and  the  numerous  sacrifices  that  you  have  made,  in  your 

1  In  the  decree  of  the  Convention  to  which  the  above  proclamation 
was  appended,  we  find  (Article  11): 

The  French  nation  declares  that  it  will  treat  as  enemies  every  people  who, 
refusing  liberty  and  equality  or  renouncing  them,  may  wish  to  maintain,  recall, 
or  treat  with  the  prince  and  the  privileged  classes ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  engages 
not  to  subscribe  to  any. treaty  and  not  to  lay  down  its  arms  until  the  sovereignty 
and  independence  of  the  people  whose  territory  the  troops  of  the  republic  shall 
have  entered  shall  be  established,  and  until  the  people  shall  have  adopted  the 
principles  of  equality  and  founded  a  free  and  democratic  government. 


The  First  French  Republic  451 

attachment  to  the  religion  of  your  fathers  and  to  the  sover- 
eign whom  we  mourn  to-day,  to  make  it  necessary  to  exhort 
you  to  redouble  your  zeal  and  fidelity  toward  our  young  and 
unfortunate  monarch  and  your  ardor  in  avenging  the  blood 
of  his  august  father.  We  cannot  fail  to  enjoy  the  support  of 
the  sovereigns  who  have  already  so  generously  embraced  our 
cause ;  and  if  it  is  possible  for  us  to  find  any  consolation, 
it  lies  in  the  opportunity  offered  us  to  avenge  our  king,  to 
place  his  son  upon  the  throne,  and  to  restore  to  our  coun- 
try that  ancient  constitution  which  can  alone  serve  as  a 
basis  for  its  happiness  and  glory.  This  is  the  sole  object  of 
my  solicitude  and  of  that  of  my  brother.  Our  titles  have 
been  changed,  but  our  union  is  and  will  always  remain  the 
same,  and  we  shall  endeavcr  with  more  ardor  than  ever  to 
fulfill  our  duty  towards  God,  our  honor,  the  king,  and  you. 

Louis  Stanislas  Xavier. 


VI.  The  Ideals  of  the  Terrorists 

Among  the  terrorists  none  was  more  ardent  and  in- 
defatigable than  Saint-Just,  a  young  fanatic  of  unim- 
peachable probity,  who,  as  member  of  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  and  as  agent  of  the  Convention  in  the 
provinces,  urged  on  the  war  against  all  the  enemies  of 
the  Revolution,  whether  within  or  without  France.  He 
was  a  firm  friend  and  admirer  of  Robespierre  and  suf- 
fered death  with  him  on  the  10th  Thermidor  (July  28, 
1794).  He  left  behind  him  some  unpublished  notes  on 
republican  institutions  written  during  his  last  months, 
when  he  foresaw  that,  among  so  many  opponents  of 
his  exalted  ideas,  he  was  likely  to  lose  his  life.  The 
few  selections  which  are  given  below  serve  to  show 
how  Saint-Just,  Robespierre,  and  their  sympathizers  pro- 
posed to  elaborate  and  to  carry  out,  at  the  cost  of  no 


452  Readings  in  European  History 

matter  how   much   bloodshed,    the   ideas   of   Rousseau, 
whose  ardent  disciples  they  were. 

415.  Selec-  I  challenge  you  to  establish  liberty  so  long  as  it  remains 

tionsfrom  possible  to  arouse  the  unfortunate  classes  against  the  new 
institutions  of  order  of  things,  and  I  defy  you  to  do  away  with  poverty 
Saint-just.  altogether  unless  each  one  has  his  own  land.  .  .  .  Where 
you  find  large  landowners  you  find  many  poor  people. 
Nothing  can  be  done  in  a  country  where  agriculture  is  car- 
ried on  on  a  large  scale.  Man  was  not  made  for  the  work- 
shop, the  hospital,  or  the  poorhouse.  All  that  is  horrible. 
Men  must  live  in  independence,  each  with  his  own  wife 
and  his  robust  and  healthy  children.  We  must  have  neither 
rich  nor  poor. 

The  poor  man  is  superior  to  government  and  the  powers 
of  the  world ;  he  should  address  them  as  a  master.  We 
must  have  a  system  which  puts  all  these  principles  in  prac- 
tice and  assures  comfort  to  the  entire  people.  Opulence  is 
a  crime  :  it  consists  in  supporting  fewer  children,  whether 
one's  own  or  adopted,  than  one  has  thousands  of  francs  of 
income.  .  .  . 

Children  shall  belong  to  their  mother,  provided  she  has 
suckled  them  herself,  until  they  are  five  years  old  ;  after 
that  they  shall  belong  to  the  republic  until  death.  The 
mother  who  does  not  suckle  her  children  ceases  to  be  a 
mother  in  the  eyes  of  the  country.  Child  and  citizen  belong 
to  the  country,  and  a  common  instruction  is  essential.  Chil- 
dren shall  be  brought  up  in  the  love  of  silence  and  scorn 
for  fine  talkers.  They  shall  be  trained  in  laconic  speech. 
Games  shall  be  prohibited  in  which  they  declaim,  and  they 
shall  be  habituated  to  simple  truth. 

The  boys  shall  be  educated,  from  the  age  of  five  to  six- 
teen, by  the  country ;  from  five  to  ten  they  shall  learn  to 
read,  write,  and  swim.  No  one  shall  strike  or  caress  a  child. 
They  shall  be  taught  what  is  good  and  left  to  nature.  He 
who  strikes  a  child  shall  be  banished.  The  children  shall 
eat  together  and  shall  live  on  roots,  fruit,  vegetables,  milk, 
cheese,  bread,   and  water.    The  teachers  of  children  from 


The  First  French  Republic  453 

five  to  ten  years  old  shall  not  be  less  than  sixty  years  of 
age.  .  .  .  The  education  of  children  from  ten  to  sixteen 
shall  be  military  and  agricultural. 

Every  man  twenty-one  years  of  age  shall  publicly  state  in 
the  temples  who  are  his  friends.  This  declaration  shall  be 
renewed  each  year  during  the  month  Ventose.  If  a  man 
deserts  his  friend,  he  is  bound  to  explain  his  motives  before 
the  people  in  the  temples;  if  he  refuses,  he  shall  be  ban- 
ished. Friends  shall  not  put  their  contracts  into  writing, 
nor  shall  they  oppose  one  another  at  law.  If  a  man  com- 
mits a  crime,  his  friends  shall  be  banished.  Friends  shall 
dig  the  grave  of  a  deceased  friend  and  prepare  for  the  obse- 
quies, and  with  the  children  of  the  deceased  they  shall  scat- 
ter flowers  on  the  grave.  He  who  says  that  he  does  not 
believe  in  friendship,  or  who  has  no  friends,  shall  be  ban- 
ished.   A  man  convicted  of  ingratitude  shall  be  banished. 

The  French  people  recognize  the  existence  of  the  Su- 
preme Being  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  The  first  day 
of  every  month  is  consecrated  to  the  Eternal.  Incense  shall 
burn  day  and  night  in  the  temples  and  shall  be  tended  in 
turn  for  twenty-four  hours  by  the  men  who  have  reached 
the  age  of  sixty.  The  temples  shall  never  be  closed.  The 
French  people  devote  their  fortunes  and  their  children  to  the 
Eternal.  The  immortal  souls  of  all  those  who  have  died  for 
the  fatherland,  who  have  been  good  citizens,  who  have  cher- 
ished their  father  and  mother  and  never  abandoned  them, 
are  in  the  bosom  of  the  Eternal. 

The  first  day  of  the  month  Germinal  the  republic  shall 
celebrate  the  festival  of  the  Divinity,  of  Nature,  and  of  the 
People ;  the  first  day  of  the  month  Floreal,  the  festival  of 
the  Divinity,  of  love,  and  of  husband  and  wife,  etc.1 

1  Robespierre,  in  a  remarkable  report  made  to  the  Convention,  May 
7,  1794,  on  the  relations  of  religious  ideas  to  republican  principles,  ex- 
hibits the  same  confidence  in  festivals.  Among  the  sentiments  which 
he  would  celebrate  are  liberty,  equality,  glory,  immortality,  frugality, 
disinterestedness,  stoicism,  old  age,  and  misfortune  {Histoire  Parle- 
mentaire,  Vol.  XXXII,  pp.  353  sqq.).  See  also  another  similar  report 
submitted  on   February  5,   1794  (Histoirc  Parlemenlaire,  Vol.  XXXI, 


454  Readings  in  European  Histoiy 

Every  year  on  the  first  day  of  Floreal  the  people  of  each 
commune  shall  select,  from  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
commune,  and  in  the  temple,  a  young  man  rich  and  virtu- 
ous and  without  deformity,  at  least  twenty-one  years  of  age 
and  not  over  thirty,  who  shall  in  turn  select  and  marry  a 
poor  maiden,  in  everlasting  memory  of  human  equality. 

VII.   Camille  Desmoulins  and  his  Newspaper 

The  most  amiable  and  humorous  of  the  terrorists 
was  Camille  Desmoulins.  While  he  was  one  of  the  very 
first  to  preach  republican  ideas  and  to  propagate  them 
through  his  writings,  he  had  little  of  the  relentless  and 
stern  fanaticism  which  blinded  Robespierre  and  Saint- 
Just  to  the  cruelty  of  the  work  in  which  they  were 
engaged.  In  the  autumn  of  1793  Desmoulins,  who  was 
a  journalist  by  profession,  began  to  issue  a  new  news- 
paper, which  he  called  The  Old  Cordelier}  The  charm 
of  his  style,  his  wit  and  learning  assured  his  editorials 
—  and  his  newspaper  was  really  nothing  more  than  a 
periodical  editorial  —  great  popularity  in  Paris,  and  they 
still  delight  the  historical  student.  In  the  third  issue 
(December  15,  1793)  he  seeks  to  extenuate  the  severities 
of  the  Reign  of  Terror  by  showing,  by  skillfully  adapted 
quotations  from  Tacitus,  that  the  harsh  measures  of  the 
new  French  republic  were  as  nothing  compared  with 
the  atrocities  by  which  the  early  Roman  emperors  estab- 
lished their  sway. 

pp.  268  sqq.).  Compare  in  this  connection  an  address  of  Billaud-Varen- 
nes  on  the  theory  of  democratic  government  (Histoire  Parlementaire, 
Vol.  XXXII,  pp.  335 -sy^.)  and  Fabre  d'Eglantine's  report  on  the  new- 
calendar  {Histoire  Parlementaire,  Vol.  XXXI,  pp.  415  sqq.). 

1  Desmoulins  had  been  from  the  first  a  very  active  member  of  the 
club  of  the  Cordeliers,  which  had  been  more  radical  and  republican  in 
sentiment  than  the  Jacobins. 


TJic  First  French  Republic 


455 


One  difference  between  monarchy  and  a  republic,  which 
would  alone  serve  to  make  every  right-hearted  man  reject  mon- 
archy with  horror  and  give  preference  to  a  republic,  whatever 
it  may  cost  to  establish  it,  is  that  although  the  people  may, 
in  a  democracy,  be  misled,  they  always  esteem  virtue  and  try 
to  place  only  the  upright  in  office,  while  rogues  constitute 
the  very  essence  of  monarchy.  Vice,  pillage,  and  crime  are 
diseases  in  republics,  but  health  itself  is  a  disease  in  mon- 
archies. Cardinal  Richelieu  admits  this  in  his  Political  Testa- 
ment^ where  he  makes  it  a  principle  that  the  king  should 
avoid  employing  upright  men.  And  before  him  Sallust  said, 
"  Kings  cannot  do  without  scoundrels  and,  on  the  contrary, 
they  must  be  on  their  guard  against  probity."  Only  in  a 
republic,  then,  can  the  good  citizen  ever  hope  to  see  an  end 
to  the  supremacy  of  intrigue  and  crime,  for  in  order  that 
these  may  disappear  it  is  only  necessary  that  the  people 
should  be  enlightened.  .  .  . 

And  there  is  another  difference  between  monarchy  and 
a  republic:  the  reigns  of  the  worst  of  emperors  —  Tibe- 
rius, Claudius,  Nero,  Caligula,  Domitian  —  all  had  happy 
beginnings. 

It  is  by  reflections  such  as  these  that  the  patriot  should 
first  answer  the  royalist  who  is  laughing  in  his  sleeve  over 
the  present  state  of  France,  as  if  this  violent  and  terrible 
condition  was  to  last.  I  can  hear  you,  my  dear  royalists, 
slyly  making  sport  of  the  founders  of  the  republic  and  com- 
paring the  present  with  the  old  days  of  the  Bastile.  You 
count  on  the  frankness  of  my  pen,  and  you  think  that  you 
will  follow  with  pleasure  my  faithful  account  of  the  past  half 
year.  But  I  know  how  to  moderate  your  satisfaction,  and  at 
the  same  time  animate  the  citizens  to  new  courage.  Before 
summoning  my  readers  to  the  Place  de  la  Re'volution  and 
showing  it  to  them  flooded  with  the  blood  that  has  flowed 
during  the  past  six  months  for  the  eternal  emancipation  of 
a  nation  of  twenty-five  millions  and  not  yet  cleansed  by 
liberty  and  the  public  welfare,  I  will  begin  by  fixing  the  eyes 


416.  Camille 
Desmoulins 
seeks  to 
extenuate 
the  Reign  oi 
Terror  by 
quotations 
from 
Tacitus. 


1  See  above,  pp.  268  sqq. 


456  Readings  in  European  History 

of  my  fellow-citizens  upon  the  reigns  of  the  Caesars,  —  upon 
that  river  of  blood,  that  sewer  of  corruption  and  filth,  which 
flows  perpetually  under  a  monarchy. 

For  a  long  time,  Tacitus  tells  us,  there  had  been  at 
Rome  a  law  which  denned  the  crimes  of  state  and  of  leze 
majesty  which  were  to  be  punished  with  death.  .  .  .  The 
emperors  had  only  to  add  a  few  articles  to  this  law  in  order 
to  involve  both  individual  citizens  and  entire  cities  in  a  fatal 
proscription.  Augustus  was  the  first  to  extend  this  law  of 
leze  majesty  in  which  he  included  the  writings  which  he 
called  counter-revolutionary.  Under  his  successors  the  com- 
prehensiveness of  the  law  soon  knew  no  bounds.  When 
simple  remarks  had  become  crimes  of  state,  it  was  only  a 
step  to  view  as  criminal  mere  glances,  sadness,  compassion, 
sighs,  —  silence  itself. 

Soon  it  became  a  crime  of  leze  majesty,  or  of  counter- 
revolution, for  the  town  of  Nursia  to  raise  a  monument  to 
those  of  its  people  who  had  fallen  at  the  siege  of  Modena, 
fighting  under  Augustus  himself  —  Augustus  was  at  that 
time  in  alliance  with  Brutus,  and  so  Nursia  suffered  the  fate 
of  Perugia ;  a  crime  of  counter-revolution  for  Libo  Drusus 
to  have  asked  the  soothsayers  if  he  would  not  one  day  be 
very  rich  ;  a  crime  of  counter-revolution  for  the  journalist, 
Cremutius  Cordus,  to  have  called  Brutus  and  Cassius  the 
last  of  the  Romans  ;  a  crime  of  counter-revolution  for  one  of 
the  descendants  of  Cassius  to  possess  a  portrait  of  his  great- 
grandfather ;  a  crime  of  counter-revolution  for  Mamercus 
Scaurus  to  have  composed  a  tragedy  in  which  was  a  line 
that  might  have  two  meanings  ;  a  crime  of  counter-revolution 
for  Torquatus  Silanus  to  spend  his  money ;  a  crime  of  coun- 
ter-revolution to  complain  of  the  disasters  of  the  time,  for 
this  was  to  criticise  the  government.  .  .  . 

Everything  offended  the  tyrant.  Was  a  citizen  popular? 
He  was  a  rival  of  the  prince,  who  might  stir  up  civil  war. 
Studia  civium  in  se  verteret et  si  midti  ide??i  audea?tt,  helium  esse. 
Suspect.  Did  a  citizen,  on  the  contrary,  avoid  popularity  and 
hug  his  own  fireside?  This  retired  life  caused  you  to  gain  a 
certain  respect.     Quanto  metu  oceultior,  tanto  famae  adeptus. 


The  First  French  Republic  457 

Suspect.  Were  you  rich  ?  There  was  danger  that  the  popu- 
lace might  be  corrupted  by  your  largesses.  Auri  vim  atque 
opes  Flauti  prificipi  infensas.  Suspect.  Were  you  poor  ? 
Ha,  invincible  emperor  !  that  man  must  be  closely  watched. 
No  one  is  so  enterprising  as  he  who  has  nothing.  Syllam 
i?iopem,  wide  praecipiia,77i  audaciam.    Suspect. 

Were  you  of  a  somber  and  melancholy  temperament,  or 
careless  in  your  dress  ?  You  were  disgusted  that  public 
affairs  were  going  so  well.  Suspect.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
a  citizen  indulged  himself  in  good  times  and  indigestion,  he 
was  but  rejoicing  that  the  emperor  had  had  an  attack  of 
gout,  which  was  really  nothing.  It  was  necessary  to  let  that 
man  know  that  the  emperor  was  still  in  the  prime  of  life. 
Reddendum  pro  i?itempestiva  licentia  moestam  et  funebrem  noc- 
tem  qua  sentiat  vivere  Vitellium  et  imperare.  Suspect.  Was 
he  virtuous  and  austere  in  his  habits  ?  Good  !•  a  new  Brutus, 
who  durst,  by  his  pallid  face  and  Jacobin  peruke,  to  censure 
the  curled  and  giddy  courtier.    Suspect.1 

Now  the  royalists  need  not  take  the  trouble  to  inform  me 
that  this  description  settles  nothing,  and  that  the  reign  of 
Louis  XVI  resembled  in  no  way  the  sway  of  the  Caesars. 
If  it  did  not  resemble  it,  it  is  because  with  us  despotism  has 
long  been  lulled  in  the  lap  of  its  luxuries  and  has  placed 
such  confidence  in  the  strength  of  the  chains  which  our 
fathers  have  borne  for  fifteen  centuries  that  it  deemed  ter- 
ror no  longer  necessary.  .  .  .  But  now  that  the  people  have 
awakened  and  the  sword  of  the  republic  has  been  drawn,  let 
royalty  once  more  set  foot  in  France,  and  then  we  shall  see 
that  these  pictures  of  tyranny  so  well  drawn  by  Tacitus  will 
prove  the  living  image  of  what  we  shall  have  to  suffer  for 
half  a  century. 

Indeed,  need  we  seek  examples  at  such  a  distance  ?  The 
massacres  of  the  Champ  de  Mars  2  and  at  Nancy ;  the  hor- 
rors committed  by  the  Austrians    on  the   frontiers,   which 

1  As  Michelet  has  pointed  out,  this  is  rather  a  satire  upon  than  a 
justification  of  the  Reign  of  Terror. 

2  See  above,  pp.  430  sq. 


458 


Readings  in  European  History 


417.  Ca- 
mille  Des- 
moulins 
makes  a 
plea  for 
clemency 
(December 
20,  1793). 


Robespierre  recounted  to  us  the  other  night  at  the  Jacobin 
Club ;  the  conduct  of  the  English  at  Genoa,  of  the  royalists 
at  Fougeres  and  in  the  Vendee,  —  the  violence  of  the  fac- 
tions alone  shows  well  enough  that  despotism,  if  allowed  to 
reenter  its  demolished  habitation  in  a  passion,  could  only 
establish  itself  again  by  reigning  as  did  Augustus  and  Nero. 
In  this  duel  between  liberty  and  slavery  and  in  the  cruel 
alternative  of  a  defeat  a  thousand  times  more  bloody  than 
our  victory,  it  is  wiser  and  less  hazardous  to  carry  the  Revo- 
lution too  far  than  to  stop  short  of  the  goal,  as  Danton  has 
said ;  it  has  been  essential,  above  everything  else,  that  the 
republic  should  remain  in  possession  of  the  field  of  battle. 

In  the  succeeding  number  of  his  newspaper  (issued 
Decadi,  30th  Frimaire,  second  year  of  the  republic,  one 
and  indivisible)  Desmoulins  no  longer  extenuates  the 
work  of  the  guillotine  but  pleads  for  clemency. 

Some  persons  have  expressed  their  disapproval  of  my 
third  issue,  where,  as  they  allege,  I  have  been  pleased  to 
suggest  certain  comparisons  which  tend  to  cast  an  unfavor- 
able light  on  the  Revolution  and  the  patriots,  —  they  should 
say  the  excess  of  revolution  and  the  professional  patriots. 
My  critics  think  the  whole  number  refuted  and  everybody 
justified  by  the  single  reflection,  "We  all  know  that  the  pres- 
ent situation  is  not  one  of  freedom,  —  but  patience  !  you  will 
be  free  one  of  these  days." 

Such  people  think  apparently  that  liberty,  like  infancy, 
must  of  necessity  pass  through  a  stage  of  wailing  and  tears 
before  it  reaches  maturity.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  of  the 
nature  of  liberty  that,  in  order  to  enjoy  it,  we  need  only 
desire  it.  A  people  is  free  the  moment  that  it  wishes  to 
be  so,  —  you  will  recollect  that  this  was  one  of  Lafayette's 
sayings,  —  and  the  people  has  entered  upon  its  full  rights 
since  the  14th  of  July.  Liberty  has  neither  infancy  nor  old 
age,  but  is  always  in  the  prime  of  strength  and  vigor.  .  .  . 

Is  this  liberty  that  we  desire  a  mere  empty  name  ?  Is  it 
only  an  opera  actress  carried  about  with  a  red  cap  on,  or 


The  First  French  Republic  459 

even  that  statue,  forty-six  feet  high,  which  David  proposes 
to  make  ?  If  by  liberty  you  do  not  understand,  as  I  do, 
great  principles,  but  only  a  bit  of  stone,  there  never  was 
idolatry  more  stupid  and  expensive  than  ours.  Oh,  my  dear 
fellow-citizens,  have  we  sunk  so  low  as  to  prostrate  ourselves 
before  such  divinities  ?  No,  heaven-born  liberty  is  no  nymph 
of  the  opera,  nor  a  red  liberty  cap,  nor  a  dirty  shirt  and  rags. 
Liberty  is  happiness,  reason,  equality,  justice,  the  Declara- 
tion of  Rights,  your  sublime  constitution. 

Would  you  have  me  recognize  this  liberty,  have  me  fall  at 
her  feet,  and  shed  all  my  blood  for  her  ?  Then  open  the 
prison  doors  to  the  two  hundred  thousand  citizens  whom 
you  call  suspects,  for  in  the  Declaration  of  Rights  no  prisons 
for  suspicion  are  provided  for,  only  places  of  detention. 
Suspicion  has  no  prison,  but  only  the  public  accuser ;  there 
are  no  suspects,  but  only  those  accused  of  offenses  estab- 
lished by  law. 

Do  not  think  that  such  a  measure  would  be  fatal  to  the 
republic.  It  would,  on  the  contrary,  be  the  most  revolution- 
ary that  you  have  adopted.  You  would  exterminate  all  your 
enemies  by  the  guillotine!  But  was  there  ever  greater  mad- 
ness ?  Can  you  possibly  destroy  one  enemy  on  the  scaffold 
without  making  ten  others  among  his  family  and  friends  ? 
Do  you  believe  that  those  whom  you  have  imprisoned  — 
these  women  and  old  men,  these  self-indulgent  valetudina- 
rians, these  stragglers  of  the  Revolution  —  are  really  dan- 
gerous ?  Only  those  among  your  enemies  have  remained 
among  you  who  are  cowardly  or  sick.  The  strong  and 
courageous  have  emigrated.  They  have  perished  at  Lyons  or 
in  the  Vendee.  The  remnant  which  still  lingers  does  not 
deserve  your  anger.  .  .  . 

Moreover  it  has  not  been  love  of  the  republic,  but  curi- 
osity, which  has  every  day  attracted  multitudes  to  the  Place 
de  la  Revolution ;  it  was  the  new  drama  which  was  to  be 
enacted  but  once.  I  am  sure  that  the  majority  of  those  who 
frequented  this  spectacle  felt  a  deep  contempt  in  their  hearts 
for  those  who  subscribed  for  the  theater  or  opera,  where 
they  could  only  see  pasteboard  daggers  and  comedians  who 


460  Readings  in  European  History 

merely  pretended  to  die.  According  to  Tacitus,  a  similar 
insensibility  prevailed  in  Rome,  a  similar  feeling  of  security 
and  indifference  to  all  issues.  .  .  . 

I  am  of  a  very  different  opinion  from  those  who  claim 
that  it  is  necessary  to  leave  the  Terror  on  the  order  of  the 
day.  I  am  confident,  on  the  contrary,  that  liberty  will  be 
assured  and  Europe  conquered  so  soon  as  you  have  a  com- 
mittee of  clemency.  This  committee  will  complete  the  Rev- 
olution, for  clemency  itself  is  a  revolutionary  measure,  the 
most  efficient  of  all  when  it  is  wisely  dealt  out.1 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refer-  End  of  the  National  Assembly :    Mathews,  French   Revolution, 

ences.  Chapter  XIII,   pp.    166-181;  Stephens,  History  of  the  French  Revo- 

lution, Vol.  I,  Chapter  XV,  pp.  434-470 ;  Cambridge  Modern  History, 
Vol.  VIII,  pp.  199-210. 

Opening  of  the  War  with  Europe:  Mathews,  pp.  182-195;  Ste- 
phens, Vol.  II,  pp.  27-44. 

Conditions  in  Europe  in  1792:  Fyffe,  History  of  Modern  Europe, 
Chapter  I,  pp.  1-27. 

Tenth  of  August  and  the  September  Massacres :  Stephens, 
Vol.  II,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  107-150  ;  Mathews,  pp.  195-206  ;  Cambridge 
Modem  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  228-244. 

Establishment  of  the  Republic  :  Mathews,  Chapter  XV,  pp.  207- 
224;  Stephens,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  V,  pp.  1 51-180. 

Reign  of  Terror  in  Paris :  Stephens,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  X,  pp.  321- 
361  ;  Mathews,  Chapter  XVI,  pp.  224-233  ;  Cambridge  Modem  His- 
tory, Vol.  VIII,  Chapter  XII,  pp.  338-371. 

Reign  of  Terror  in  the  Provinces :  Mathews,  Chapter  XVII, 
pp.  234-251  ;  Stephens,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  362-414. 

Robespierre:  Mathews,  Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  252-265. 

Reaction  after  Thermidor  :  Mathews,  Chapter  XIX,  pp.  266-285; 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  372-397. 

Course  of  the  War  to  1795:  Fyffe,  Chapter  II,  pp.  28-73;  Cam- 
bridge Modern  History,  Chapter  XIV,  pp.  398-446. 

!In  spite  of  Desmoulin's  eloquent  and  wise  plea  for  clemency,  his  friend 
Robespierre  refused  to  support  him,  and  he  was  brought  to  the  scaffold,  along 
with  Danton,  by  the  party  which  held  that  moderation  was  synonymous  with 
treason  to  the  cause  of  republican  liberty. 


The  First  French  Republic 


461 


Stephens,  H.  Morse,  A  History  of  the  French  Revolution,  2  vols.,    B.  Addi- 

1886-1891  (the  third  volume,  which  should  bring  down  the  story  to  the    tional  read- 

close  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  has  unfortunately  never  appeared).    This    "±8  tn 

E11  crlish 
is  by  far  the  best  account  to  be  had  in  English,  perhaps  in  any  language.         * 

It  is  free  from  both  partisanship  and  sentimentality,  and  is  based  on  the 
results  of  modern  French  scholarship.  Its  inaccuracies  in  detail  do  not 
impair  its  essential  value.  The  same  author  in  his  Europe,  1789-1815, 
1893,  furnishes  a  good  summary  of  the  political  history  of  the  revolu- 
tionary period. 

Taine,  The  French  Revolution  (from  the  French),  3  vols.  Covers 
the  period  1789  to  1794.  A  brilliant  arraignment  of  many  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Revolution,  which  the  author  treats  in  an  unsympathetic  spirit. 
His  style,  insight,  and  research,  however,  serve  to  give  his  work  both 
marked  originality  and  value. 

Carlyle,  The  French  Revolution,  originally  published  in  1837  ;  new 
edition  with  notes  by  Fletcher  and  another  edition  edited  by  Rose.  This 
famous  bit  of  literature  can  scarcely  be  termed  a  history  ;  it  is  a  bril- 
liant and  erratic  commentary  on  the  men  and  ideas  of  the  times,  full  of 
profound  observation,  not  unmixed  with  highly  colored  trivialities  and 
inconsequential  reflections.  Profitable  and  amusing  for  one  familiar  with 
the  actual  course  of  events. 

Lecky,  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  Chapters  XVIII-XX, 
on  the  French  Revolution.  These  have  been  published  in  a  separate 
volume  (Appleton). 

Sloane,  The  French  Revolution  and  Religious  Refor?n.  An  account 
of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  and  its  influence  on  affairs  in  France 
from  1789  to  1804  (T901)- 

Mallet,  B.,  Mallet  du  Pan  and  the  French  Revolution,  1902.  A  sym- 
pathetic account  of  a  well-known  journalist. 

Belloc,  D  ant  on,  and  by  the  same  writer,  Robespierre.  Two  read- 
able biographies. 

Morley,  Critical  Miscellanies  (see  above,  p.  394).  Some  of  these 
essays  are  concerned  with  the  revolutionary  leaders  and  thinkers. 

Mahan,  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  the  French  Revolution  ana 
Empire,  2  vols.  The  author  aims  to  explain  the  successes  of  Great 
Britain  by  its  control  of  the  seas. 

Very  few  of  the  sources  are  to  be  had  in  English.    The  following  may    The  sources 
be  noted.  in  English. 

The  Annual  Register  for  the  period  contains  some  documents. 

Anderson,  Constitutions  and  Other  Select  Documents  Illustrative  of 
the  History  of  France,  1J89-1901,  gives  important  state  papers. 


462 


Readings  in  European  History 


Burke  and 

Thomas 

Paine. 


Young,  Arthur,  Travels  (see  above,  p.  373),  for  the  opening  of 
the  Estates  General. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  Diary  and  Letters,  2  vols.,  1888.  Observa- 
tions of  an  American. 

The  Correspondence  of  William  Augustus  Miles  on  the  French  Revo- 
lution, 178Q-1817,  2  vols.,  1890. 

Pasquier,  History  of  my  Ti?ne,  Memoirs,  1893-1894,  Vol.  I. 

Rigby,  E.,  Letters  from  France  in  ij8g,  1880. 

Mallet  du  Pan,  Memoirs  and  Correspondence,  ed.  Sayous,  2  vols., 
1852. 

Fersen,  Diary  and  Correspondence  relating  to  the  Court  of  France, 
1892. 

Most  of  the  memoirs  mentioned  below,  p.  531,  relating  mainly  to 
the  Napoleonic  period,  have  something  to  say  of  the  Revolution,  and 
the  same  may  be  said  for  those  mentioned  above,  p.  396. 

Some  notion  of  the  attitude  of  certain  conservative  Englishmen 
toward  the  Revolution  may  be  found  in  Burke's  famous  Reflections  on 
the  French  Revolution,  —  a  wild  and  indiscriminate  attack  upon  the 
whole  movement.  It  was  answered  by  Thomas  Paine  in  his  celebrated 
tract,  The  Rights  of  Man,  a  defense  of  the  cause  of  the  people. 


C.  Material 
for  advanced 
study. 

Sorel's  great 
work. 


AULARD,  L1  Histoire  politique  de  la  revolution  francaise,  1789-1804, 
1901.  Recent,  and  by  one  who  has  devoted  years  to  a  sympathetic 
study  of  the  revolutionary  movement. 

Sorel,  Albert,  U Europe  et  la  Revolution  francaise,  8  vols,  (com- 
ing down  to  181 5),  188 5-1904,  Vols.  II-IV.  This  extraordinary  work 
supersedes  all  others  on  the  subject.  While  it  is  a  history  of  the 
effects  of  the  Revolution  throughout  Europe,  it  contains  excellent  chap- 
ters on  the  course  of  events  in  Paris  and  France.  The  later  volumes 
cover  the  Napoleonic  period. 

Jaures,  Histoire  socialiste,  ij8q-jooo.  Vols.  I-IV  by  Jaures  on 
Constituante,  Legislative  et  Convention  jusqu^aug  Thermidor ;  and  Vol.  V 
by  Deville,  Du  g  Thermidor  au  18  Brumaire. 

Dictionnaire  historique  et  biographique  de  la  revolution  et  de  P  empire, 
ifSg-iSij,  2  vols.,  1899.     Useful  work  of  reference. 


Special  works. 


Cherest,  La  Chute  de  Pancien  regime,  3  vols.,  1 884-1 886  (uncom- 
pleted).    A  very  detailed  study  of  the  years  1786-1789. 

Champion,  La  France  d'apres  les  cahiers  de  i?8g.     Admirable. 

Chassin,  Le  Genie  de  la  revolution,  2  vols.,  1863-1865.  A  study  of 
the  cahiers. 


The  First  French  Republic 


463 


STERN,  Das  Leben  Mirabeaus,  2  vols.,  1889. 

Gomel,  Histoire  financiere  de  VAssemblee  constituante,  2  vols.,  1896- 
1897.  Excellent.  See  also  for  this  and  the  later  period,  Stourm,  Les 
Finances  de  fanciest  regime  et  de  la  revolution,  2  vols.,  1885. 

SciOUT,  Histoire  de  la  constitution  civile  du  clerge,  1790-1801,  4  vols., 
1872-1881. 

Champion,  La  separation  de  Peglise  et  de  Vetat  en  1794.  A  remark- 
able little  volume. 

Campardan,  Le  Tribunal  revolutionnaire  de  Paris,  2  vols.,  1886. 

Robinet,  Le  Mouvement  religieux  pendant  la  revolution,  1780-1801, 
1896. 

Mortimer-Ternaux,  Histoire  de  la  Terreur,  8  vols.,  1862  (uncom- 
pleted).    Contains  many  interesting  documents. 

Wallon,  La  Terreur,  2  vols.,  188 r.  This  author  has  also  issued 
two  other  important  and  elaborate  contributions  to  the  history  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror:  Histoire  du  tribunal  revolutionnaire  de  Paris,  and  Les 
Representants  du  peuple  en  mission. 

Vatel,  Vergniaud,  2  vols.,  1873  ;  and  Charlotte  Corday  et  les  Giron- 
dists :  pieces  classees  et  annotees,  3  vols.,  1864- 187 2. 

Bire,  La  Legende  des  girondins.     Refutes  some  common  errors. 

Hericault,  La  Revolution  de  Thermidor,  1876. 

Chuquet,  Les  Guerres  de  la  revolution,  1886-1896,  n  vols,  (coming 
down  only  to  September,  1793). 

VGEuvre  sociale  de  la  revolution  francaise.  A  series  of  excellent 
essays  by  Faguet  and  others. 


Of  the  biographies,  some  of  the  best  are : 

Claretie,  J.,  Camille  Desmoulins,  Lucile  Des?noulins :  Etude  sui- 
tes dantonistes,  187 5.     Charming.     To  be  had  in  an  English  translation. 

Chevremont,  Marat,  2  vols.,  1880.  Dauban,  Etude  sur  Madame 
Roland  et  son  temps,  2  vols.,  1864.  Hamel,  Histoire  de  Robespierre, 
3  vols. ;  excessively  laudatory.  Mallet,  Mallet  du  Pan  and  the  French 
Revolution,  1902.     Robinet,  Danton,  1889. 

Atjlard,  Les  Oratenrs  de  V Assetnblee  constituante,  1882,  and  Les 
Orateurs  de  la  Legislative  et  de  la  Convention. 

La  Revolution  francaise.  A  periodical  edited  by  Atjlard,  1881  sqq., 
and  dedicated  to  a  study  of  the  Revolution. 


Biographies 
of  the  revo- 
lutionary 
leaders. 


The  advanced  student  should  be  on  his  guard  against  losing  himself    The  sources. 
in  the  bewildering  number  of  secondary  works  on  the  Revolution,  and 
should  early  acquaint  himself  with  the  scope  and  character  of  the  chief 
collections  of  sources,  of  which  the  most  important  are  : 


464 


Readings  in  European  History 


Buchez  et  Roux,  Histoire  parlementaire  de  la  revolution  francaise, 
40  vols.,  1834-1838.  This  contains  extracts  from  the  debates  in  the 
Assembly,  with  the  text  of  some  of  the  important  decrees.  It  gives 
quotations  from  the  newspapers  and  from  the  speeches  in  the  Jacobin 
and  other  political  clubs,  etc.  Notwithstanding  very  defective  tables  of 
contents,  this  has  been  the  mainstay  of  many  writers,  and  is  still  very 
valuable,  by  reason  of  its  comprehensiveness  and  cheapness;  the  40 
volumes  are  procurable  in  Paris  for  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dollars. 
The  news-  Reimpression  de  Vancien  Moniteur  (several  editions),  32  vols.     This 

papers.  -IS  a  reprint  of  one  of  the  most  important  newspapers  of  the  revolution- 

ary period.     It  can  be  bought  for  about  twenty  dollars.     Examples  of 
other  important  newspapers  may  be  found  in  our  best  libraries. 

Archives  parlementaires  de  1787-1860,  first  series,  1 787-1 799,  of 
which  some  66  volumes  have  appeared,  reaching  the  middle  of  the  year 
1793.  This  is  an  official  but  not  very  critical  collection  of  the  debates 
in  the  successive  French  legislative  bodies,  and  occasionally  includes 
other  useful  material.  Vol.  I  contains  an  excellent  account  of  the 
events  preceding  the  opening  of  the  Estates  General. 

Vols.  II-VI  of  the  Archives  parlementaires  contain  the  most  com- 
plete collection  in  existence  of  the  cahiers ;  but  this  must  be  supple- 
mented by  the  collections  of  local  cahiers  which  appear  from  time  to 
time.     (See  Ca?nbridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  802  sq.) 

Much  attention  has  been  given  in  the  past  twenty  years  to  the  pub- 
lication of  documents,  especially  in  Paris.  The  following  collections 
are  important :  Brette,  Recueil  des  documents  relatifs  a  la  convocation 
des  e'tats  generaux,  2  vols.,  1 894-1896  ;  Aulard,  La  Societi  des  Jacobins, 
6  vols.,  1 889-1 897  ;  Recueil  des  actes  du  Comite  de  salut  publique,  16 
vols.,  1889-1904. 

Mirabeau,  Correspondance  avec  le  comte  de  la  Marck,  3  vols.,  185 1. 
Very  important.  Stephens,  H.  Morse,  The  Principal  Speeches  of  the 
Statesmen  and  Orators  of  the  French  Revolution,  I78g-i7g^,  2  vols., 
Clarendon  Press.     Very  useful. 

Legg,  Select  Documents  Illustrative  of  the  History  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution, The  Constituent  Assembly,  2  vols.,  Clarendon  Press,   1905.    An 
admirable  "  source  book."    The  comments  are  in  English  ;  the  extracts 
are  reproduced  in  the  original  French. 
Memoirs.  Of  the  many  memoirs,  perhaps  the  most  important  are  those  of 

Bailly,    Ferrieres,  Mallet   du   Pan,  Malouet,  the   Comte    de 
Fersen,  etc.1 


Collections 
of  the 
Cahiers. 


Great  collec- 
tions of 
materials. 


1  See  bibliographies  in  the  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VIII,  and  in  the 
Histoire  generate,  Vol.  VIII. 


CHAPTER    XXXVII 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 


I.  Boyhood  of  Napoleon 


When  nine  years  old  Napoleon  Bonaparte  and  his 
brother  Joseph  accompanied  their  father  to  France, 
where  the  boys  were  to  go  to  school  and  learn  French. 
One  of  their  teachers  in  Autun  thus  writes  of  them  : 

Napoleon  brought  with  him  to  Autun  a  somber  and 
pensive  character.  He  never  played  with  any  one  and  ordi- 
narily walked  by  himself.  .  .  .  He  had  much  ability ;  under- 
stood and  learned  readilv.  When  I  was  teaching  him  his 
lesson  he  would  fix  his  eyes  upon  me  with  his  mouth  open. 
If  I  tried  to  recapitulate  what  I  had  just  said,  he  would  not 
listen  to  me.  If  I  blamed  him  for  this,  he  would  reply  with 
a  cold,  not  to  say  imperious,  air,  "  I  know  that,  sir.'' 

I  only  had  him  under  me  for  three  months.  .  .  .  He  had 
by  that  time  learned  French  so  as  to  make  use  of  it  freely 
in  conversation,  and  could  write  little  themes  and  make  little 
translations.  ...  At  the  end  of  three  months  I  sent  him 
off  with  a  certain  Monsieur  de  Champeaux  to  the  military 
school  at  Brienne. 

Joseph  also  had  much  ability :  although  he  took  but  little 
interest  in  study,  and  knew  no  French  at  all  when  he 
arrived,  he  learned  it  very  promptly,  as  well  as  the  begin- 
nings of  Latin.  .  .  .  He  was  as  decent  and  agreeable  in 
his  manner  as  his  brother  was  imperious.  His  nature  was 
sweet,  engaging,  and  appreciative.  He  was  fond  of  his  com- 
panions and  protected  those  whom  others  annoyed.  I  never 
saw  in  him  the  least  indications  of  ambition. 

465 


418.  How 

Napoleon 

and  his 

brother 

Joseph 

learned 

French. 


Joseph's 
character. 


466  Readings  in  European  History    * 

Napoleon  early  developed  the  ability  to  judge  men 
and  assign  them  to  their  appropriate  spheres.  Before 
he  left  Brienne  his  father  visited  him,  bringing  his 
younger  brother  Lucien,  together  with  the  news  that 
his  brother  Joseph  was  planning  to  give  up  the  clerical 
career  he  had  chosen  and  become  a  soldier.  Although 
not  yet  fifteen  years  old,  Napoleon  writes  of  the  matter 
to  his  uncle  as  follows : 

419.  Napo-     My  dear  Uncle  : 

n  ht^to  I  am  writing  t0  inform  you  that  my  dear  father  has  just 

character.  passed  through  Brienne  on  his  way  to  place  Marianne 
[i.e.  Napoleon's  sister,  filise]  in  the  convent  at  St.  Cyr,  after 
which  he  will  take  measures  to  regain  his  health.  He  ar- 
rived here  on  the  21st  instant  with  Lucien.  The  latter  he 
left  here.  He  is  nine  years  old  and  three  feet  eleven  inches 
and  six  lines  tall.  He  is  in  the  sixth  form  so  far  as  his  Latin 
goes,  and  he  is  about  to  take  up  the  various  other  branches. 

He  knows  French  very  well,  but  he  has  forgotten  Italian 
altogether.  I  hope  that  he  will  now  write  you  more  fre- 
quently than  when  he  was  at  Autun.  I  am  convinced  that 
my  brother  Joseph  has  not  written  to  you;  and  how  could 
you  expect  him  to  when  he  only  writes  a  few  lines  to  my 
dear  father,  when  he  writes  at  all  ? 

As  to  the  career  which  he  proposes  to  embrace,  the  eccle- 
siastical was,  as  you  know,  the  first  that  he  chose.  He  per- 
sisted in  that  resolution  until  now,  when  he  proposes  to  go  into 
the  king's  service.     He  is  wrong  in  this  for  several  reasons. 

First,  as  my  dear  father  observes,  he  has  not  the  cour- 
age necessary  to  face  the  dangers  of  an  action,  and  his 
feeble  health  would  not  permit  him  to  bear  the  fatigues  of 
a  campaign.  My  brother  only  looks  at  military  life  from  the 
standpoint  of  a  garrison.  Yes,  my  dear  brother  would  be  a 
good  garrison  officer ;  he  is  well  made  and  has  that  light 
spirit  which  adapts  him  to  frivolous  compliments.  He  would 
always  shine  in  society,  but  in  battle  —  that  is  what  my 
father  is  doubtful  about.  .  .  . 


Napoleon  Bonaparte  467 

Second,  he  has  been  educated  for  the  ecclesiastical  estate, 
and  it  is  much  too  late  to  give  this  up.  The  bishop  of 
Autun  would  have  given  him  a  fine  benefice,  and  he  would 
have  been  sure  to  have  become  bishop.  What  an  advan- 
tage for  his  family !  The  bishop  has  done  all  he  could  to 
induce  him  to  persist  in  his  original  purpose,  promising 
him  that  he  would  not  be  sorry.  However,  he  has  made  up 
his  mind.  I  would  praise  him  if  only  he  had  a  decided  taste 
for  this  profession,  which  is  the  finest  of  all  professions.  If 
only  the  great  Director  of  human  affairs,  in  forming  him, 
had  given  him,  as  he  has  me,  a  decided  inclination  for  mili- 
tary life! 

He  wants  to  go  into  the  army  ;  that  is  well  enough,  but 
in  what  department  ?  The  marine  ?  But,  in  the  first  place, 
he  knows  no  mathematics,  and  it  will  take  him  two  years  to 
master  the  subject.  In  the  second  place,  his  health  is  in- 
compatible with  a  life  on  the  sea. 

Shall  it  be  the  engineers'  division  ?  He  would  require 
four  or  five  years  to  learn  what  is  necessary,  and  at  the 
end  of  that  time  he  would  only  be  a  beginner.  Moreover  I 
believe  that  the  necessity  of  working  all  day  is  not  compat- 
ible with  the  lightness  of  his  character.  The  same  reasOD 
which  holds  for  the  engineers  holds  for  the  artillery.  .  .  . 
That  certainly  is  not  to  his  taste. 

Let  us  see,  then.  Doubtless  he  would  like  to  go  into  the 
infantrv.  Good;  I  can  comprehend  that.  lie  would  like  to 
have  nothing  to  do  all  day  except  to  walk  about  the  streets. 
And  wh.it  is  a  little  infantry  <  inner,  anyway  —  except  a  hard 
case  three  fourths  of  the  time?  This  is  just  what  my  dear 
father,  and  you,  and  my  mother,  and  my  uncle  the  arch- 
deacon would  not  wish,  for  he  has  already  shown  some  little 
indications  of  lightheadedness  and  prodigality. 

Consequently  a  last  effort  will  be  made  to  induce  him  to 
pursue  a  clerical  career.  Otherwise  my  dear  father  will 
carry  him  back  to  Corsica  with  him,  so  that  he  may  keep  an 
eye  on  him,  and  they  will  try  to  have  him  enter  the  law. 

I  close  with  the  hope  that  you  will  continue  to  retain  me 
in  your  good  graces  :  to  render  myself  worthy  of  them  will 


468 


Readings  iii  European  History 


be  my  most  cherished  ambition.    I  am,  with  most  profound 

respect,  my  dear  uncle,  your  very  humble  and  very  obedient 

servant  and  nephew, 

Napoleone  di  Buonaparte. 

P.S.    Destroy  this  letter. 


420.  Circum- 
stances 
under  which 
Bonaparte 
undertook 
the  Italian 
campaign. 


II.   Bonaparte's  Italian  Campaign  (i 796-1 797) 

A  writer,  Las  Cases,  who  accompanied  Napoleon  to 
St.  Helena,  gathered  the  following  information  from  the 
exiled  emperor  in  regard  to  the  circumstances  of  Bona- 
parte's first  campaign. 

During  the  period  of  his  command  at  Paris  subsequent 
to  the  18th  Vendemiaire,  Napoleon  had  to  deal  with  a 
great  dearth  of  food,  which  occasioned  several  popular  com- 
motions. One  day,  when  the  usual  distribution  of  bread 
had  not  taken  place,  crowds  of  people  collected  around 
the  bakers'  shops.  Napoleon  was  patrolling  the  city  with 
a  party  of  his  staff  to  preserve  public  order.  A  crowd 
of  persons,  chiefly  women,  assembled  around  him,  loudly 
calling  for  bread.  The  crowd  grew,  the  outcries  increased, 
and  the  situation  of  Napoleon  and  his  officers  became  crit- 
ical. A  woman  of  monstrously  robust  appearance  was  par- 
ticularly conspicuous  by  her  gestures  and  exclamations. 
"Those  fine  epauleted  fellows,"  said  she,  pointing  to  the 
officers,  "  laugh  at  our  distress ;  so  long  as  they  can  eat 
and  grow  fat,  they  do  not  care  if  the  poor  people  die  of 
hunger."  Napoleon  turned  to  her  and  said,  "  My  good 
woman,  look  at  me  ;  which  is  the  fatter,  you  or  I  ? "  Napo- 
leon was  at  that  time  extremely  thin.  "  I  was  merely  a  slip 
of  parchment,"  said  he.  A  general  burst  of  laughter  dis- 
armed the  fury  of  the  populace,  and  the  staff  officers  con- 
tinued their  round. 

Napoleon's  memoirs  of  the  campaign  in  Italy  show  how 
he  became  acquainted  with  Madame  de  Beauharnais,  and 
how  he  contracted  the  marriage  which  has  been  so  greatly 
misrepresented  in  the  accounts  of  the  time.    As  soon  as  he 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


469 


got  himself  introduced  to  Madame  de  Beauharnais  he  spent 
almost  every  evening  at  her  house,  which  was  frequented  by 
the  most  agreeable  company  in  Paris.  When  the  majority 
of  the  party  retired,  there  usually  remained  Monsieur  de 
Montesquiou,  the  father  of  the  grand  chamberlain,  the  duke 
of  Nivernais,  so  celebrated  for  the  graces  of  his  wit,  and  a  few 
others.  They  used  to  look  around  to  see  that  the  doors  were 
all  shut,  and  then  they  would  say,  "Now  let  us  sit  down  and 
chat  about  the  old  court ;  let  us  revisit  Versailles  once  more." 

The  poverty  of  the  treasury  and  the  scarcity  of  specie 
were  so  great  during  the  republic  that  on  the  departure  of 
General  Bonaparte  to  join  the  army  of  Italy  all  his  efforts, 
joined  to  those  of  the  Directory,  only  resulted  in  raising 
two  thousand  louis,  which  he  carried  with  him  in  his  car- 
riage. With  this  sum  he  set  out  to  conquer  Italy,  and  to 
advance  toward  the  empire  of  the  world.  The  following  is 
a  curious  fact.  An  order  of  the  day  was  issued,  signed  by 
Berthier,  directing  the  general  in  chief,  on  his  arrival  at  the 
headquarters  at  Nice,  to  distribute  to  the  different  generals 
the  sum  of  four  louis  in  specie  to  enable  them  to  enter  on 
the  campaign.  For  a  considerable  time  no  such  thing  as 
specie  had  been  seen.  This  order  of  the  day  displays  the 
circumstances  of  the  time  more  truly  and  faithfully  than 
whole  volumes  written  on  the  subject. 

As  soon  as  Napoleon  joined  the  army  he  proved  himself 
to  be  a  man  born  to  command.  From  that  moment  he  filled 
the  theater  of  the  world  ;  he  occupied  all  Europe ;  he  was  a 
meteor  blazing  in  the  firmament;  he  centered  all  eyes  on 
himself,  riveted  all  thoughts,  and  formed  the  subject  of  all 
conversation.  From  that  time  every  gazette,  every  publica- 
tion, every  monument  became  the  record  of  his  deeds.  His 
name  was  inscribed  on  every  page  and  in  every  line,  and 
echoed  from  every  mouth. 

His  entrance  upon  the  command  produced  a  revolution  in 
his  manners,  conduct,  and  language.  Decres  has  often  told 
me  that  he  was  at  Toulon  when  he  first  heard  of  Napoleon's 
appointment  to  the  command  of  the  army  of  Italy.  He  had 
known  him  well  in  Paris  and  thought  himself  on  terms  of 


Bonaparte 
falls  in  with 
the  former 
aristocracy. 


Bonaparte 
alters  his 
friendly 
manner. 


freedom  from 
greed 


470  Readings  171  European  History 

perfect  intimacy  with  him.  "  So,"  said  he,  "  when  we  learned 
that  the  new  general  was  about  to  pass  through  the  city,  I 
immediately  proposed  to  introduce  my  comrades  to  him,  and 
to  turn  my  former  connection  with  him  to  the  best  account. 
I  hastened  to  meet  him  full  of  eagerness  and  joy.  The  door 
of  the  apartment  was  thrown  open,  and  I  was  on  the  point 
of  rushing  toward  him  with  my  wonted  familiarity ;  but  his 
attitude,  his  look,  the  tone  of  his  voice  suddenly  deterred 
me.  There  was  nothing  offensive  either  in  his  appearance 
or  manner,  but  the  impression  he  produced  was  sufficient  to 
prevent  me  from  ever  again  attempting  to  encroach  upon 
the  distance  that  separated  us." 
Bonaparte's  Napoleon's  generalship  was   characterized   by  the   skill, 

energy,  and  purity  of  his  military  administration ;  his  con- 
stant dislike  of  peculation  of  any  kind,  and  his  total  dis- 
regard of  his  own  private  interest.  "  I  returned  from  the 
campaign  in  Italy,"  said  he,  "with  but  three  hundred  thou- 
sand francs  in  my  possession.  I  might  easily  have  carried 
off  ten  or  twelve  millions  and  have  kept  it  for  my  own.  I 
never  made  out  any  accounts,  nor  was  I  ever  asked  for  any. 
I  expected,  on  my  return,  to  receive  some  great  national 
reward.  It  was  publicly  reported  that  Chambord  was  to  be 
given  to  me,  and  I  should  have  been  very  glad  to  have  had 
the  chateau ;  but  the  idea  was  set  aside  by  the  Directory. 
I  had,  however,  sent  back  to  France  at  least  fifty  millions 
for  the  service  of  the  state.  This  I  imagine  was  the  first 
instance  in  modern  history  of  an  army  contributing  to  main- 
tain the  country  to  which  it  belonged  instead  of  being  a 
burden  to  it." 

The  young  and  rather  inexperienced  General  Bonaparte 
had  to  lead  his  ill-equipped  troops  against  the  combined 
armies  of  Austria  and  of  the  king  of  Sardinia.  His  sue-' 
cess  was,  nevertheless,  immediate  ;  and  after  the  opening 
victories  in  the  mountains  separating  France  from  Pied- 
mont, he  found  himself  in  a  position  to  cheer  his  troops 
by  the  following  proclamation  : 


Xapolcon  Bonaparte 


471 


Headquarters  at  Cherasco, 
7th  Floreal,  Year  IV  [April  26,  1796]. 

Soldiers  : 

You  have  in  a  fortnight  won  six  victories,  taken  twenty- 
one  standards,  fifty-five  pieces  of  artillery,  several  strong 
places,  and  conquered  the  richest  part  of  Piedmont ;  you 
have  made  fifteen  thousand  prisoners  and  killed  or  wounded 
more  than  ten  thousand  men.  Previously  you  had  fought 
for  sterile  crags,  which,  although  you  made  them  famous  by 
your  prowess,  were  useless  to  your  country ;  to-day  your 
services  put  you  on  a  footing  with  the  army  of  Holland  or 
of  the  Rhine. 

Without  any  resources  you  have  supplied  all  that  was 
necessary.  You  have  won  battles  without  cannons,  passed 
rivers  without  bridges,  made  forced  marches  without  shoes, 
camped  without  brandy  and  often  without  bread.  Only 
republican  phalanxes,  soldiers  of  liberty,  would  have  been 
able  to  bear  what  you  have  borne.  Thanks  be  to  you,  sol- 
diers, for  this.  Your  grateful  country  will  owe  its  prosperity 
to  you.  As  conquerors  at  Toulon  you  but  foreshadowed 
the  immortal  campaign  of  1794  ;  even  so  your  present  victo- 
ries are  but  harbingers  of  still  greater. 

The  two  armies  which  but  recently  attacked  you  with  con- 
fidence are  fleeing  in  consternation  before  you.  Those  mis- 
guided men  who  laughed  at  your  misery  and  rejoiced  in  the 
thought  of  the  triumph  of  your  enemies  have  been  confounded. 

But,  soldiers,  you  have  clone  nothing  as  yet  compared  with 
what  there  still  remains  to  do.  Neither  Turin  nor  Milan 
yet  belongs  to  you.  .  .  .  You  were  destitute  of  everything 
at  the  opening  of  the  campaign  ;  to-day  you  are  provided 
abundantly.  Numerous  stores  have  been  taken  from  your 
enemies  and  siege  and  field  guns  have  arrived. 

Soldiers,  your  country  is  justified  in  expecting  great  things 
of  you.  Will  you  fulfill  its  hopes  ?  The  greatest  obstacles  un- 
doubtedly have  been  overcome,  but  you  have  still  battles  to 
fight,  cities  to  take,  rivers  to  cross.  Is  there  any  one  among 
you  whose  courage  is  slackening?  Is  there  any  one  who  would 
prefer  to  return  across  the  summits  of  the  Apennines  and 


421.  Bona- 
parte's proc« 
lamation  to 
his  soldiers 
on  their 
arrival  in 
Italy. 


pillage. 


472  Readings  ill  European  History 

the  Alps  and  bear  patiently  the  insults  of  a  slavish  soldiery? 
No,  there  is  none  such  among  the  conquerors  of  Monte- 
notte,  of  Dego,  of  Mondovi.  All  of  you  are  burning  to  extend 
the  glory  of  the  French  people.  All  long  to  humiliate  those 
haughty  kings  who  dare  to  contemplate  placing  us  in  fetters. 
All  desire  to  dictate  a  glorious  peace  and  one  which  will 
indemnify  our  country  for  the  immense  sacrifices  which  it 
has  made ;  all  would  wish,  as  they  return  to  their  native 
villages,  to  be  able  to  say  proudly,  "  I  was  with  the  victori- 
ous army  of  Italy  !  " 
stern  prohi-  Friends,  I  can  promise  you  this  conquest,  but  there  is  one 
bition  of  condition  which  you  must  swear  to  fulfill.    That  is  to  respect 

the  peoples  whom  you  deliver,  and  repress  the  horrible  pil- 
lage which  certain  rascals,  incited  by  our  enemies,  commit. 
Otherwise,  you  will  not  be  the  deliverers  of  the  people  but 
their  scourge ;  you  will  not  do  honor  to  the  French  people, 
but  will  thereby  disavow  your  country.  Your  victories,  your 
bravery,  your  success,  the  blood  of  our  brothers  who  have 
died  in  battle,  —  all  will  be  lost,  even  honor  and  glory.  As  for 
me  and  the  generals  who  have  your  confidence,  we  should 
blush  to  command  an  army  without  discipline  and  restraint, 
which  recognizes  no  law  but  force.  .  .  .  Any  one  who  en- 
gages in  pillage  will  be  shot  without  mercy. 

Peoples  of  Italy,  the  French  army  comes  to  break  your 
chains ;  the  French  people  is  the  friend  of  all  peoples.  You 
may  receive  them  with  confidence.  Your  property,  your  reli- 
gion, and  your  customs  will  be  respected.  We  are  carrying 
on  war  as  generous  enemies,  and  we  have  no  grudge  except 
against  the  tyrants  who  oppress  you. 
_^tf>T*  Bonaparte. 

,  Bourrienne,  one  of  Napoleon's  early  companions  and 
later  his  secretary,  gives  us  an  account  in  his  memoirs 
of  the  motives  which  led  General  Bonaparte  to  sign  the 
Treaty  of  Campo-Formio. 

The  early   appearance   of  bad  weather  hastened   Napo- 
leon's determination.   On  the  13th  of  October,  at  daybreak,  on 


to*Mrti 


Napoleon  Bo)iaparte  473 

opening  my  window  I  perceived  the  mountains  covered  with  422.  How 

snow.    The  previous  night  had  been  superb,  and  the  autumn,  BonaParte 

till  then,  had  promised  to  be  fine  and  late.    I  proceeded,  as  Sign  the 

I  always  did  at  seven  o'clock  in   the  morning,  to  the  gene-  Treaty  of 

ral's  chamber.    I  awoke  him  and  told  him  what  I  had  seen.    ~ampo- 

Formio. 

He  feigned  at  first  to  disbelieve  me,  then  leaped  from  his 
bed,  ran  to  the  window,  and,  convinced  of  the  sudden 
change,  he  calmly  said,  "  What !  before  the  middle  of  Octo- 
ber ?  What  a  country!  Well,  we  must  make  peace."  While 
he  hastily  put  on  his  clothes  I  read  the  journals  to  him,  as 
is  my  daily  custom.     He  paid  but  little  attention  to  them. 

Shutting  himself  up  with  me  in  his  closet,  he  reviewed 
with  the  greatest  care  all  the  returns  from  the  different  corps 
of  his  army.  "  Here  are,"  said  he,  "nearly  eighty  thousand 
effective  men.  I  feed,  I  pay  them  ;  but  I  can  bring  but 
sixty  thousand  into  the  field  on  the  day  of  battle.  I  shall 
gain  it,  but  afterwards  my  force  will  be  reduced  by  twenty 
thousand  men,  —  by  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  How 
then  shall  I  oppose  all  the  Austrian  forces  that  will  march 
to  the  protection  of  Vienna?  It  would  be  a  month  before 
the  armies  could  support  me,  if  they  should  be  able  to  do  it 
at  all ;  and  in  a  fortnight  all  the  roads  and  passes  will  be 
covered  deep  with  snow.  It  is  settled —  I  will  make  peace. 
Venice  shall  pay  for  the  expense  of  the  war  and  the  bound- 
ary of  the  Rhine;  let  the  Directory  and  the  lawyers  say 
what  they  like." 

He  wrote  to  the  Directory  in  the  following  words  :  "  The 
summits  of  the  hills  are  covered  with  snow;  I  cannot,  on 
account  of  the  stipulations  agreed  to  in  regard  to  the  recom- 
mencement of  hostilities,  open  them  again  for  twenty-five 
days,  and  by  that  time  we  shall  be  overwhelmed  with  snow." 

.  .  .  It  is  well  known  that  by  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  Provisions 
the  two  belligerent  powers  made  peace  at  the  expense  of  the 
republic  of  Venice,  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  quarrel  Formio. 
in  the  first  instance,  and  which  only  interfered  at  a  late 
period,  probably  against  her  own  inclination,  and  impelled 
by  the  force  of  inevitable  circumstances.  But  what  has  been 
the  result  of  this  great  political  spoliation  ?    A  portion  of  the 


474 


Readings  in  European  History 


Destruction 
of  the 
Venetian 
republic. 


Bonaparte 
disregards 
the  instruc- 
tions of  the 
Directory. 


Venetian  territory  was  adjudged  to  the  Cisalpine  republic ; 
it  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Austria.  Another  considerable 
portion,  including  the  capital  itself,  fell  to  the  lot  of  Austria 
in  compensation  for  the  Belgian  provinces  and  Lombardy, 
which  she  ceded  to  France. 

.  .  .  The  Directory  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the 
Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  and  with  difficulty  resisted  the 
temptation  not  to  ratify  it.  A  fortnight  before  the  signature 
of  the  treaty,  the  directors  wrote  to  General  Bonaparte  that 
they  would  not  consent  to  give  the  emperor  Venice,  Friuli, 
Padua,  and  the  Venetian  terra  firma,  with  the  Adige  as  a 
boundary.  "  That,"  they  said,  "  would  not  be  to  make  peace, 
but  to  postpone  the  war.  We  shall  be  regarded  as  the 
beaten  party,  independently  of  the  disgrace  of  abandoning 
Venice,  which  Bonaparte  himself  thought  so  worthy  of  free- 
dom. France  ought  not,  and  never  will  wish,  to  see  Italy 
delivered  up  to  Austria."  ...  All  this  was,  however,  said 
in  vain.  Bonaparte  made  no  scruple  of  disregarding  his 
instructions. 


423.  Bona- 
parte's proc- 
lamation to 
his  Egyptian 
army  (Sep- 
tember 22, 
1798). 


III.  The  Egyptian  Expedition  :  the   i8th  Brumaire 

After  the  first  disasters  in  Egypt,  Bonaparte  thus 
encouraged  his  troops  : 

Headquarters,  Cairo,  1st  Vendemiaire,  Year  VII. 
Soldiers  : 

We  are  celebrating  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  year  of  the 
republic.  Five  years  ago  the  independence  of  the  French 
people  was  threatened,  but  you  took  Toulon;  this  was  a 
harbinger  of  the  ruin  of  our  enemies.  A  year  later  you 
defeated  the  Austrians  at  Dego ;  the  following  year  you 
were  on  the  summit  of  the  Alps.  Two  years  ago  you  were 
fighting  for  Mantua,  and  you  gained  the  famous  victory  of 
St.  George.  Last  year  you  were  at  the  sources  of  the  Drave 
and  the  Isonzo,  and  had  returned  from  Germany.  Who 
would  have  said  then  that  you  would  to-day  be  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  in  the  midst  of  an  ancient  continent? 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


47  5 


The  eyes  of  the  world  are  centered  upon  you,  from  those  of 
the  English,  famed  in  arts  and  trade,  to  the  wild  and  hide- 
ous Bedouin. 

Soldiers,  your  destiny  is  a  glorious  one,  because  you  are 
worthy  of  all  that  you  have  accomplished  and  of  the  fame 
which  you  enjoy.  You  will  die  with  honor  like  the  brave 
men  whose  names  are  inscribed  upon  this  pyramid,1  or  you 
will  return  to  your  country  covered  with  laurels  and  a  source 
of  wonder  to  all. 

During  the  five  months  which  we  have  been  absent  from 
Europe  we  have  been  the  object  of  constant  solicitude  on 
the  part  of  our  compatriots.  To-day,  forty  millions  of  citi- 
zens celebrate  the  advent  of  representative  government ; 
these  forty  millions  are  thinking  of  you,  and  are  saying,  "It 
is  to  their  labors  and  to  their  blood  that  we  shall  owe  a 
general  peace,  tranquillity,  Nourishing  commerce,  and  the 
advantages  of  civil  liberty. "' 


One  of  Bonaparte's  companions  in  Egypt  reports  the 
following  conference  between  the  general  and  the  muftis, 
or  expounders  of  the  Mohammedan  lav. 

Whilst  at  Cairo,  Bonaparte,  on  a  visit  to  the  pyramids, 
seated  himself  on  the  Soros  and  held  a  long  conversation 
with  the  muftis.  "Glory  to  Allah!  "  said  he;  "there  is  no 
other  God  but  God.  Mohammed  is  his  prophet  and  I  am 
his  friend.  Muftis  !  the  divine  Koran  is  the  delight  of  my 
soul  and  the  object  of  my  contemplation.  I  love  the  Prophet, 
and  I  hope  erelong  to  see  and  honor  his  tomb  in  the  Holy 
City. 

"But  my  mission  is  first  to  exterminate  the  Mamelukes. 
If  Egypt  be  their  portion,  let  them  show  me  the  lease  that 
God  has  given  them.  But  the  angel  of  death  has  breathed 
upon  them  :  we  are  come  and  they  have  disappeared.  The 
days  of  regeneration  are  come.  He  that  hath  ears,  let  him 
hear.    The  hour  of  political  resurrection  lias  struck  for  all 


424.  Bona- 
parte in- 
forms the 
Moham- 
medans that 
he  is  their 
friend. 


1  A  wooden  pyramid  on  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  who  had  already  fallen  in  Egypt. 


476 


Readings  in  European  History 


Felicitations 
of  the  Mo- 
hammedan 
muftis. 


who  groan  under  oppression.  Muftis,  imams,  mollahs,  der- 
vishes, and  kalenders  :  instruct  the  people  of  Egypt ;  encour- 
age them  to  join  in  our  labors  to  complete  the  destruction 
of  the  Beys  and  the  Mamelukes.  Favor  the  commerce  of 
the  Franks  in  your  country  and  their  endeavors  to  arrive  at 
the  ancient  land  of  Brahma.  Let  them  have  storehouses  in 
your  ports,  and  drive  far  from  you  the  English,  accursed 
among  the  children  of  Jesus !  Such  is  the  will  of  Moham- 
med. The  treasures,  industry,  and  friendship  of  the  Franks 
shall  be  your  lot  till  you  ascend  to  the  seventh  heaven  and 
are  seated  by  the  side  of  the  black-eyed  houris  who  are 
endowed  with  perpetual  youth  and  maidenhood." 

The  Mohammedan  muftis  in  return  called  him  an  envoy 
of  God,  the  favorite  of  Mohammed,  the  successor  of  Iskan- 
der  [i.e.  Alexander  the  Great]  most  valiant  among  the  chil- 
dren of  Jesus.  "  May  the  Prophet,"  said  one  of  them,  "  cause 
thee  to  sit  at  his  left  hand  on  the  day  of  resurrection,  after 
the  third  sound  of  the  trumpet."  "  At  length,"  said  another, 
"  the  dawn  of  happiness  breaks  upon  us  ;  the  time  destined 
by  God  has  arrived  ;  an  atmosphere  of  felicity  surrounds  us. 
The  resplendent  star  of  victory,  which  guides  the  French 
warriors,  has  shed  upon  us  its  dazzling  light ;  fame  and  honor 
go  before  them  ;  good  fortune  and  honor  accompany  them. 
The  chief  who  marches  at  their  head  is  impetuous  and  ter- 
rible ;  his  name  terrifies  kings.  Princes  bow  their  haughty 
heads  before  this  invincible  Bonaparte."1 


Madame  de  Remusat,  whose  husband  was  one  of 
Napoleon's  secretaries,  gives,  in  her  delightful  and  im- 
portant memoirs,  a  good  account  of  Bonaparte's  atti- 
tude toward  the  Egyptian  adventure  and  his  return  to 
France.    He  said  to  her  : 

When  I  returned  to  France  I  found  public  opinion  in  a 
lethargic    condition.     In    Paris  —  and    Paris    is    France  — 

1  Similar  sentiments  are  expressed  in  some  of  Bonaparte's  proclama- 
tions printed  in  his  correspondence  and  in  the  extract  from  the  memoirs 
of  Madame  de  Remusat,  given  below. 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


477 


people  can  never  interest  themselves  in  things  if  they  do  not 
care  about  the  persons  connected  with  them.  The  customs  of 
an  old  monarchy  had  taught  them  to  personify  everything. 
This  habit  of  mind  is  bad  for  a  people  who  desire  liberty 
seriously;  but  Frenchmen  can  no  longer  desire  anything 
seriously,  except  perhaps  it  be  equality,  and  even  that  they 
would  renounce  willingly  if  every  one  could  flatter  himself 
that  he  was  the  first. 

To  be  equals,  with  everybody  uppermost,  is  the  secret  of 
the  vanity  of  all  of  you;  every  man  among  you  must,  there- 
fore, be  given  the  hope  of  rising.  The  great  difficulty  that  the 
Directory  labored  under  was  that  no  one  cared  about  them 
and  that  people  had  begun  to  care  a  great  deal  about  me. 

I  do  not  know  what  would  have  happened  to  me  had  I 
not  conceived  the  happy  thought  of  going  to  Egypt.  When 
I  embarked  I  did  not  know  but  that  I  might  be  bidding  an 
eternal  farewell  to  France;  but  I  had  little  doubt  that  she 
would  recall  me.  The  charm  of  Oriental  conquest  drew  my 
thoughts  away  from  Europe  more  than  I  should  have  believed 
possible.  My  imagination  interfered  again  this  time  with  my 
actions;  but  I  think  it  died  out  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  How- 
ever that  may  be,  I  shall  never  allow  it  to  interfere  with  me 
again. 

In  Egypt  I  found  myself  free  from  the  wearisome  restraints 
of  civilization.  I  dreamed  all  sorts  of  things,  and  I  saw  how 
all  that  I  dreamed  might  be  realized.  I  created  a  religion. 
I  pictured  myself  on  the  road  to  Asia  mounted  on  an  ele- 
phant, with  a  turban  on  my  head,  and  in  my  hand  a  new 
Koran,  which  I  should  compose  according  to  my  own  ideas. 
I  would  have  the  combined  experience  of  two  worlds  to  set 
about  my  enterprise  ;  I  was  to  have  ransacked,  for  my  own 
advantage,  the  whole  domain  of  history;  I  was  to  have 
attacked  the  English  power  in  India,  and  renewed  my  rela- 
tions with  old  Europe  by  my  conquest. 

The  time  which  I  passed  in  Egypt  was  the  most  delight- 
ful part  of  my  life,  for  it  was  the  most  ideal.  Fate  decided 
against  my  dreams  ;  I  received  letters  from  France  ;  I  saw 
that   there   was  not  a  moment  to  lose.     I   reverted  to  the 


425.  Bona- 
parte's 
attitude 
toward  his 
Egyptian 
adventure. 


Bonaparte's 
dreams  of 

<  >ri.-ntal 
conquest. 


478 


Readings  in  European  History 


Bonaparte's 
policy  on  his 
return  from 
Egypt. 


realities  of  life  and  I  returned  to  Paris  —  to  Paris,  where  the 
gravest  interests  of  the  country  are  discussed  during  the 
entr'acte  of  the  opera. 

The  Directory  trembled  at  my  return.  -I  was  very  cau- 
tious ;  that  is  one  of  the  epochs  of  my  life  in  which  I  have 
acted  with  the  soundest  judgment.  I  saw  Abbe  Sieyes,  and 
promised  him  that  his  verbose  constitution  should  be  put 
into  effect;  I  received  the  chiefs  of  the  Jacobins  and  the 
agents  of  the  Bourbons ;  I  listened  to  advice  from  every- 
body, but  gave  it  only  in  the  interest  of  my  own  plans.  I 
hid  myself  from  the  people,  because  I  knew  that  when  the 
time  came  curiosity  to  see  me  would  make  them  run  after 
me.  Every  one  was  taken  in  my  toils ;  and,  when  I  became 
head  of  the  state,  there  was  not  a  party  in  France  which  did 
not  build  some  special  hope  upon  my  success. 


426.  Bona- 
parte's own 
account  of 


General  Bonaparte  thus  described  for  the  benefit  of 
the  public  his  coup  d'e'tat : 

To  the  People :  x 9th  Brumaire>  « :  °'clock  RM- 

Frenchmen,  on  my  return  to  France  I  found  division 
his  coup  d'etat  reigning  among  all  the  authorities.  They  agreed  only  on 
ofBrumaire.  ^jg  single  point,  that  the  constitution  was  half  destroyed 
and  was  unable  to  protect  liberty. 

Each  party  in  turn  came  to  me,  confided  to  me  their 
designs,  imparted  their  secrets,  and  requested  my  support. 
But  I  refused  to  be  the  man  of  a  party. 

The  Council  of  Elders  appealed  to  me.  I  answered  their 
appeal.  A  plan  of  general  restoration  had  been  concerted  by 
men  whom  the  nation  has  been  accustomed  to  regard  as 
the  defenders  of  liberty,  equality,  and  property.  This  plan 
required  calm  deliberation,  free  from  all  influence  and  all 
fear.  The  Elders  therefore  resolved  upon  the  removal  of 
the  legislative  bodies  to  St.  Cloud.  They  placed  at  my  dis- 
posal the  force  necessary  to  secure  their  independence.  I 
was  bound,  in  duty  to  my  fellow-citizens,  to  the  soldiers  per- 
ishing in  our  armies,  and  to  the  national  glory  acquired  at 
the  cost  of  so  much  blood,  to  accept  the  command. 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


479 


The  Council  assembled  at  St.  Cloud.  Republican  troops 
guaranteed  their  safety  from  without,  but  assassins  created 
terror  within.  Many  deputies  in  the  Council  of  Five  Hun- 
dred, armed  with  stilettos  and  pistols,  spread  the  menace  of 
death  around  them. 

The  plans  which  ought  to  have  been  developed  were  with- 
held. The  majority  of  the  Council  was  disorganized,  the 
boldest  orators  were  disconcerted,  and  the  futility  of  sub- 
mitting any  salutary  proposition  was  quite  evident. 

I  proceeded,  filled  with  indignation  and  chagrin,  to  the 
Council  of  the  Elders.  I  besought  them  to  carry  their  noble 
designs  into  execution.  I  directed  their  attention  to  the 
evils  of  the  nation,  which  were  their  motives  for  conceiving 
those  designs.  They  concurred  in  giving  me  new  proofs  of 
their  unanimous  good  will. 

I  presented  myself  before  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hun- 
dred alone,  unarmed,  my  head  uncovered,  just  as  the  Elders 
had  received  and  applauded  me.  My  object  was  to  restore 
to  the  majority  the  expression  of  its  will  and  to  secure  to  it 
its  power. 

The  stilettos  which  had  menaced  the  deputies  were 
instantly  raised  against  their  deliverer.  Twenty  assassins 
rushed  upon  me  and  aimed  at  my  breast.  The  grenadiers 
of  the  Legislative  Body,  whom  I  had  left  at  the  door  of  the 
hall,  ran  forward  and  placed  themselves  between  me  and  the 
assassins.  One  of  these  brave  grenadiers  [Thome']  had  his 
clothes  pierced  by  a  stiletto.1    They  bore  me  out. 

At  the  same  moment  cries  of  "  Outlaw  him  !  "  were  raised 
against  the  defender  of  the  law.  It  was  the  horrid  cry  of 
assassins  against  the  power  destined  to  repress  them.  They 
crowded  around  the  president  [Lucien  Bonaparte]  uttering 
threats.  With  arms  in  their  hands,  they  commanded  him 
to  declare  me  outlawed.  I  was  informed  of  this.  I  ordered 
him  to  be  rescued  from  their  fury,  and  six  grenadiers  of  the 
legislative  body  brought  him  out.    Immediately  afterwards 

1  Thome  had  a  small  part  of  his  coat  torn  by  a  deputy  who  took  him 
by  the  collar.  This  constituted,  according  to  Bourrienne,  the  whole  of 
the  attempted  assassination  of  the  19th  Brumaire. 


General 
Bonaparte 
favorably 
received  by 
the  Council 
of  the  Elders 


Bonaparte 
claims  that 
he  was 
murderously 
assailed  in 
the  Council 
of  the  Five 
Hundred. 


4S0 


Readings  in  European  History 


some  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body  charged  the  hall  and 
cleared  it. 

The  seditious,  thus  intimidated,  dispersed  and  fled.  The 
majority,  freed  from  their  assailants,  returned  freely  and 
peaceably  into  the  hall,  listened  to  the  propositions  for  the 
public  safety,  deliberated,  and  drew  up  the  salutary  resolu- 
tion which  will  become  the  new  and  provisional  law  of  the 
republic. 

Frenchmen,  you  will  doubtless  recognize  in  this  conduct 
the  zeal  of  a  soldier  of  liberty,  of  a  citizen  devoted  to  the 
republic.  Conservative,  judicial,  and  liberal  ideas  resumed 
their  sway  upon  the  dispersion  of  those  seditious  persons 
who  had  domineered  in  the  councils  and  who  proved  them- 
selves the  most  odious  and  contemptible  of  men. 

Bonaparte. 


427.  The 
campaign  of 
Marengo  as 
described  by 
Bourrienne. 

Situation  of 
Bonaparte 
after 
Brumaire. 


IV.   Marengo  and  Luneville 

Bourrienne  thus  sketches  the  campaign  of  Marengo  : 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  if,  from  the  18th  Brumaire  to 
the  epoch  when  Bonaparte  began  the  campaign,  innumer- 
able improvements  had  been  made  in  the  internal  affairs  of 
France,  foreign  affairs  could  not  be  viewed  with  the  same 
satisfaction.  Italy  had  been  lost,  and  the  Austrian  camp 
fires  might  be  seen  from  the  frontiers  of  Provence.  Bona- 
parte was  not  ignorant  of  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  and 
it  was  even  on  account  of  these  very  difficulties  that,  what- 
ever might  be  the  result  of  his  hazardous  enterprise,  he  wished 
to  have  it  over  as  quickly  as  possible.  He  cherished  no  illu- 
sions and  often  said  all  must  be  staked  to  gain  all. 

The  army  which  the  First  Consul  was  preparing  to  attack, 
was  numerous,  well  disciplined,  and  victorious.  His  own 
with  the  exception  of  a  very  small  number  of  troops,  was 
composed  of  conscripts;  but  these  conscripts  were  com- 
manded by  officers  whose  ardor  was  unparalleled.  Bona- 
parte's fortune  was  now  to  depend  on  the  winning  or  losing 
of  a  single  battle.    A  battle  lost  would  have  dispelled  all  the 


A  \  2 pole 'on  Boiiapa  rte 


481 


Crossing  of 
the  St.  Ber- 
nard pass 
(May,  1800). 


dreams  of  his  imagination,  and  with  them  would  have  van- 
ished all  his  immense  schemes  for  the  future  of  France.  .  .  . 

The  grand  idea  of  the  invasion  of  Italy  by  way  of  the 
St.  Bernard  pass  emanated  exclusively  from  the  First  Con- 
sul. This  miraculous  achievement  justly  excited  the  admira- 
tion of  the  world.  The  incredible  difficulties  it  presented 
did  not  daunt  the  courage  of  Bonaparte's  troops,  and  his 
generals,  accustomed  as  they  had  been  to  brave  fatigue  and 
danger,  regarded  without  concern  the  gigantic  enterprise  of 
the  modern  Hannibal. 

A  convent,  or  hospice,  which  has  been  established  on  the 
mountain  for  the  purpose  of  affording  assistance  to  solitary 
travelers,  sufficiently  attests  the  dangers  of  these  stormy 
regions.  But  the  St.  Bernard  was  now  to  be  crossed  not  by 
solitary  travelers  but  by  an  army.  Cavalry,  baggage,  tim- 
bers, and  artillery  were  now  to  wend  their  way  along  those 
narrow  paths  where  the  goatherd  cautiously  picks  his  foot- 
steps. On  the  one  hand  masses  of  snow  suspended  above 
our  heads  threatened  every  moment  to  break  in  avalanches 
and  sweep  us  away  In  their  descent ;  on  the  other,  a  false  step 
was  death.  We  all  passed,  men  and  horses,  one  by  one  along 
the  goat  paths.  The  artillery  was  dismounted  and  the  guns 
put  into  hollowed  trunks  of  trees  were  drawn  by  ropes.   .   .   . 

We  arrived  at  Milan  on  the  2d  of  June.  But  little  resist-  (Condensed.) 
ance  was  offered  to  our  entrance  into  the  capital  of  Lom- 
bard)-. The  First  Consul  passed  six  days  in  the  city,  and  the 
time  approached  when  all  was  to  be  lost  or  won.  On  the  13th 
the  First  Consul  slept  at  Torre  di  Galifolo.  On  the  morning 
of  the  14th  General  Desaix  was  sent  toward  Xovi  to  observe 
the  road  to  Genoa,  which  city  had  fallen  several  days  before, 
in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  its  illustrious  defend-  r,  Masse'na. 

That  memorable  battle  of  Marengo,  of  which  the  results 
were  incalculable,  has  been  described  in  various  ways.  For 
my  part,  not  having  had  the  honor  to  bear  a  sword,  I  can- 
not say  that  I  saw  any  particular  movements  executed  this 
way  or  that ;  but  I  may  mention  here  what  I  heard  on  the 
evening  of  the  battle  concerning  the  hazards  of  the  day. 
As  to  the  part  which  the  First  Consul  took  in  it,  the  reader 


The  battle  of 
Marengo. 


482  Readings  in  European  History 

Bonaparte       is    perhaps    sufficiently   acquainted    with    his    character  to 
claims  all  the   account  for  fa    He  did  not  choose  that  a  result  so  decisive 

glory  for  , 

himself.  should  be  attributed  to  any  other  cause  than  the  combina- 

tions of  his  genius ;  and  if  I  had  not  known  his  insatiable 
thirst  for  glory,  I  should  have  been  surprised  at  the  half 
satisfaction  evinced  at  the  cause  of  the  success  amidst  the 
joy  manifested  for  the  success  itself.  It  must  be  confessed 
that  in  this  he  is  very  unlike  Jourdan,  Hoche,  Kleber,  and 
Moreau,  who  were  ever  ready  to  acknowledge  the  services 
of  those  wrho  had  fought  under  their  orders. 

Within  two  hours  of  the  time  when  the  divisions  com- 
manded by  Desaix  left  San  Giuliano  I  was  joyfully  sur- 
prised by  the  triumphant  return  of  the  army  whose  fate, 
since  the  morning,  had  caused  me  so  much  anxiety.  Never 
did  fortune  within  so  short  a  time  show  herself  under  two 
such  various  faces.  At  two  o'clock  everything  indicated  the 
misery  of  a  defeat  with  all  its  fatal  consequences  ;  at  five, 
victory  was  again  faithful  to  the  flag  of  Areola.  Italy  was 
reconquered  at  a  single  blow,  and  the  crown  of  France 
appeared  in  the  distance  [to  the  victorious  general]. 

The  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  (see  above,  pp.  472  sqq.) 
was  the  fruit  of  Bonaparte's  first  campaign  in  Italy 
( 1 796-1797).  After  the  temporary  reverses  suffered  by 
France  during  Bonaparte's  absence  in  Egypt,  his  victory 
over  the  Austrians  at  Marengo,  and  another  victory  of 
the  French  at  Hohenlinden  in  December,  1800,  put  the 
First  Consul  in  a  position  to  exact  at  Luneville  all  the 
concessions  which  Austria  had  made  at  Campo-Formio 
and  somewhat  more.  The  chief  provisions  of  this  impor- 
tant treaty  are  here  given.  They  well  illustrate  the 
unscrupulous  manner  in  which  Austria  and  France  dis- 
posed of  the  lesser  countries  and  the  system  of  reckless 
territorial  changes  which  are  so  conspicuous  during  the 
whole  Napoleonic  period, 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


483 


His  Majesty  the  emperor,  king  of  Hungary  and  of  Bohe- 
mia, and  the  First  Consul  of  the  French  republic,  in  the 
name  of  the  French  people,  induced  by  a  common  desire 
to  put  an  end  to  the  evils  of  war,  have  resolved  to  proceed 
to  the  conclusion  of  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  and  amity. 
Moreover  his  said  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty,  since  he 
desires  no  less  sincerely  to  extend  the  benefits  of  peace  to 
the  German  empire,  and  since  the  existing  conditions  do 
not  afford  the  necessary  time  to  consult  the  empire,  or  to  per- 
mit its  representatives  to  take  part  in  the  negotiations,  has 
resolved,  in  view  of  the  concessions  made  by  the  deputation 
of  the  empire  at  the  recent  Congress  of  Rastadt,  to  treat  in 
the  name  of  the  German  confederation,  as  has  happened 
before  under  similar  circumstances. 

Hence  the  contracting  parties  have  named  the  following 
as  their  plenipotentiaries  : 

His  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty,  the  Sieur  Louis,  count 
of  Cobenzl,  minister  of  conferences  and  vice  chancellor  of 
the  court  and  of  state,  etc. 

The  First  Consul  of  the  French  republic,  in  the  name  of 
the  French  people,  Citizen  Joseph  Bonaparte,  councilor  of 
state.  These  having  exchanged  their  credentials,  have  agreed 
upon  the  following  articles  : 

Article  I.  Peace,  amity,  and  a  good  understanding  shall 
hereafter  exist  forever  between  his  Majesty  the  emperor, 
king  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  acting  both  in  his  own  name 
and  in  that  of  the  German  empire,  and  the  French  repub- 
lic ;..   . 

II.  The  cession  of  the  former  Belgian  provinces  to  the 
French  republic,  stipulated  in  Article  III  of  the  Treaty  of 
Campo-Formio,  is  renewed  here  in  the  most  solemn  manner. 
His  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  therefore  renounces  for 
himself  and  his  successors,  as  well  on  his  own  part  as  on 
that  of  the  German  empire,  all  right  and  title  to  the  above 
specified  provinces,  which  shall  be  held  in  perpetuity  by  the 
French  republic  in  full  sovereignty  and  proprietary  right.  .  .  . 

III.  Moreover,  in  confirmation  of  Article  VI  of  the  Treaty 
of  Campo-Formio,  his  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  shall 


428.  Chief 
articles  of 
the  Peace  of 
Luneville 
(February, 
1801). 


Austrian 
.V  therlands 
ceded  to 

.-ice. 


484 


Readings  in  European  History 


Venice  and 
most  of  its 
territory 
ceded  to 
Austria. 


Duke  of 
Modena  in- 
demnified in 
Germany. 


Tuscany 
given  to  duke 
of  Parma, 
who  belonged 
to  the  Spanish 
royal  family. 


Cession  of 
the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine 
to  France. 


possess  in  full  sovereignty  and  proprietary  right  the  coun- 
tries enumerated  below,  to  wit  :  Istria,  Dalmatia,  and  the 
islands  of  the  Adriatic,  formerly  belonging  to  Venice,  de- 
pendent upon  them ;  the  mouths  of  the  Cattaro,  the  city  of 
Venice,  the  Lagunes,  and  the  territory  included  between  the 
hereditary  states  of  his  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king,  the 
Adriatic  Sea,  and  the  Adige  from  the  point  where  it  leaves 
Tyrol  to  that  where  it  flows  into  the  Adriatic,  the  channel 
of  the  Adige  forming  the  boundary  line.  .  .  . 

IV.  Article  XVIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  is 
likewise  renewed,  inasmuch  as  his  Majesty  the  emperor  and 
king  agrees  to  cede  to  the  duke  of  Modena,  as  an  indemnity 
for  the  territory  which  this  prince  and  his  heirs  possessed 
in  Italy,  the  Breisgau,  which  he  shall  hold  upon  the  same 
conditions  as  those  upon  which  he  held  Modena. 

V.  It  is  further  agreed  that  his  Royal  Highness  the  grand 
duke  of  Tuscany  shall  renounce  for  himself,  his  successors, 
or  possible  claimants,  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany  and  that 
part  of  the  island  of  Elba  belonging  to  it,  as  well  as  all  rights 
and  titles  resulting  from  the  possession  of  the  said  states, 
which  shall  hereafter  be  held  in  full  sovereignty  and  propri- 
etary right  by  his  Royal  Highness  the  infante  duke  of  Parma. 
The  grand  duke  shall  receive  a  complete  and  full  indemnity 
in  Germany  for  the  loss  of  his  states  in  Italy.  .  .   . 

VI.  His  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  consents  not  only 
on  his  part  but  upon  the  part  of  the  German  empire  that  the 
French  republic  shall  hereafter  possess  in  full  sovereignty 
and  proprietary  right  the  territories  and  domains  lying  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  and  forming  a  part  of  the  Ger- 
man empire,  so  that,  in  conformity  with  the  concessions 
granted  by  the  deputation  of  the  empire  at  the  Congress  of 
Rastadt  and  approved  by  the  emperor,  the  channel  of  the 
Rhine  shall  hereafter  form  the  boundary  between  the  French 
republic  and  the  German  empire,  from  that  point  where  the 
Rhine  leaves  Helvetian  territory  to  the  point  where  it  reaches 
Batavian  territory.  In  view  of  this  the  French  republic  form- 
ally renounces  all  possessions  whatsoever  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rhine  and  agrees  to  restore  to  their  owners  the 


Napoleon  Bonaparte  485 

following  places :  Diisseldorf,  Ehrenbreitstein,  Phillipsburg, 
the  fortress  of  Cassel  and  other  fortifications  across  from 
Mayence  on  the  right  bank  of  the  stream,  and  the  fortress 
of  Kiel  and  Alt-Breisach,  under  the  express  provision  that 
these  places  and  forts  shall  continue  to  exist  in  the  state  in 
which  they  are  left  at  the  time  of  the  evacuation. 

VII.   Since,  in  consequence  of  this  cession  made  by  the    Dispossessed 
empire  to  the  French  republic,  various  princes  and  states  of    German 
the  empire  find  themselves  individually  dispossessed  in  part    indemnified 
or  wholly  of  their  territory,  and  since  the  German  empire    within  the 
should  collectively  support  the  losses  resulting  from  the  stip-    emPire- 
ulations  of  the  present  treaty,  it  is  agreed  between  his  Maj- 
esty the  emperor  and  king,  —  both  on  his  part  and  upon  the 
part  of  the  German  empire, — and  the  French  republic,  that,  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  laid  down  at  the  Congress  of 
Rastadt,  the  empire  shall  be  bound  to  furnish  the  hereditary 
princes  who  have  lost  possessions  upon  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine  an   indemnity  within   the  empire   according  to  such 
arrangements  as  shall  be    determined    later   in   accordance 
with  the  stipulations  here  made.   .  .    . 

XL  The  present  treaty  of  peace,    ...   is  declared  to  be    New  states 
common  to  the  Batavian,  Helvetian,  Cisalpine,  and  Ligurian    *°  **  \n' 

...  .  .  ,.  eluded  in 

republics.     I  he  contracting  parties  mutually  guarantee  the    the  treaty, 
independence  of  the  said  republics  and  the  freedom  of  the 
inhabitants  of   the  said   countries   to   adopt  such  form   of 
government  as  they  shall  see  fit. 

XII.  His  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  renounces  for  cisalpine 
himself  and  for  his  successors  in  favor  of  the  Cisalpine  rePubllc- 
republic  all  rights  and  titles  depending  upon  such  rights, 
which  his  Majesty  might  assert  over  the  territories  in  Italy 
which  he  possessed  before  the  war  and  which,  according  to 
the  terms  of  Article  VIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio, 
now  form  a  part  of  the  Cisalpine  republic.   .   .   . 

XIX.  The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  his  Majesty 
the  emperor  and  king,  the  empire,  and  the  French  republic 
within  a  period  of  thirty  days,  or  sooner,  if  possible,  and  it 
is  further  understood  that  the  armies  of  the  two  powers 
shall  remain  in  their  present  positions,  both  in  Germany 


486 


Readings  in  European  History 


and  Italy,  until  the  said  ratifications  of  the  emperor  and 
king,  of  the  empire,  and  of  the  French  republic  shall  have 
been  simultaneously  exchanged  at  Lune'ville  between  the 
respective  plenipotentiaries.  It  is  also  agreed  that  within 
ten  days  after  the  exchange  of  the  said  ratifications  the 
armies  of  his  imperial  and  royal  majesty  shall  be  withdrawn 
into  his  hereditary  possessions,  which  shall  be  evacuated 
within  the  same  space  of  time  by  the  French  armies  ;  and 
within  thirty  days  after  the  said  exchange  the  French 
armies  shall  have  completely  evacuated  the  territory  of  the 
said  empire. 

Done  and  signed  at   Luneville,  February  9,   1801    (the 
20th  Pluviose  of  the  year  nine  of  the  French  republic). 


(Signed) 


Louis,  Count  of  Cobenzl. 
Joseph  Bonaparte. 


V.  Personal  Characteristics  of  General  Bonaparte 

The  son  of  Madame  de  Remusat  thus  recalls  how, 
when  a  little  boy,  he  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  First 
Consul : 

429.  Bona-  One    day   my   mother    came  for  me   (I   think  she  had 

parte's  man-  accompanied  Madame  Bonaparte  into  the  court  of  the 
First  Consul.  Tuileries)  and  took  me  up  a  staircase  full  of  soldiers,  at 
whom  I  stared  hard.  One  of  them  who  was  coming  down 
spoke  to  her;  he  wore  an  infantry  uniform.  "Who  was 
that?"  I  asked,  when  he  had  passed.  It  was  Louis  Bona- 
parte. Then  I  saw  a  young  man  going  upstairs  in  the  well- 
known  uniform  of  the  [corps  known  as  the]  guides.  His 
name  I  did  not  need  to  ask.  Children  in  those  days  knew 
the  insignia  of  every  rank  and  corps  in  the  army,  and  who 
did  not  know  that  Eugene  Beauharnais  was  colonel  of  the 
guides  ? 

At  last  we  reached  Madame  Bonaparte's  drawing-room. 
At  first  there  was  no  one  there  but  herself,  one  or  two 
ladies,  and  my  father,  wearing  his  red  coat  embroidered  in 


Napoleon  Bonaparte 


487 


Bonaparte. 


silver.  I  was  probably  kissed  —  or,  perhaps  they  thought 
me  grown  ;  then  no  one  noticed  me  any  further.  Soon  an  Careless  de- 
officer  of  the  consul's  guard  entered.  He  was  short,  thin,  portmentof 
and  carried  himself  badly,  or  at  least  carelessly.  I  was 
sufficiently  drilled  in  etiquette  to  observe  that  he  moved 
about  a  great  deal  and  made  rather  free.  Among  other 
things  I  was  surprised  to  see  him  sit  on  the  arm  of  a  chair. 
From  thence  he  spoke  across  a  considerable  distance  to  my 
mother.  We  were  in  front  of  him,  and  I  remarked  his  thin, 
almost  wan  face,  with  its  brown  and  yellowish  tints.  We 
drew  near  to  him  while  he  spoke.  When  I  was  within  his 
reach  he  noticed  me ;  he  took  me  by  my  two  ears  and 
pulled  them  rather  roughly.  He  hurt  me,  and  had  I  not 
been  in  a  palace  I  should  have  cried.  Then  turning  to  my 
father,  he  said,  "  Is  he  learning  mathematics  ?  "  Soon  I  was 
taken  away.  "Who  is  that  soldier?"  I  asked  my  mother. 
"That  soldier  is  the  First  Consul." 


Bonaparte 
made  others 
uncom- 


Bonaparte's  disregard  of  others  and  his  insolent  atti 
tude  toward  those  who  served  him  are  seen  in  the  follow 
ing  incident  reported  by  Madame  de  Remusat. 

Bonaparte  dictated  with  great  ease.  He  never  wrote  429a.  How 
anything  with  his  own  hand.  His  handwriting  was  bad 
and  as  illegible  to  himself  as  to  others;  and  his  spelling 
was  very  defective.  He  utterly  lacked  patience  to  do  any-  fortable 
thing  whatever  with  his  own  hands.  The  extreme  activity 
of  his  mind  and  the  habitual  prompt  obedience  rendered 
to  him  prevented  him  from  practicing  any  occupation  in 
which  the  mind  must  necessarily-  wait  for  the  action  of  the 
body.  Those  who  wrote  from  his  dictation  — first  Monsieur 
Bourrienne,  then  Monsieur  Maret,  and  Mcneval,  his  private 
secretary  —  had  made  a  shorthand  for  themselves  in  order 
that  their  pens  might  travel  as  fast  as  his  thoughts. 

He  dictated  while  walking  to  and  fro  in  his  cabinet. 
When  he  grew  angry  he  would  use  violent  imprecations, 
which  were  suppressed  in  writing  and  which  had,  at  least, 
the  advantage  of  giving  the  writer  time  to  catch  up  with 


488  Readings  in  European  History 

him.  He  never  repeated  anything  that  he  had  once  said, 
even  if  it  had  not  been  heard ;  and  this  was  very  hard  on 
the  poor  secretary,  for  Bonaparte  remembered  accurately 
what  he  had  said  and  detected  every  omission. 

One  day  he  read  a  tragedy  in  manuscript,  and  it  inter- 
ested him  sufficiently  to  inspire  him  with  a  fancy  to  make 
some  alterations  in  it.  "Take  a  pen  and  paper,"  said  he  to 
Monsieur  de  Remusat,  "and  write  for  me."  Hardly  giving 
my  husband  time  to  seat  himself  at  a  table,  he  began  to 
dictate  so  quickly  that  Monsieur  de  Re'musat,  although 
accustomed  to  write  with  great  rapidity,  was  bathed  in 
perspiration  while  trying  to  follow  him.  Bonaparte  per- 
ceived his  difficulty,  and  would  stop  now  and  then  to  say, 
"  Come,  try  to  understand  me,  for  I  will  not  repeat  what 
I  say." 
Bonaparte's  He  always  derived  amusement  from  causing  any  one  un- 

conviction       easiness  and  distress.    His  great  general  principle,  which  he 

that  zeal  00  r-  r     7 

depends  upon  applied  to  everything,  both  great  and  small,  was  that  there 
disquietude,     could  be  no  zeal  where  there  was  no  disquietude.  Fortunately 
he  forgot  to  ask  for  the  sheet  of  observations  he  had  dic- 
tated. Monsieur  de  Re'musat  and  I  have  often  tried  to  read  it 
since,  but  we  have  never  been  able  to  make  out  a  word  of  it. 

Bonaparte  might  freely  tease  his  attendants  and  secre- 
taries, but,  in  his  early  days  at  least,  he  took  great  pains 
to  win  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers. 

429b.  How  Bonaparte's  reception  by  the  troops  was  nothing  short 

Bonaparte  0f  rapturous.  It  was  well  worth  seeing  how  he  talked  to 
hearts  of  his  t^le  soldiers,  —  how  he  questioned  them  one  after  the  other 
soldiers.         respecting  their   campaigns  or  their  wounds,  taking  par- 

(From  ticular  interest  in  the  men  who  had  accompanied  him  to 

Madame  de  r 

Remusat's      kgypt.    *■  have  heard  Madame  Bonaparte  say  that  her  hus- 

Memoirs.)  band  was  in  the  constant  habit  of  poring  over  the  list  of 
what  are  called  the  cadres  of  the  army  at  night  before  he 
slept.  He  would  go  to  sleep  repeating  the  names  of  the 
corps,  and  even  those  of  some  of  the  individuals  who  com- 
posed them  ;  he  kept  these  names  in  a  corner  of  his  memory, 


Napoleon  Bonaparte  489 

and  this  habit  came  to  his  aid  when  he  wanted  to  recognize 
a  soldier  and  to  give  him  the  pleasure  of  a  cheering  word 
from  his  general.  He  spoke  to  the  subalterns  in  a  tone  of 
good-fellowship,  which  delighted  them  all,  as  he  reminded 
them  of  their  common  feats  of  arms. 

Afterwards  when  his  armies  became  so  numerous  and  his 
battles  so  deadly,  he  disdained  to  exercise  this  kind  of  fas- 
cination. Besides,  death  had  extinguished  so  many  remem- 
brances that  in  a  few  years  it  became  difficult  for  him 
to  find  any  great  number  of  the  companions  of  his  early 
exploits  ;  and  when  he  addressed  his  soldiers  before  lead- 
ing them  into  battle,  it  was  as  a  perpetually  renewed  pos- 
terity to  which  the  preceding  and  destroyed  army  had 
bequeathed  its  glory.  But  even  this  somber  style  of  en- 
couragement availed  for  a  long  time  with  a  nation  which 
believed  itself  to  be  fulfilling  its  destiny  while  sending  its 
sons  year  after  year  to  die  for  Bonaparte. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Youth  of  Bonaparte :  F<  hknier,  Napoleon,  Chaps.  I  and  II,  pp.  1-37.    A.  Refer 

First  Italian  Campaign  :  1'ournier,  Chapter  V,  pp.  72-1 10  ;  Iviii.    men. 
History  of  Modem  Europe.  Chapter  III,  pp.  74-103. 

The  Egyptian  Expedition:  Fournif.r,  Chapter  VI,  pp.  111-153. 

Overthrow  of  the  Directory  and  Establishment  of  the  Consulate : 
Fournier,  Chapter  VII,  pp.  [54-187;  Fyffe,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  104-144. 

[For  the  general  bibliography  of  the  Napoleonic  period,  see  close  of 
the  following  chapter.] 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII 


430.  Why 
the  French 
people  sub- 
mitted to 
Bonaparte's 
rule. 


EUROPE  AND  NAPOLEON 

I.  General  Bonaparte  becomes  Emperor  Napoleon  I : 
his  Early  Reforms  in  France 

Madame  de  Remusat  suggests  the  following  reasons 
why  the  French  people  so  readily  subjected  themselves 
to  the  despotism  of  Napoleon. 

I  can  understand  how  it  was  that  men  worn  out  by  the 
turmoil  of  the  Revolution,  and  afraid  of  that  liberty  which 
had  long  been  associated  with  death,  looked  for  repose 
under  the  dominion  of  an  able  ruler  on  whom  fortune  was 
seemingly  resolved  to  smile.  I  can  conceive  that  they  re- 
garded his  elevation  as  a  decree  of  destiny  and  fondly 
believed  that  in  the  irrevocable  they  should  find  peace.  I 
may  confidently  assert  that  those  persons  believed  quite 
sincerely  that  Bonaparte,  whether  as  consul  or  emperor, 
would  exert  his  authority  to  oppose  the  intrigues  of  faction 
and  would  save  us  from  the  perils  of  anarchy. 

None  dared  to  utter  the  word  "republic,"  so  deeply  had 
the  Terror  stained  that  name;  and  the  government  of  the 
Directory  had  perished  in  the  contempt  with  which  its  chiefs 
were  regarded.  The  return  of  the  Bourbons  could  only  be 
brought  about  by  the  aid  of  a  revolution ;  and  the  slightest 
disturbance  terrified  the  French  people,  in  whom  enthusiasm 
of  every  kind  seemed  dead.  Besides,  the  men  in  whom  they 
had  trusted  had  one  after  the  other  deceived  them ;  and 
as,  this  time,  they  were  yielding  to  force,  they  were  at  least 
certain  that  they  were  not  deceiving  themselves. 

The  belief,  or  rather  the  error,  that  only  despotism  could 
at  that  epoch  maintain  order  in  France  was  very  widespread. 

49° 


Europe  and  Xapoleon 


491 


It  became  the  mainstay  of  Bonaparte ;  and  it  is  due  to  him 
to  say  that  he  also  believed  it.  The  factions  played  into  his 
hands  by  imprudent  attempts  which  he  turned  to  his  own 
advantage.  He  had  some  grounds  for  his  belief  that  he 
was  necessary ;  France  believed  it,  too  ;  and  he  even  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  foreign  sovereigns  that  he  constituted 
a  barrier  against  republican  influences,  which,  but  for  him, 
might  spread  widely.  At  the  moment  when  Bonaparte 
placed  the  imperial  crown  upon  his  head  there  was  not 
a  king  in  Europe  who  did  not  believe  that  he  wore  his  own 
crown  more  securely  because  of  that  event.  Had  the  new 
emperor  granted  a  liberal  constitution,  the  peace  of  nations 
and  of  kings  might  really  have  been  forever  secured. 


Five  years  after  Bonaparte  had  become  the  head  of 
the  French  government  he  sums  up  the  general  situa- 
tion in  France  in  a  statement  which  he  laid  before  the 
Legislative  Body,  December  31,  1804. 

The  internal  situation  of  France  is  to-day  as  calm  as  it 
has  ever  been  in  the  most  peaceful  periods.  There  is  no 
agitation  to  disturb  the  public  tranquillity,  no  suggestion 
of  those  crimes  which  recall  the  Revolution.  Everywhere 
useful  enterprises  are  in  progress,  and  the  general  improve- 
ments, both  public  and  private,  attest  the  universal  con- 
fidence and  sense  of  security.   .   .   . 

A  plot  conceived  by  an  implacable  government  was 
about  to  replunge  France  into  the  abyss  of  civil  war  and 
anarchy.  The  discovery  of  this  horrible  crime  stirred  all 
France  profoundly,  and  anxieties  that  had  scarcely  been 
calmed  again  awoke.  Experience  has  taught  that  a  divided 
power  in  the  state  is  impotent  and  at  odds  with  itself.  It  was 
generally  felt  that  if  power  was  delegated  for  short  periods 
only  it  was  so  uncertain  as  to  discourage  any  prolonged 
undertakings  or  wide-reaching  plans.  If  vested  in  an  indi- 
vidual for  life,  it  would  lapse  with  him,  and  after  him  would 
prove  a  source  of  anarchy  and  discord.  It  was  clearly  seen 
that  for  a  great  nation  the  only  salvation  lies  in  hereditary 


431.  Napo- 
leon's ac- 
count of  the 
internal 
situation  of 
France  in 
1804.  (Much 
condensed.) 

Reasons  for 
establishing 
an  empire 
in  place 
of  the 
consulate. 


492  Readings  in  European  History 

power,  which  can  alone  assure  a  continuous  political  life 
which  may  endure  for  generations,  even  for  centuries. 

The  Senate,  as  was  proper,  served  as  the  organ  through 
which  this  general  apprehension  found  expression.  The 
necessity  of  hereditary  power  in  a  state  as  vast  as  France 
had  long  been  perceived  by  the  First  Consul.  He  had 
endeavored  in  vain  to  avoid  this  conclusion  ;  but  the  public 
solicitude  and  the  hopes  of  our  enemies  emphasized  the 
importance  of  his  task,  and  he  realized  that  his  death 
might  ruin  his  whole  work.  Under  such  circumstances, 
and  with  such  a  pressure  of  public  opinion,  there  was  no 
alternative  left  to  the  First  Consul.  He  resolved,  therefore, 
to  accept  for  himself,  and  two  of  his  brothers  after  him, 
the  burden  imposed  by  the  exigencies  of  the  situation. 

After  prolonged  consideration,  repeated  conferences  with 
the  members  of  the  Senate,  discussion  in  the  councils,  and 
the  suggestions  of  the  most  prudent  advisers,  a  series  of 
provisions  was  drawn  up  which  regulate  the  succession 
to  the  imperial  throne.  These  provisions  were  decreed  by 
a  senatus  consultus  of  the  28th  Flore'al  last.  The  French 
people,  by  a  free  and  independent  expression,  then  mani- 
fested its  desire  that  the  imperial  dignity  should  pass  down 
in  a  direct  line  through  the  legitimate  or  adopted  descend- 
ants of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  or  through  the  legitimate  de- 
scendants of  Joseph  Bonaparte,  or  of  Louis  Bonaparte. 
Coronation  From  this  moment  Napoleon  was,  by  the  most  unques- 

of  Napoleon     tionable   of  titles,  emperor  of  the  French.    No  other,  act 

by  the  pope.  r  . 

was  necessary  to  sanction  his  right  and  consecrate  his 
authority.  But  he  wished  to  restore  in  France  the  ancient 
forms  and  recall  those  institutions  which  divinity  itself 
seems  to  have  inspired.  He  wished  to  impress  the  seal  of 
religion  itself  upon  the  opening  of  his  reign.  The  head  of 
the  Church,  in  order  to  give  the  French  a  striking  proof 
of  his  paternal  affection,  consented  to  officiate  at  this  august 
ceremony.  What  deep  and  enduring  impressions  did  this 
leave  on  the  mind  of  Napoleon  and  in  the  memory  of  the 
nation  !  What  thoughts  for  future  races  !  What  a  subject 
of  wonder  for  all  Europe  ! 


Europe  and  Napoleo?i 


493 


In  the  midst  of  this  pomp,  and  under  the  eye  of  the 
Eternal,  Napoleon  pronounced  the  inviolable  oath  which 
assures  the  integrity  of  the  empire,  the  security  of  property, 
the  perpetuity  of  institutions,  the  respect  for  law,  and  the 
happiness  of  the  nation.  The  oath  of  Napoleon  shall  be 
forever  the  terror  of  the  enemies  of  France.  If  our  borders 
are  attacked,  it  will  be  repeated  at  the  head  of  our  armies, 
and  our  frontiers  shall  never  more  fear  foreign  invasion. 

The  principles  safeguarded  by  the  coronation  oath  are  The  new 
those  of  our  legislation.  Hereafter  there  will  be  fewer  laws  codes- 
to  submit  to  the  Legislative  Body.  The  civil  code  has 
fulfilled  the  expectations  of  the  public ;  all  citizens  are 
acquainted  with  it ;  it  serves  as  their  guide  in  their  various 
transactions,  and  is  everywhere  lauded  as  a  benefaction. 
A  draft  of  a  criminal  code  has  been  completed  for  two 
years  and  has  been  subjected  to  the  criticism  of  the  courts ; 
at  this  moment  it  is  being  discussed  for  the  last  time  by 
the  council  of  state.  The  code  of  procedure  and  the 
commercial  code  are  still  where  they  were  a  year  ago, 
for  pressing  cares  have  diverted  the  emperor's  attention 
elsewhere. 

New  schools  are  being  opened,  and  inspectors  have  been  New  schools 
appointed  to  see  that  the  instruction  does  not  degenerate 
into  vain  and  sterile  examinations.  The  lycies  and  the 
secondary  schools  are  tilling  with  youth  eager  for  instruc- 
tion. The  polytechnic  school  is  peopling  our  arsenals, 
ports,  and  factories  with  useful  citizens.  Prizes  have  been 
established  in  various  branches  of  science,  letters,  and  arts, 
and  in  the  period  of  ten  years  fixed  by  his  Majesty  for  the 
award  of  these  prizes  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  French 
genius  will  produce  works  of  distinction. 

The  emperor's  decrees  have  reestablished  commerce  on  Manu- 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  Our  manufacturers  are  improv-  factures- 
ing,  although  the  mercenaries  subsidized  by  the  British 
government  vaunt,  in  their  empty  declamations,  her  foreign 
trade  and  her  precarious  resources  scattered  about  the  seas 
and  in  the  Indies,  while  they  describe  our  shops  as  deserted 
and  our  artisans  as  dying  of  hunger.     In  spite  of  this,  our 


494 


Readmgs  in  European  History 


industries  are  striking  root  in  our  own  soil  and  are  driving 
English  commerce  far  from  our  shores.  Our  products  now 
equal  theirs  and  will  soon  compete  with  them  in  all  the 
markets  of  the  world. 

Religion  has  resumed  its  sway,  but  exhibits  itself  only  in 
acts  of  humanity.  Adhering  to  a  wise  policy  of  toleration, 
the  ministers  of  different  sects  who  worship  the  same  God 
do  themselves  honor  by  their  mutual  respect ;  and  their 
rivalry  confines  itself  to  emulation  in  virtue.  Such  is  our 
situation  at  home. 


432.  Impa- 
tience of  the 
soldiers  to 
invade  Eng- 
land in 
August, 
1805.   (From 
Constant's 
Memoirs.) 


II.   Boulogne  and  Austerlitz 

After  the  rupture  of  the  Peace  of  Amiens,  Napoleon 
collected  an  army  at  Boulogne  with  the  declared  pur- 
pose of  making  a  descent  upon  England.  After  some 
months  of  preparation  and  waiting,  the  soldiers  became 
very  impatient  to  attempt  the  undertaking,  in  spite  of 
the  many  difficulties  which  had  become  apparent. 

Soldiers  and  sailors  were  burning  with  impatience  to 
embark  for  England,  but  the  moment  so  ardently  desired 
was  still  delayed.  Every  evening  they  said  to  themselves, 
"  To-morrow  there  will  be  a  good  wind,  there  will  also  be  a 
fog,  and  we  shall  start."  They  lay  down  with  that  hope,  but 
arose  each  day  to  find  either  an  unclouded  sky  or  rain. 

One  evening,  however,  when  a  favorable  wind  was  blow- 
ing, I  heard  two  sailors  conversing  together  on  the  wharf 
and  making  conjectures  as  to  the  future.  "  The  emperor 
would  do  well  to  start  to-morrow  morning,"  said  one. 
"  He  will  never  have  better  weather  and  there  will  surely 
be  a  fog."  "  Yes,"  said  the  other,  "only  he  does  not  think 
so.  We  have  now  waited  more  than  fifteen  days,  and  the 
fleet  has  not  budged.  However,  all  the  ammunition  is  on 
board,  and  with  one  blast  of  the  whistle  we  can  put  to  sea." 

The  night  sentinels  came  on,  and  the  conversation  of  the 
old  sea  wolves  stopped  there.  But  I  soon  had  to  acknowl- 
edge   that    their    nautical    experience    had    not    deceived 


Europe  and  Napoleon  495 

them.  In  fact,  by  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  a  light  fog 
was  spread  over  the  sea,  which  was  somewhat  stormy  ;  the 
wind  of  the  evening  before  began  to  blow  again,  and  at 
daylight  the  fog  was  so  thick  as  to  conceal  the  fleet  from 
the  English,  while  the  most  profound  silence  reigned  every- 
where. No  hostile  sails  had  been  signaled  through  the 
night,  and,  as  the  sailors  had  predicted,  everything  favored 
the  descent.  At  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  signals  were 
made  from  the  semaphore,  and  in  the  twinkling  of  an 
eye  all  the  sailors  were  in  motion  and  the  ports  resounded 
with  cries  of  joy,  for  the  order  to  depart  had  just  been 
received. 

While  the  sails  were  being  hoisted  the  long  roll  was 
beaten  in  the  four  camps,  and  the  order  was  given  for  the 
entire  army  to  take  arms.  They  marched  rapidly  into 
the  town,  hardly  believing  what  they  had  just  heard.  "We 
are  really  going  to  start,"  said  all  the  soldiers;  "we  are 
actually  going  to  say  a  few  words  to  those  Englishmen  "; 
and  the  joy  which  animated  them  burst  forth  in  acclama- 
tions which  were  silenced  by  a  roll  of  the  drums.  The 
embarkation  then  took  place  amid  profound  silence,  and 
in  such  perfect  order  that  I  can  scarcely  give  an  idea  of  it. 
At  seven  o'clock  two  hundred  soldiers  were  on  board  the 
fleet ;  and  when  a  little  after  midday  this  fine  army  was  on 
the  point  of  starting,  amidst  the  adieus  and  good  wishes  of 
the  whole  city,  assembled  upon  the  walls  and  upon  the  sur- 
rounding cliffs,  and  at  the  very  moment  when  all  the  sol- 
diers, standing  with  uncovered  heads,  were  about  to  bid 
farewell  to  the  soil  of  France,  crying,  "Vive  L'empereur  1  " 
a  message  arrived  from  the  imperial  barracks  ordering  the 
troops  to  disembark  and  return  to  camp.  A  telegraphic 
dispatch  just  received  by  his  Majesty  announced  that  it 
was  necessary  that  he  should  move  his  troops  in  another 
direction  ;  and  the  soldiers  returned  sadly  to  their  quar- 
ters, some  expressing  in  loud  tones  and  in  a  very  energetic 
manner  the  disappointment  which  this  species  of  mystifica- 
tion caused  them.  They  had  always  regarded  the  success 
of  the  enterprise  against  England  as  assured,  and  to  find 


496  Readings  in  European  History 

themselves  stopped  on  the  eve  of  departure  was,  in  their 
eyes,  the  greatest  misfortune  which  could  happen  to  them. 

When  order  had  again  been  restored  the  emperor  re- 
paired to  the  camp  of  the  right  wing  and  made  a  procla- 
mation to  the  troops,  which  was  sent  into  the  other  camps, 
and  posted  everywhere.  This  was  approximately  the  tenor 
of  it :  "  Brave  soldiers  of  the  camp  of  Boulogne,  you  will 
not  go  to  England.  English  gold  has  seduced  the  emperor 
of  Austria,  who  has  just  declared  war  against  France.  His 
army  has  just  passed  the  Rhine,  which  he  should  have 
respected,  and  Bavaria  is  invaded.  Soldiers,  new  victories 
await  you  beyond  the  Rhine.  Let  us  hasten  to  defeat  once 
more  the  enemies  whom  you  have  already  conquered." 
This  proclamation  called  forth  unanimous  acclamations 
of  joy,  and  every  face  brightened,  for  it  mattered  little  to 
these  intrepid  men  whether  they  were  led  against  Austria 
or  England ;  they  simply  thirsted  for  the  fray,  and  now 
that  war  had  been  declared  every  desire  was  gratified. 

Thus  vanished  all  those  grand  projects  of  descent  upon 
England  which  had  been  so  long  matured,  so  wisely  planned. 

After  breaking  camp  at  Boulogne,  Napoleon  hurried 
into  Germany.  He  surrounded  and  captured  the  Aus- 
trian army  at  Ulm  in  October.  Six  weeks  later  he 
defeated  the  combined  forces  of  the  Austrians  and  Rus- 
sians in  the  memorable  battle  of  Austerlitz.  After  this 
victory  he  issued  the  following  proclamation. 

433.  Napo-  Soldiers,    I    am    satisfied    with    you.     In   the   battle  of 

leon's  procla-  Austerlitz  you  have  justified  what   I  expected  from  your 
mation  to  .  , .      J    _  T         .     J  .  ,  .  ,  J       . 

his  soldiers     intrepidity.     Y  ou    have    covered    yourselves   with    eternal 

after  glory.    An  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  which  was 

usterhtz.      commanded  by  the  emperors  of  Russia   and  Austria  has 

been  in  less  than  four  hours  either  cut  off  or  dispersed. 

Those  that  escaped  your  swords  have  thrown  themselves 

into  the  lakes.     Forty  stands  of  colors,  the  stands  of  the 

Russian  imperial  guard,  one  hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of 


Europe  and  Napoleon  497 

cannon,  twenty  generals,  and  above  thirty  thousand  pris- 
oners are  the  fruits  of  this  ever-memorable  battle.  Their 
infantry,  so  celebrated  and  so  superior  to  you  in  numbers, 
has  proved  unable  to  resist  your  charge,  and  henceforth 
you  have  no  rivals  to  fear. 

Thus  in  less  than  two  months  the  third  coalition  is  con- 
quered and  dissolved.  Peace  cannot  be  far  off  ;  but,  as  I 
promised  my  people  before  crossing  the  Rhine,  I  will  con- 
clude it  only  upon  terms  consistent  with  my  pledge,  which 
shall  secure  not  only  the  indemnification,  but  the  reward, 
of  my  allies. 

Soldiers,  when  the  French  people  placed  the  imperial 
crown  upon  my  head  I  trusted  to  you  to  enable  me  to  main- 
tain it  in  that  splendor  of  glory  which  could  alone  give  it 
value  in  my  estimation.  But  at  that  moment  our  enemies 
entertained  the  design  of  tarnishing  and  degrading  it;  and 
the  iron  crown,  which  was  gained  by  the  blood  of  so  many 
Frenchmen,  they  would  have  compelled  me  to  place  on  the 
head  of  my  bitterest  foe,  —  an  extravagant  and  foolish  pro- 
posal, which  you  have  brought  to  naught  on  the  anniversary 
of  your  emperor's  coronation.  You  have  taught  them  that  it 
is  easier  for  them  to  defy  and  to  threaten  than  to  subdue  us. 

Soldiers,  when  everything  necessary  to  the  security,  the 

happiness,    and    the  prosperity   of   our   country   has  been 

achieved,   I  will  return   you   my  thanks  in   France.    Then 

will  you  be  the  objects  of  my  tenderest  care.    My  people 

will  receive  you  with  rapture  and  joy.    To  say  to  me,  "  I 

was  in  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,"  will  be  enough  to  authorize 

the  reply,  "That  is  a  brave  man." 

Napoleon. 

Headquarters  at  Austerlitz, 

December  3,  1S05. 


III.  Dissolution  of  the  Holy  Roman   Empire 

In  no  country  of  Europe  were  the  effects  of  Napo-    Napoleon's 
leon's  policy  more  striking  and  permanent  than  in  Ger-   J-^^" 
many.    The  cession  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  to 


498  Readings  in  European  History 

France  by  the  Treaty  of  Luneville  (1801)  brought  with 
it  a  complete  reconstruction  of  the  remainder  of  Ger- 
many, since  the  dispossessed  princes  were  to  be  indem- 
nified with  lands  within  the  empire.  Accordingly  the 
ecclesiastical  states  and  the  free  imperial  towns,  once  so 
important  among  the  German  states,  were,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  incorporated  into  the  territories  of  neighbor- 
ing secular  princes  by  the  great  Imperial  Recess  of 
1803.  The  little  holdings  of  the  knights  were  quietly 
absorbed  by  the  new  "sovereigns"  within  whose  terri- 
tories they  happened  to  lie.  The  map  of  Germany  was 
thus  much  simplified,  and  the  ancient  and  hopeless  sub- 
division of  Germany  greatly  diminished. 

Napoleon  had  no  desire  to  unify  Germany,  but  wished 
to  have  several  independent  states,  or  groups  of  states, 
which  he  could  conveniently  bring  under  his  control. 
Consequently,  when  it  came  to  arranging  the  Treaty  of 
Pressburg  after  his  great  victory  at  Austerlitz,  Napoleon 
forced  the  defeated  emperor  to  recognize  the  rulers  of 
Wiirtemberg  and  Bavaria  as  "  kings  "  and  the  elector 
of  Baden  as  enjoying  "  the  plenitude  of  sovereignty."  In 
short,  he  proposed  that  the  three  most  important  princes 
of  southern  Germany  should  be  as  independent  as  the 
king  of  Prussia  or  the  emperor  himself,  and  that,  more- 
over, they  should  owe  their  elevation  to  him.  He  then 
formed  a  union  of  these  new  sovereigns  and  of  other  Ger- 
man rulers,  which  was  called  the  Confederation  of  the 
Rhine.  In  the  rather  insolent  message  given  below  he 
informs  the  diet  of  the  empire  that  the  new  union,  of 
which  he  is  to  be  the  protector,  will  be  incompatible 
with  the  continued  existence  of  the  venerable  Holy 
Roman  Empire. 


Europe  and  Napoleon 


499 


The  undersigned,  charge  d'affaires  of  his  Majesty  the 
emperor  of  the  French  and  king  of  Italy,  at  the  general 
diet  of  the  German  empire,  has  received  orders  from  his 
Majesty  to  make  the  following  declarations  to  the  diet: 

Their  Majesties  the  kings  of  Bavaria  and  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  the  sovereign  princes  of  Ratisbon,  Baden,  Burg, 
Hesse-Darmstadt,  and  Nassau,  as  well  as  the  other  leading 
princes  1  of  the  south  and  west  of  Germany,  have  resolved 
to  form  a  confederation  between  themselves  which  shall 
secure  them  against  future  contingencies,  and  have  thus 
ceased  to  be  states  of  the  empire. 

The  position  in  which  the  Treaty  of  Pressburg  has  ex- 
plicitly placed  the  courts  allied  to  France,  and  indirectly 
those  princes  whose  territory  they  border  or  surround, 
being  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  an  empire,  it 
becomes  a  necessity  for  those  rulers  to  reorganize  their 
relations  upon  a  new  system  and  to  remove  a  contradic- 
tion which  could  not  fail  to  be  a  permanent  source  of  agi- 
tation, disquiet,  and  danger. 

France,  on  the  other  hand,  is  directly  interested  in  the 
maintenance  of  peace  in  southern  Germany  and  yet  must 
apprehend  that  the  moment  she  shall  cause  her  troops  to 
recross  the  Rhine  discord,  the  inevitable  consequence  of 
contradictory,  uncertain,  and  ill-defined  conditions,  will 
again  disturb  the  peace  of  the  people  and  reopen,  possibly, 
the  war  on  the  continent.  Feeling  it  incumbent  upon  her 
to  advance  the  welfare  of  her  allies  and  to  assure  them  the 
enjoyment  of  all  the  advantages  which  the  Treaty  of  Press- 
burg secures  to  them  and  to  which  she  is  pledged,  France 
cannot  but  regard  the  confederation  which  they  have 
formed  as  a  natural  result  and  a  necessary  sequel  to  that 
treaty. 

For  a  long  period  successive  changes  have,  from  century 
to  century,  reduced  the  German  constitution  to  a  shadow 
of  its  former  self.    Time  has  altered  all  the   relations,   in 


434.  Napo- 
leon informs 
the  German 
diet  of  the 
formation 
of  the  Con- 
federation of 
the  Rhine 
(August  i, 
1806). 


Sad  decline 
of  the  Holy 
Roman 
Empire 


1  The  confederation  was  joined  from  time  to  time  by  many  more 
German  states. 


500  Readings  in  European  History 

respect  to  size  and  importance,  which  originally  existed 
among  the  various  members  of  the  confederation,  both  as 
regards  each  other  and  the  whole  of  which  they  have  formed 
a  part. 

The  diet  has  no  longer  a  will  of  its  own  ;  the  sentences 
of  the  superior  courts  can  no  longer  be  executed ;  every- 
thing indicates  such  serious  weakness  that  the  federal  bond 
no  longer  offers  any  protection  whatever  and  only  consti- 
tutes a  source  of  dissension  and  discord  between  the  powers. 
The  results  of  three  coalitions  have  increased  this  weak- 
ness to  the  last  degree.  .  .  .  The  Treaty  of  Pressburg 
assures  complete  sovereignty  to  their  Majesties  the  kings 
of  Bavaria  and  of  Wurtemberg  and  to  his  Highness  the 
elector  of  Baden.  This  is  a  prerogative  which  the  other 
electors  will  doubtless  demand,  and  which  they  are  justi- 
fied in  demanding ;  but  this  is  in  harmony  neither  with  the 
letter  nor  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  of  the  empire. 

His  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  is,  therefore,  com- 
pelled to  declare  that  he  can  no  longer  acknowledge  the 
existence  of  the  German  constitution,  recognizing,  how- 
ever, the  entire  and  absolute  sovereignty  of  each  of  the 
princes  whose  states  compose  Germany  to-day,  maintain- 
ing with  them  the  same  relations  as  with  the  other  inde- 
pendent powers  of  Europe. 

His  Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  has  accepted  the  title 
of  Protector  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine.  He  has 
done  this  only  with  a  view  to  peace  and  in  order  that  by 
his  constant  mediation  between  the  weak  and  the  powerful 
he  may  obviate  every  species  of  dissension  and  disorder. 

Having  thus  provided  for  the  dearest  interests  of  his 
people  and  of  his  neighbors,  and  having  assured,  so  far  as 
in  him  lay,  the  future  peace  of  Europe,  and  that  of  Germany 
in  particular,  heretofore  constantly  the  theater  of  war,  by 
removing  a  contradiction  which  placed  people  and  princes 
alike  under  the  delusive  protection  of  a  system  contrary 
both  to  their  political  interests  and  to  their  treaties,  his 
Majesty  the  emperor  and  king  trusts  that  the  nations  of 
Europe  will  at  last  close  their  ears  to  the  insinuations  of 


Europe  and  Napoleo?i  50 1 

those  who  would  maintain  an  eternal  war  upon  the  conti- 
nent. He  trusts  that  the  French  armies  which  have  crossed 
the  Rhine  have  done  so  for  the  last  time,  and  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Germany  will  no  longer  witness,  except  in  the  annals 
of  the  past,  the  horrible  pictures  of  disorder,  devastation, 
and  slaughter  which  war  invariably  brings  with  it. 

His  Majesty  declared  that  he  would  never  extend  the 
limits  of  France  beyond  the  Rhine  and  he  has  been  faith- 
ful to  his  promise.  At  present  his  sole  desire  is  so  to 
employ  the  means  which  Providence  has  confided  to  him 
as  to  free  the  seas,  restore  the  liberty  of  commerce,  and 
thus  assure  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  world. 

Ratisbon,  August  i,  1S06.  Bacher. 

After  the  Treaty  of  Pressburg  and  the  formation  of 
the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  there  was  really  nothing 
for  the  emperor  to  do  except  to  lay  down  —  which  he 
did  with  some  relief  —  the  imperial  crown  which  had 
belonged  to  his  house  with  few  intermissions  since  the 
times  of  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg. 

We,  Francis  the  Second,   by  the  grace  of  God  Roman  emperor    435.  The 

elect,   ever  august,  hereditary  emperor  of  Austria,  etc.,  king    abdication 

of  Germany,  Hungary,    Bohemia,   Croatia,  Dalmatia,  Sla-    °  t  e  ast 
J  -  o     .  Roman 

vonia,    Galicia,    Lodomeria,  and  Jerusalem;   archduke  of    emperor 

Austria,  etc.  (August  6, 

1806). 
Since  the  Peace  of  Pressburg  all  our  care  and  attention 

has  been  directed  towards  the  scrupulous  fulfillment  of  all 
engagements  contracted  bv  the  said  treatv,  as  well  as  the 
preservation  of  peace,  so  essential  to  the  happiness  of  our 
subjects,  and  the  strengthening  in  every  way  of  the  friendly 
relations  which  have  been  happily  reestablished.  We  could 
but  await  the  outcome  of  events  in  order  to  determine 
whether  the  important  changes  in  the  German  empire  re- 
sulting from  the  terms  of  the  peace  would  allow  us  to 
fulfill  the  weighty  duties  which,  in  view  of  the  conditions 
of  our  election,  devolve  upon  us  as  the  head  of  the  empire. 


502  Readings  in  European  History 

But  the  results  of  certain  articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Press- 
burg,  which  showed  themselves  immediately  after  its  pub- 
lication and  since  that  time,  as  well  as  the  events  which, 
as  is  generally  known,  have  taken  place  in  the  German 
empire,  have  convinced  us  that  it  would  be  impossible 
under  these  circumstances  further  to  fulfill  the  duties 
which  we  assumed  by  the  conditions  of  our  election. 
Even  if  the  prompt  readjustment  of  existing  political  com- 
plications might  produce  an  alteration  in  the  existing  con- 
ditions, the  convention  signed  at  Paris,  July  12,  and 
approved  later  by  the  contracting  parties,  providing  for 
the  complete  separation  of  several  important  states  of  the 
empire  and  their  union  into  a  separate  confederation, 
would  utterly  destroy  any  such  hope. 

Thus  convinced  of  the  utter  impossibility  of  longer  ful- 
filling the  duties  of  our  imperial  office,  we  owe  it  to  our 
principles  and  to  our  honor  to  renounce  a  crown  which 
could  only  retain  any  value  in  our  eyes  so  long  as  we  were 
in  a  position  to  justify  the  confidence  reposed  in  us  by  the 
electors,  princes,  estates,  and  other  members  of  the  German 
empire,  and  to  fulfill  the  duties  devolving  upon  us. 

We  proclaim,  accordingly,  that  we  consider  the  ties  which 
have  hitherto  united  us  to  the  body  politic  of  the  German 
empire  as  hereby  dissolved ;  that  we  regard  the  office  and 
dignity  of  the  imperial  headship  as  extinguished  by  the 
formation  of  a  separate  union  of  the  Rhenish  states,  and 
regard  ourselves  as  thereby  freed  from  all  our  obligations 
toward  the  German  empire ;  herewith  laying  down  the 
imperial  crown  which  is  associated  with  these  obligations, 
and  relinquishing  the  imperial  government  which  we  have 
hitherto  conducted. 

We  free  at  the  same  time  the  electors,  princes,  and 
estates,  and  all  others  belonging  to  the  empire,  particularly 
the  members  of  the  supreme  imperial  courts  and  other 
magistrates  of  the  empire,  from  the  duties  constitutionally 
due  to  us  as  the  lawful  head  of  the  empire.  Conversely,  we 
free  all  our  German  provinces  and  imperial  lands  from  all 
their    obligations   of  whatever    kind   toward    the   German 


Europe  and  Xapoleon 


503 


empire.  In  uniting  these,  as  emperor  of  Austria,  with  the 
whole  body  of  the  Austrian  state  we  shall  strive,  with  the 
restored  and  existing  peaceful  relations  with  all  the  powers 
and  neighboring  states,  to  raise  them  to  the  height  of  pros- 
perity and  happiness  which  is  our  keenest  desire  and  the 
aim  of  our  constant  and  sincerest  efforts. 

Done  at  our  capital  and  royal  residence,  Vienna,  Aug- 
ust 6,  1806,  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  our  reign  as  emperor 
and  hereditary  ruler  of  the  Austrian  lands. 

Francis. 

IV.  The  Continental  Blockade 

At  least  as  early  as  1796  the  French  government  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  forcing  its  English  enemy  to  cry  for 
peace  by  ruining  her  commen  This  became  a  cher- 
ished policy  of  Napoleon  after  he  had  given  up  the  idea 
of  invading  England.  After  his  victory  at  Jena  he  felt 
that  the  time  had  come  to  put  into  execution  his  project 
of  excluding  England  from  the  continent.  England  had 
given  him  an  excuse  for  the  Berlin  Decree  given  below 
by  declaring  the  coast  from  the  river  Elbe  to  Brest  in 
a  state  of  blockade  (May,  1806). 


From  our  Imperial  Camp  at  Berlin, 
November  21,  1806. 

Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French  and  king  of  Italy,  in    436.  The 

consideration  of  the  fact  Berlin 

Decree 

1.  That  England  does  not  recognize  the  system  of  inter-    (November 

national  law  universally  observed  by  all  civilized  nations.       2r,  1806). 

2.  That  she  regards  as  an  enemy  every  individual  belong- 
ing to  the  enemy's  state,  and  consequently  makes  prisoners 
of  war  not  only  of  the  crews  of  armed  ships  of  war  but  of 
the  crews  of  ships  of  commerce  and  merchantmen,  and 
even  of  commercial  agents  and  of  merchants  traveling  on 
business. 


(Extracts.) 


504  Readings  ifi  European  History 

3.  That  she  extends  to  the  vessels  and  commercial  wares, 
and  to  the  property  of  individuals,  the  right  of  conquest 
which  is  applicable  only  to  the  possessions  of  the  belligerent 
power. 

4.  That  she  extends  to  unfortified  towns  and  commercial 
ports,  to  harbors  and  the  mouths  of  rivers,  the  right  of 
blockade,  which,  in  accordance  with  reason  and  the  cus- 
toms of  all  civilized  nations,  is  applicable  only  to  strong 
places.  .  .  .  That  she  has  declared  districts  in  a  state  of 
blockade  which  all  her  united  forces  would  be  unable  to 
blockade,  such  as  entire  coasts  and  the  whole  of  an 
empire. 

5.  That  this  monstrous  abuse  of  the  right  of  blockade 
has  no  other  aim  than  to  prevent  communication  among 
the  nations  and  to  raise  the  commerce  and  the  industry  of 
England  upon  the  ruins  of  that  of  the  continent. 

8.  That  it  is  a  natural  right  to  employ  such  arms  against 
an  enemy  as  he  himself  makes  use  of,  and  to  combat  in 
the  same  way  as  he  combats.  Since  England  has  disre- 
garded all  ideas  of  justice  and  every  high  sentiment  implied 
by  civilization  among  mankind,  we  have  resolved  to  apply 
to  her  the  usages  which  she  has  ratified  in  her  maritime 
legislation. 

The  provisions  of  the  present  decree  shall  continue  to 
be  looked  upon  as  embodying  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  empire  until  England  shall  recognize  that  the  law  of 
war  is  one  and  the  same  on  land  and  on  sea,  and  that  the 
rights  of  war  cannot  be  extended  so  as  to  include  private 
property  of  any  kind  or  the  persons  of  individuals  uncon- 
nected with  the  profession  of  arms,  and  that  the  right  of 
blockade  shall  be  restricted  to  fortified  places  actually 
invested  by  sufficient  forces. 

We  have  consequently  decreed  and  do  decree  that  which 
follows. 

Article  I.  The  British  Isles  are  declared  to  be  in  a  state 
of  blockade. 

II.  All  commerce  and  all  correspondence  with  the  Brit- 
ish Isles  is  forbidden.    Consequently,  letters  or  packages 


Etirope  and  Napoleon  505 

directed  to  England,  or  to  an  Englishman,  or  written  in 
the  English  language,  shall  not  pass  through  the  mails  and 
shall  be  seized. 

III.  Every  individual  who  is  an  English  subject,  of  what- 
ever state  or  condition  he  may  be,  who  shall  be  discovered 
in  any  country  occupied  by  our  troops  or  by  those  of  our 
allies,  shall  be  made  a  prisoner  of  war. 

IV.  All  warehouses,  merchandise,  or  property  of  what- 
ever kind  belonging  to  a  subject  of  England  shall  be  re- 
garded as  a  lawful  prize. 

V.  Trade  in  English  goods  is  prohibited,  and  all  goods 
belonging  to  England  or  coming  from  her  factories  or  her 
colonies  are  declared  a  lawful  prize. 

VII.  No  vessel  coming  directly  from  England  or  from  the 
English  colonies,  or  which  shall  have  visited  these  since  the 
publication  of  the  present  decree,  shall  be  received  in  any 
port. 

VIII.  Any  vessel  contravening  the  above  provision  by  a 
false  declaration  shall  be  seized,  and  the  vessel  and  cargo 
shall  be  confiscated  as  if  it  were  English  property. 

X.  The  present  decree  shall  be  communicated  by  our 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  to  the  kings  of  Spain,  of  Naples, 
of  Holland,  and  of  Etruria,  and  to  our  other  allies  whose 
subjects,  like  ours,  are  the  victims  of  the  unjust  and  bar- 
barous maritime  legislation  of  England. 

(Signed) 

Napoleon. 

On  November  11,  1807,  after  news  of  the  Treaty  of 
Tilsit  had  reached  the  English  government,  it  replied  by 
an  order  in  council  establishing  an  undisguised  "paper" 
blockade.  This,  in  spite  of  some  alleged  merciful  excep- 
tions, was  almost  a  prohibition  of  neutral  trading  such 
as  that  carried  on  by  the  United  States,  and  President 
Jefferson  ordered  the  first  embargo,  December  22,  1807, 
as  a  retaliatory  measure.  Napoleon  replied  to  England's 
measures  by  issuing  his  brief  and  cogent  Milan  Decree. 


5o6 


Readings  in  European  History 


437.  The 
Milan 

Decree  (De- 
cember 17, 
1807). 


At  our  Royal  Palace  at  Milan,  December  17,  1807. 

Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French,  king  of  Italy,  protector 
of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine.  In  view  of  the  measures 
adopted  by  the  British  government  on  the  1  ith  of  November 
last,  by  which  vessels  belonging  to  powers  which  are  neutral, 
or  are  friendly  to,  and  even  allied  with,  England,  are  ren- 
dered liable  to  be  searched  by  British  cruisers,  detained  at 
certain  stations  in  England,  and  subject  to  an  arbitrary  tax 
of  a  certain  per  cent  upon  their  cargo,  to  be  regulated  by 
English  legislation  1 : 

Considering  that  by  these  acts  the  English  government 
has  denationalized  the  vessels  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
and  that  no  government  may  compromise  in  any  degree  its 
independence  or  its  rights  by  submitting  to  such  demands, 
—  all  the  rulers  of  Europe  being  jointly  responsible  for  the 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  their  flags,  — and  that,  if 
through  unpardonable  weakness,  which  would  be  regarded 
by  posterity  as  an  indelible  stain,  such  tyranny  should  be 
admitted  and  become  consecrated  by  custom,  the  English 
would  take  steps  to  give  it  the  force  of  law,  as  they  have 
already  taken  advantage  of  the  toleration  of  the  governments 
to  establish  the  infamous  principle  that  the  flag  does  not 
cover  the  goods,  and  to  give  the  right  of  blockade  an  arbi- 
trary extension  which  threatens  the  sovereignty  of  every  state : 


1  The  tax  imposed  by  England  upon  the  cargoes  of  neutral  ships, 
which  is  referred  to  in  the  Milan  Decree,  is  not  found  in  the  orders  of 
November  n,  as  Napoleon  implies.  The  tax  was,  however,  a  stern 
reality,  whatever  may  have  been  its  formal  origin.  Professor  McMaster 
gives  an  account  of  the  practical  workings  of  the  system,  so  far  as 
American  ships  were  concerned,  which  he  takes  from  the  Baltimore 
Evening  Post  of  September  2  and  27,  1808.  The  newspaper  estimates 
that  on  her  outward  voyage,  let  us  say  to  Holland,  with  four  hundred 
hogsheads  of  tobacco,  an  American  ship  would  pay  England  one  and 
one-half  pence  per  pound  on  the  tobacco  and  twelve  shillings  for  each 
ton  of  the  ship.  With  $100  for  the  license  and  sundry  other  dues,  the 
total  amounted  to  toward  $13,000.  On  the  home  voyage,  with  a  cargo, 
let  us  say,  of  Holland  gin,  the  American  trader  paid  perhaps  $16,500, 
making  the  total  charges  paid  to  Great  Britain  for  a  single  voyage 
$31,000  {History  of  the  Peopte  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  308-309)- 


Europe  and  Napoleon 


507 


We  have  decreed  and  do  decree  as  follows: 
Article  I.  Every  vessel,  of  whatever  nationality,  which 
shall  submit  to  be  searched  by  an  English  vessel,  or  shall 
consent  to  a  voyage  to  England,  or  shall  pay  any  tax  what- 
ever to  the  English  government,  is  ipso  facto  declared  dena- 
tionalized, loses  the  protection  afforded  by  its  flag,  and  be- 
comes English  property. 

II.  Should  these  vessels  which  are  thus  denationalized 
through  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  English  government 
enter  our  ports  or  those  of  our  allies,  or  fall  into  the  hands 
of  our  ships  of  war  or  of  our  privateers,  they  shall  be  re- 
garded as  good  and  lawful  prizes. 

III.  The  British  Isles  are  proclaimed  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade  both  by  land  and  by  sea.  Every  vessel,  of  what- 
ever nation  or  whatever  may  be  its  cargo,  that  sails  from 
the  ports  of  England,  or  from  those  of  the  English  colonies, 
or  of  countries  occupied  by  English  troops,  or  destined  for 
England,  or  for  any  of  the  English  colonies,  or  any  country 
occupied  by  English  troops,  becomes,  by  violating  the  pres- 
ent decree,  a  lawful  prize,  and  may  be  captured  by  our  ships 
of  war  and  adjudged  to  the  captor.   .   .   . 


Pasquier,  in  his  Memoirs,  makes  the  following  admir- 
able criticism  of  Napoleon's  continental  system. 

[Napoleon's  unwise  severity  after  the  battle  of  Jena]  was  438.  Aeon- 
nothing  compared  to  a  measure  adopted  in  the  hour  of  intox-  temporary's 
f     .                      .      ,  .  ,     ,                                  .                           .  .  criticism  of 
ication  of  victory,  and  which,  by  erecting  an  insurmountable  Napoleon's 

barrier,  so  to  speak,  between  France  and  England,  condemned    continental 
each  of  these  two  powers  to  entertain  no  hopes  of  peace  and    svstem- 
rest  until  its  rival  was  completely  destroyed.  .   .   . 

Napoleon  flattered  himself  with  the  idea  of  having  found 
the  means  to  deal  a  blow  at  his  most  deadly  opponent  in 
the  matter  nearest  his  heart.  Seeing  himself  master  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  European  coast,  or  at  least  enjoying  a 
domination  over  the  mouths  of  the  principal  rivers  of  Ger- 
many, he  persuaded  himself  that  it  depended  on  him  to 
close  all  Europe's  markets  to  England  and  thus  compel  her 


508  Readings  in  European  History 

to  accept  peace  from  him  at  his  own  terms.  The  conception 
was  no  doubt  a  grand  one,  and  the  measure  was  no  more 
iniquitous  than  that  of  England,  but  the  difference  lay  in  the 
fact  that  the  latter,  in  her  pretensions  to  a  blockade,  was  not 
undertaking  anything  beyond  her  strength,  and  did  not  stand 
in  need  of  any  other  nation's  cooperation  to  carry  it  out. 

France,  on  the  contrary,  was  entering  upon  an  undertak- 
ing which  could  not  be  put  into  execution  without  the  volun- 
tary or  enforced  cooperation  of  all  the  European  powers.  It 
was  therefore  sufficient  in  order  to  render  it  fruitless  —  and 
the  future  went  to  prove  this  —  that  a  single  one  of  these 
powers,  unable  to  submit  to  the  privations  imposed  upon  it, 
should  either  announce  its  firm  determination  not  to  lend  a 
hand  in  the  matter,  or  should  be  content  with  finding  ways 
of  eluding  it.   .  .  . 

Not  only  was  England  in  a  position  to  supply  the  conti- 
nent with  the  numerous  products  of  her  industry,  but  she 
also  controlled  almost  the  entirety  of  all  colonial  wares  and 
provisions.  Hence  it  would  become  necessary,  in  the  first 
place,  to  have  recourse  to  all  possible  means  calculated  to 
make  continental  industry  supply  that  which  English  indus- 
try would  no  longer  furnish.  In  the  second  place,  with 
regard  to  colonial  products,  some  of  which,  such  as  sugar 
and  coffee,  were  almost  indispensable  necessaries  of  life, 
and  others  of  which  were  the  actual  raw  material  on  which 
depended  the  manufactures  which  it  was  proposed  to  create, 
it  was  necessary  to  devise  a  means  for  allowing  them  the 
right  of  entry,  but  in  a  proportion  calculated  on  the  strictest 
necessity,  and,  if  possible,  by  means  of  an  exchange  favor- 
able to  the  natural  products  of  the  continent. 

So  it  happened  that  through  the  most  persevering  and  at 
times  the  most  ingenious  efforts,  by  the  aid  of  a  succession 
of  decrees,  and  with  the  help  of  that  strange  invention  of 
licenses  which  were  nothing  but  organized  smuggling,  conti- 
nental industry,  or  rather  French  industry,  backed  up  with  a 
million  bayonets  and  with  an  auxiliary  force  of  coast  guards, 
succeeded  in  meeting  a  tremendous  competition  and  in  deriv- 
ing large  profits. 


Europe  and  Napoleon  509 


V.  Napoleon  at  the  Zenith 

Napoleon  found  no  difficulty  in  discovering  divine 
sanction  for  his  power.  A  catechism  drawn  up  during 
the  reign  of  Louis  XIV  by  the  distinguished  French 
prelate,  Bossuet,  was  hunted  up  and  certain  modifica- 
tions made  to  adapt  it  to  the  times.  The  following  ques- 
tions and  answers  deal  with  the  duties  of  French  citizens 
towards  their  ruler. 

Question.  What  are  the  duties  of  Christians  toward  those   439.  Ex- 

who  govern   them,  and   what   in   particular  are  our   duties  tracts  from 
1      xt         1  t  •>  the  imperial 

towards  Napoleon   I,  our  emperor?  catechism 

Answer.  Christians  owe  to  the  princes  who  govern  them,  (April,  1806). 
and  we  in  particular  owe  to  Napoleon  I,  our  emperor,  love, 
respect,  obedience,  fidelity,  military  service,  and  the  taxes 
levied  for  the  preservation  and  defense  of  the  empire  and 
of  his  throne.  We  also  owe  him  fervent  prayers  for  his 
safety  and  for  the  spiritual  and  temporal  prosperity  of 
the  state. 

Question.  Why  are  we  subject  to  all  these  duties  toward 
our  emperor  ? 

Answer.  First,  because  God,  who  has  created  empires  and 
distributes  them  according  to  his  will,  has,  by  loading  our 
emperor  with  gifts  both  in  peace  and  in  war,  established 
him  as  our  sovereign  and  made  him  the  agent  of  his  power 
and  his  image  upon  earth.  To  honor  and  serve  our  emperor 
is  therefore  to  honor  and  serve  God  himself.  Secondly, 
because  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  himself,  both  by  his  teaching 
and  his  example,  has  taught  us  what  we  owe  to  our  sover- 
eign. Even  at  his  very  birth  he  obeyed  the  edict  of  Caesar 
Augustus  ;  he  paid  the  established  tax  ;  and  while  he  com- 
manded us  to  render  to  God  those  things  which  belong  to 
God,  he  also  commanded  us  to  render  unto  Caesar  those 
things  which  are  Caesar's. 

Question.  Are  there  not  special  motives  which  should 
attach  us  more  closely  to  Napoleon  I,  our  emperor  ? 


5io 


Readings  in  Eitropean  History 


440.  Napo- 
leon's proc- 
lamation 
to  the 
Spaniards. 


Answer.  Yes,  for  it  is  he  whom  God  has  raised  up  in  trying 
times  to  reestablish  the  public  worship  of  the  holy  religion 
of  our  fathers  and  to  be  its  protector ;  he  has  reestablished 
and  preserved  public  order  by  his  profound  and  active 
wisdom  ;  he  defends  the  state  by  his  mighty  arm  ;  he  has 
become  the  anointed  of  the  Lord  by  the  consecration  which 
he  has  received  from  the  sovereign  pontiff,  head  of  the 
Church  universal. 

Question.  What  must  we  think  of  those  who  are  wanting 
in  their  duties  toward  our  emperor  ? 

Answer.  According  to  the  apostle  Paul,  they  are  resisting 
the  order  established  by  God  himself  and  render  themselves 
worthy  of  eternal  damnation.1 

The  following  extracts  will  illustrate  the  attitude  of 
Napoleon  toward  his  vast  empire  and  the  way  in  which 
he  undertook  to  shape  the  destinies  of  all  western  Europe. 
Enraged  by  the  refusal  of  the  Spanish  nation  to  accept 
his  brother  as  their  king,  he  invaded  the  peninsula  with 
a  large  army,  occupied  Madrid,  and  in  December,  1808, 
he  issued  the  following  proclamations. 

Imperial  Camp  at  Madrid,  December  7,  1808. 
Spaniards,  you  have  been  seduced  by  perfidious  men. 
They  have  involved  you  in  a  mad  conflict  and  induced  you 
to  rush  to  arms.  Is  there  one  among  you  who,  if  he  but 
reflect  a  moment  upon  all  that  has  taken  place,  will  not  be 
convinced  that  you  have  been  the  playthings  of  the  invet- 
erate enemy  of  the  continent,  who  rejoices  as  she  beholds 
the  shedding  of  Spanish  and  French  blood  ?  What  could  be 
the  result  of  your  success  even  in  several  campaigns  ?  What 
but  a  war  without  end  and  prolonged  uncertainty  in  regard 
to  your  possessions  and  your  very  existence?  In  a  few 
months  you  have  been  subjected  to  all  the  horrors  of  popu- 
lar faction.  The  defeat  of  your  armies  was  the  affair  of  a 
few  marches.     I  have  entered  Madrid.     The  right  of  war 

1  Compare  Bossuet's  views  of  the  kingship  (see  above,  pp.  272  sqq.). 


Europe  a  fid  Napoleon  511 

authorizes  me  to  make  a  terrible  example  and  to  wash  out 
with  blood  the  outrages  committed  against  me  and  my 
nation.  But  my  only  thought  is  of  clemency.  A  few  men 
only,  the  authors  of  your  misery,  shall  suffer.  I  will  speedily 
expel  from  the  peninsula  that  English  army  which  has  been 
dispatched  to  Spain,  not  to  aid  you,  but  to  inspire  in  you  a 
false  confidence  and  to  deceive  you. 

I  informed  you  in  my  proclamation  of  June  2  that  I 
wished  to  be  your  regenerator.  But  you  have  chosen  that  I 
should  add  to  the  rights  ceded  to  me  by  your  previous 
dynasty  also  the  right  of  conquest.  But  this  has  not  in 
any  way  altered  my  attitude  toward  you.  Indeed,  I  must 
praise  all  that  has  been  generous  in  your  efforts.  I  would 
recognize  that  your  true  interests  have  been  obscured  and 
that  you  have  been  deceived  as  to  the  real  condition  of 
affairs. 

Spaniards,  your  destiny  is  in  my  hands.  Refuse  the  poi- 
son which  the  English  have  spread  abroad  among  you ;  let 
your  king  be  assured  of  your  love  and  confidence  and  you 
will  be  more  powerful,  more  happy  than  you  have  ever  been. 
I  have  destroyed  everything  which  stands  in  the  way  of 
your  prosperity  and  greatness.  I  have  broken  the  fetters 
which  hampered  the  people.  I  have  given  you  a  liberal  con- 
stitution, and,  in  the  place  of  an  absolute,  I  have  given  you 
a  limited  and  constitutional  monarchy.  It  depends  upon 
you  whether  this  constitution  shall  continue  to  govern  you. 
But  if  all  my  efforts  should  prove  useless  and  if  you  do  not 
respond  to  my  confidence,  nothing  will  remain  for  me  except 
to  treat  you  as  conquered  provinces  and  to  place  my  brother 
upon  another  throne.  I  shall  then  put  the  crown  of  Spain 
upon  my  own  head  and  I  shall  be  able  to  make  the  wicked 
respect  it,  since  God  has  given  me  the  power  and  the  will 

necessary  to  surmount  all  obstacles. 

Napoleon. 

The  reforms  which  Napoleon  alludes  to  had  been 
issued  three  days  before  upon  his  arrival  in  Madrid. 
They   furnish   an  admirable  illustration   of  the  way  in 


512 


Readings  in  European  History 


441.  Decrees 
abolishing 
feudal  dues 
in  Spain. 


442.  De- 
cree abol- 
ishing the 
Inquisition. 


442a.  De- 
cree abol- 
ishing 
monastic 
orders. 


which  the  ideas  of  the  French  Revolution  followed  his 
armies  into  the  conservative  countries  of  western  Europe. 

Imperial  Camp  at  Madrid,  December  4,  1808. 

To  date  from  the  publication  of  the  present  decree,  feudal 
rights  are  abolished  in  Spain. 

All  personal  obligations,  all  exclusive  fishing  rights  and 
other  rights  of  similar  nature  on  the  coast  or  on  rivers  and 
streams,  all  feudal  monopolies  {banalites)  of  ovens,  mills,  and 
inns  are  suppressed.  It  shall  be  free  to  every  one  v/ho  shall 
conform  to  the  laws  to  develop  his  industry  without  restraint. 

The  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  is  abolished,  as  inconsist- 
ent with  the  civil  sovereignty  and  authority. 

The  propertyof  the  Inquisition  shallbe  sequestered  and  fall 
to  the  Spanish  state,  to  serve  as  security  for  the  bonded  debt. 

Considering  that  the  members  of  the  various  monastic 
orders  have  increased  to  an  undue  degree  and  that,  although 
a  certain  number  of  them  are  useful  in  assisting  the  ministers 
of  the  altar  in  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  the 
existence  of  too  great  a  number  interferes  with  the  prosper- 
ity of  the  state,  we  have  decreed  and  do  decree  as  follows  : 

The  number  of  convents  now  in  existence  in  Spain  shall 
be  reduced  to  a  third  of  their  present  number.  This  reduc- 
tion shall  be  accomplished  by  uniting  the  members  of  sev- 
eral convents  of  the  same  order  into  one. 

From  the  publication  of  the  present  decree,  no  one  shall 
be  admitted  to  the  novitiate  or  permitted  to  take  the  monas- 
tic vow  until  the  number  of  the  religious  of  both  sexes  has 
been  reduced  to  one  third  of  that  now  in  existence.  .  .  . 

All  regular  ecclesiastics  who  desire  to  renounce  the 
monastic  life  and  live  as  secular  ecclesiastics  are  at  liberty 
to  leave  their  monasteries.  .  .  . 


443.  Decree         In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  institution  which  stands  most 

abolishing  -m  tne  way  0f  tne  internal  prosperity  of  Spain  is  that  of  the 

the  intenor  .■;  r       r   .    J  r, 

customs  customs  lines  separating  the  provinces,  we  have  decreed  and 

lines.  do  decree  what  follows  : 


Europe  and  Napoleon  513 

To  date  from  January  1  next,  the  barriers  existing  between 
the  provinces  shall  be  suppressed.  The  custom  houses  shall 
be  removed  to  the  frontiers  and  there  established. 

In  May,  1809,  Napoleon  proclaimed  that  the  papal  pos- 
sessions and  the  city  of  Rome  were  "  reunited  "  to  the 
French  empire.  He  attempts  in  the  following  decree 
to  justify  his  conduct  upon  historical  grounds. 

Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French,  king  of  Italy,  protector  444.  Open- 

of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  etc.,  in  consideration  of  inS  of  the 

decree 
the  fact  that  when  Charlemagne,  emperor  of  the  French  and   «  reuniting  " 

our  august  predecessor,  granted  several  counties  to  the  bish-  the  papal 

ops  of  Rome  he  ceded  these  only  as  fiefs  and  for  the  good  of  states  to  the 

his  realm,  and  Rome  did  not,  by  reason  of  this  cession,  cease   empire 

to  form  a  part  of  his  empire  ;  further,  that  since  this  associa-    (MaY  17. 

tion  of  spiritual  and  temporal  authority  has  been,  and  still    *  ****' 

is,  a  source  of  dissensions,  and  has  but  too  often  led  the 

pontiffs  to  employ  the  influence  of  the  former  to  maintain 

the  pretensions  of  the  latter,  and  thus  the  spiritual  concerns 

and  heavenly  interests,  which   are   unchanging,   have  been 

confused  with  terrestrial  affairs,  which  by  their  nature  alter 

according  to  circumstances  and  the  policy  of  the  time ;  and 

since  all  our  proposals  for  reconciling  the  security  of  our 

armies,  the  tranquillity  and  the  welfare  of  our  people,  and 

the  dignity  and  integrity  of  our  empire,  with  the  temporal 

pretensions  of  the  popes  have  failed,  we  have  decreed  and 

do  decree  what  follows  : 

Article  i.  The  papal  states  are  reunited  to  the  French 
empire. 

2.  The  city  of  Rome,  so  famous  by  reason  of  the  great 
memories  which  cluster  about  it  and  as  the  first  seat  of 
Christianity,  is  proclaimed  a  free  imperial  city.   .  .  . 

In  August,  18 10,  when  Napoleon  was  arranging  to 
annex  Holland  and  the  Hanseatic  towns  to  France,  he  ad- 
dressed the  Dutch  representatives,  who  had  been  induced 
to  lay  their  troubles  before  him,  in  the  following  words: 


5i4 


Readings  i7i  European  History 


445.  Napo- 
leon's view 
of  his 
destiny. 


.  .  .  When  Providence  elevated  me  to  the  first  throne  in 
the  world  it  became  my  duty,  while  establishing  forever  the 
destinies  of  France,  to  determine  the  fate  of  all  those  peo- 
ple who  formed  a  part  of  the  empire,  to  insure  for  all  the 
benefits  of  stability  and  order,  and  to  put  an  end  every- 
where to  the  woes  of  anarchy.  I  have  done  away  with  the 
uncertainty  in  Italy  by  placing  upon  my  head  the  crown  of 
iron.  I  have  suppressed  the  government  which  was  ruling 
in  Piedmont.  I  have  traced  out  the  constitution  of  Switzer- 
land in  my  Act  of  Mediation,  and  I  have  harmonized  the 
local  conditions  of  these  countries  and  their  historical  tra- 
ditions with  the  security  and  rights  of  the  imperial  crown. 

I  gave  you  a  prince  of  my  own  blood  to  govern  you.  It 
was  a  natural  bond,  which  should  have  served  to  unite  the 
interests  of  your  administration  and  the  rights  of  the  empire. 
My  hopes  have  been  disappointed.  Under  these  circum- 
stances I  have  displayed  a  degree  of  moderation  and  long- 
suffering  which  comported  but  ill  with  my  character  and 
my  rights.  Finally,  I  have  but  just  put  an  end  to  the  pain- 
ful uncertainty  in  which  you  found  yourselves  and  to  the 
death  struggle  which  had  ended  by  destroying  your  strength 
and  resources.  I  have  opened  the  continent  to  your  indus- 
try, and  the  day  will  come  when  you  shall  bear  my  eagles 
upon  the  seas  which  your  ancestors  have  rendered  illustri- 
ous. You  will  then  show  yourselves  worthy  of  them  and 
of  me.  .  .  . 


VI.  The  Russian  Campaign 


446.  Napo- 
leon's proc- 
lamation at 
the  opening 
of  the 
Russian 
campaign 
(June,  1812). 


Before  crossing  the  Russian  boundary  in  June,  1812, 
Napoleon  issued  the  following  proclamation  to  the 
Grand  Army. 

Soldiers,  the  second  war  of  Poland  has  commenced.  The 
first  was  brought  to  a  close  at  Friedland  and  Tilsit.  At 
Tilsit,  Russia  swore  eternal  alliance  with  France  and  war  with 
England.  She  now  violates  her  oaths,  she  refuses  to  give 
any  explanation  of  her  strange  conduct,  except  on  condition 


Europe  and  Napoleo?i 


515 


that  the  eagles  of  France  shall  repass  the  Rhine,  leaving,  by 
such  a  movement,  our  allies  at  her  mercy.  Russia  is  dragged 
along  by  a  fate.  Her  destinies  must  be  accomplished. 
Shall  she  then  consider  us  degenerate  ?  Are  we  no  longer 
to  be  looked  upon  as  the  soldiers  of  Austerlitz  ?  She  offers 
us  the  alternative  of  dishonor  or  war.  The  choice  does  not 
admit  of  hesitation.  Let  us  march  forward.  Let  us  pass  the 
Niemen.  Let  us  carry  war  into  her  territory.  The  second 
war  of  Poland  will  be  as  glorious  to  the  French  arms  as 
was  the  first ;  but  the  peace  which  we  shall  conclude  will  be 
its  own  guaranty  and  will  put  an  end  to  that  proud  and 
haughty  influence  which  Russia  has  for  fifty  years  exercised 
in  the  affairs  of  Europe. 

At  our  Headquarters  at  Wilkowiszki, 
June,  22,  1812. 


Five  months  later  Napoleon  was  frantically  endeav- 
oring to  regain  Poland.  An  eyewitness  thus  describes 
the  crossing  of  the  Beresina,  one  of  the  most  tragic 
episodes  in  all  military  history. 

On  the  25th  of  November  there  had  been  thrown  across    447.  The 

the  river  temporary  bridges  made  of  beams  taken  from  the    cr<>sslllg 

cabins  of  the  Poles.  ...    At  a  little  after  five  in  the  after-    Beresina. 

noon   the   beams  gave  way,   not  being  sufficiently  strong  ;    (From 

Consta 

Memoirs.) 


and  as  it  was  necessary  to  wait  until  the  next  day,  the  army 


again  abandoned  itself  to  gloomy  forebodings.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  they  would  have  to  endure  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
all  the  next  day.  But  there  was  no  longer  any  choice;  for 
it  was  only  at  the  end  of  this  night  of  agony  and  suffering 
of  every  description  that  the  first  beams  were  secured  in  the 
river.  It  is  hard  to  comprehend  how  men  could  submit  to 
stand,  up  to  their  mouths  in  water  filled  with  ice,  rallying  all 
the  strength  which  nature  had  given  them,  added  to  all  that 
the  energy  of  devotion  furnished,  and  drive  piles  several  feet 
deep  into  a  miry  bed,  struggling  against  the  most  horrible 
fatigue,  pushing  back  with  their  hands  enormous  blocks  of 
ice  which  threatened  to  submerge  and  sink  them.  .   .  . 


5 1 6  Readings  ill  European  History 

Napoleon  The  emperor  awaited  daylight  in   a  poor  hut,  and  in  the 

overcome         morning  said  to  Prince  Berthier,  "  Well,  Berthier,  how  can 

with  grief 

and  despair.  we  get  out  of  this?'  He  was  seated  in  his  room,  great 
tears  flowing  down  his  cheeks,  which  were  paler  than  usual ; 
and  the  prince  was  seated  near  him.  They  exchanged  few 
words,  and  the  emperor  appeared  overcome  by  his  grief.  I 
leave  to  the  imagination  what  was  passing  in  his  soul.  .  .  . 

When  the  artillery  and  baggage  wagons  passed,  the  bridge 
was  so  overweighted  that  it  fell  in.  Instantly  a  backward 
movement  took  place,  which  crowded  together  all  the  mul- 
titude of  stragglers  who  were  advancing  in  the  rear  of 
the  artillery,  like  a  flock  being  herded.  Another  bridge  had 
been  constructed,  as  if  the  sad  thought  had  occurred  that 
the  first  might  give  way,  but  the  second  was  narrow  and 
without  a  railing  ;  nevertheless  it  seemed  at  first  a  very  val- 
uable makeshift  in  such  a  calamity.  But  how  disasters  fol- 
low one  upon  another  !  The  stragglers  rushed  to  the  second 
bridge  in  crowds.  But  the  artillery,  the  baggage  wagons,  —  in 
a  word,  all  the  army  supplies,  —  had  been  in  front  on  the  first 
bridge  when  it  broke  down.  .  .  .  Now,  since  it  was  urgent 
that  the  artillery  should  pass  first,  it  rushed  impetuously 
toward  the  only  road  to  safety  which  remained.  No  pen 
can  describe  the  scene  of  horror  which  ensued;  for  it  was 
literally  over  a  road  of  trampled  human  bodies  that  convey- 
ances of  all  sorts  reached  the  bridge.  On  this  occasion  one 
could  see  how  much  brutality  and  cold-blooded  ferocity  can 
be  produced  in  human  minds  by  the  instinct  of  self-preserva- 
tion. ...  As  I  have  said,  the  bridge  had  no  railing;  and 
crowds  of  those  who  forced  their  way  across  fell  into  the 
river  and  were  engulfed  beneath  the  ice.  Others,  in  their 
fall,  tried  to  stop  themselves  by  grasping  the  planks  of  the 
bridge,  and  remained  suspended  over  the  abyss  until,  their 
hands  crushed  by  the  wheels  of  the  vehicles,  they  lost  their 
grasp  and  went  to  join  their  comrades  as  the  waves  closed 
over  them  Entire  caissons  with  drivers  and  horses  were 
precipitated  into  the  water.  .  .  . 

Officers  harnessed  themselves  to  sleds  to  carry  some 
of  their  companions  who  were  rendered  helpless  by  their 


Europe  and  Napoleon  5  17 

wounds.  They  wrapped  these  unfortunates  as  warmly  as 
possible,  cheered  them  from  time  to  time  with  a  glass  of 
brandy  when  they  could  procure  it,  and  lavished  upon  them 
the  most  touching  attention.  There  were  many  who  behaved 
in  this  unselfish  manner,  of  whose  names  we  are  ignorant; 
and  how  few  returned  to  enjoy  in  their  own  country  the 
remembrance  of  the  most  heroic  deeds  of  their  lives ! 

On  the  29th  the  emperor  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Bere- 
sina  and  we  slept  at  Kamen,  where  his  Majesty  occupied  a 
poor  wooden  building  which  the  icy  air  penetrated  from  all 
sides  through  the  windows,  for  nearly  all  the  glass  was 
broken.  We  closed  the  openings  as  well  as  we  could  with 
bundles  of  hay.  A  short  distance  from  us,  in  a  large  lot, 
were  penned  up  the  wretched  Russian  prisoners  whom  the 
army  drove  before  it.  I  had  much  difficulty  in  comprehend- 
ing the  delusion  of  victory  which  our  poor  soldiers  still  kept 
up  by  dragging  after  them  this  wretched  luxury  of  prisoners, 
who  could  only  be  an  added  burden,  as  they  required  con- 
stant surveillance.  When  the  conquerors  are  dying  of  fam- 
ine, what  becomes  of  the  conquered  ?  These  poor  Russians, 
exhausted  by  marches  and  hunger,  nearly  all  perished  that 
night.  .  .  . 

On  the  3d  of  December  we  arrived  at  Malodeczno.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  day  the  emperor  appeared  thoughtful  and 
anxious.  He  had  frequent  confidential  conversations  with 
the  grand  equerry,  Monsieur  de  Coulaincourt,  and  I  ex- 
pected some  extraordinary  measure.  I  was  not  mistaken  in 
my  conjectures.  At  two  leagues  from  Smorghoni  the  duke 
of  Vicenza  summoned  me  and  told  me  to  go  on  in  front  and 
give  orders  to  have  the  six  best  horses  harnessed  to  my  car- 
riage, which  was  the  lightest  of  all,  and  keep  them  in  con- 
stant readiness.  I  reached  Smorghoni  before  the  emperor, 
who  did  not  arrive  until  the  following  night.  .  .  .  After  sup- 
per the  emperor  ordered  prince  Eugene  to  read  the  twenty- 
ninth  bulletin  and  spoke  freely  of  his  plans,  saying  that  his 
departure  was  essential  in  order  to  send  help  to  the  army.  .  .  . 

The  emperor  left  in  the  night.  By  daybreak  the  army 
had  learned  the  news,  and  the  impression  it  made  cannot  be 


5i8 


Readings  in  European  History 


depicted.  Discouragement  was  at  its  height,  and  many  sol- 
diers cursed  the  emperor  and  reproached  him  for  abandon- 
ing them. 

This  night,  the  6th,  the  cold  increased  greatly.  Its  sever- 
ity may  be  imagined,  as  birds  were  found  on  the  ground 
frozen  stiff.  Soldiers  seated  themselves  with  their  heads  in 
their  hands  and  bodies  bent  forward  in  order  thus  to  feel 
less  the  emptiness  of  their  stomachs.  .  .  .  Everything  had 
failed  us.  Long  before  reaching  Wilna,  the  horses  being 
dead,  we  received  orders  to  burn  our  carriages  and  all  their 
contents. 

VII.  The  German  War  of  Liberation 


448.  Napo- 
leon's con- 
duct after 
Jena.  (From 
Pasquier's 
Memoirs.) 


The  German  people,  divided  as  they  were  into  a  mul- 
titude of  little  states,  had  borne  apathetically  Napoleon's 
dominion  for  some  years.  But  his  insolent  conduct  after 
the  victory  of  Jena  began  to  arouse  the  national  feel- 
ing which  was  later  to  drive  him  from  German  soil  and 
lay  the  foundation  of  a  united  fatherland.  The  judicious 
Chancellor  Pasquier,  in  his  Memoirs,  thus  describes 
Napoleon's  unwarranted  treatment  of  the  Prussians. 

Prussia,  which  for  about  half  a  century  had  advanced 
step  by  step  to  the  first  rank  among  military  powers,  was 
laid  low  at  the  first  clash  of  arms.  Such  of  the  old  generals 
of  Frederick  the  Great  as  still  survived  —  the  duke  of  Bruns- 
wick, General  Mollendorf,  and  many  others  —  either  lost  their 
lives  on  the  battlefield  of  Jena  or,  as  a  result  of  the  rout, 
the  remnants  of  their  former  military  reputation.  Seventeen 
days  sufficed  to  place  the  French  army  in  possession  of  the 
Prussian  capital,  and  the  end  of  November  saw  it  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Vistula,  after  taking  Ciistrin,  Spandau, 
Liibeck,  and  Magdeburg,  —  the  last  named  reputed  to  be  the 
most  strongly  fortified  town  in  the  Prussian  kingdom,  —  and 
occupying  all  the  states  belonging  to  Prussia,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Silesia  and  the  fortress  of  Colberg  in  Pomerania.  .  .  , 


Europe  and  Napoleon  5  1 9 

France  was  no  doubt  proud  of  all  these  victories,  and  she 
wished  to  reap  the  fruits  of  them,  the  first  of  which,  in  her 
eyes,  was  peace,  —  a  glorious,  but  also  a  lasting  one.  Mod- 
eration in  the  hour  of  triumph  could  alone  insure  such  a 
result,  and  the  French  character,  which  is  naturally  gener- 
ous, indulged  in  thoughts  of  a  magnanimous  use  of  victory. 
So  it  was  that  people  nourished  the  illusory  idea  that  the 
man  who  had  risen  so  high  could  not  be  deficient  in  the  only 
quality  which  could  make  his  conquests  secure.  .  .  . 

But  no  sooner  was  Napoleon  in  Berlin  than  he  not  only 
acted  and  spoke  as  an  angry  conqueror,  but  affected  the 
speech  and  the  attitude  of  a  sovereign  giving  commands 
to  his  subjects.  Loyalty  to  the  prince  who  had  fled  at  his 
approach  was  treated  as  an  act  of  rebellion,  and,  in  his 
indignation  against  the  opposition  of  a  portion  of  the  nobil- 
ity which  still  held  communication  with  the  unfortunate  king, 
he  exclaimed,  in  the  very  halls  of  the  palace  of  the  great 
Frederick,  "I  will  so  humble  this  court  nobility  that  it  shall 
be  reduced  to  begging  its  bread."  In  his  proclamations  and 
bulletins  he  constantly  coupled  threats  with  insults.  Misfor- 
tune, which  should  be  sacred,  was  not  even  respected  in 
the  person  of  the  queen  of  Prussia.  This  conduct  was  far 
from  affording  any  reassuring  preliminaries  for  the  peace 
so  ardently  desired. 

The  disaster  of  Jena  and  the  humiliation  of  Tilsit 
forced  Prussia  to  try  to  regain  strength  and  prosperity 
through  the  radical  reform  of  her  whole  social  organiza- 
tion. The  first  step  was  taken  in  October,  1807,  when 
serfdom  and  certain  ancient  restrictions  on  landhold- 
ing  were  abolished.  A  few  paragraphs  of  this  cautious 
measure  are  given  below.  They  are  in  singular  con- 
trast to  the  generous  and  thoroughgoing,  not  to  say 
reckless,  provisions  of  the  decree  abolishing  the  feudal 
system  in  France  given  above.1 

1  See  above,  pp.  404  sqq. 


520 


Readings  in  European  History 


449.  The 
Prussian 
reform  edict 
of  October  9, 
1807. 


We,  Frederick  William,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of 
Prussia,  etc.,  etc.,  hereby  make  known  and  proclaim  that  : 
Since  peace  has  been  established  we  have  been  occupied 
before  everything  else  with  the  care  for  the  depressed  con- 
dition of  our  faithful  subjects  and  the  speediest  revival  and 
greatest  possible  improvement  in  this  respect.  We  have  con- 
sidered that,  in  face  of  the  prevailing  want,  the  means  at 
our  disposal  would  be  insufficient  to  aid  each  individual, 
and  even  if  they  were  sufficient,  we  could  not  hope  to  accom- 
plish our  object ;  and  that,  moreover,  in  accordance  with  the 
imperative  demands  of  justice  and  with  the  principles  of  a 
judicious  economic  policy,  it  behooves  us  to  remove  every 
obstacle  which  has  hitherto  prevented  the  individual  from 
attaining  such  a  state  of  prosperity  as  he  was  capable  of 
reaching.  We  have  further  considered  that  the  existing  re- 
strictions, both  on  the  possession  and  enjoyment  of  landed 
property  and  on  the  personal  condition  of  the  agricultural 
laborer,  especially  interfere  with  our  benevolent  purpose  and 
disable  a  great  force  which  might  be  applied  to  the  restora- 
tion of  agriculture,  —  the  former,  by  their  prejudicial  influ- 
ence upon  the  value  of  landed  property  and  the  credit  of  the 
proprietor ;  the  latter,  by  diminishing  the  value  of  labor. 
We  desire,  therefore,  to  reduce  both  kinds  of  restrictions  so 
far  as  the  common  well-being  demands,  and  we  accordingly 
ordain  the  following. 

1.  Every  inhabitant  of  our  states  is  competent,  without 
any  limitation  on  the  part  of  the  state,  to  own  or  mortgage 
landed  property  of  every  kind.  The  noble  may  therefore 
own  not  only  noble,  but  also  non-noble,  citizen  and  peasant 
lands  of  every  kind,  and  the  citizen  and  peasant  may  pos- 
sess not  only  citizen,  peasant,  and  other  non-noble,  but  also 
noble  tracts  of  land  without  in  any  case  needing  special  per- 
mission for  any  acquisition  whatever,  although  henceforth, 
as  before,  every  change  of  ownership  must  be  announced  to 
the  authorities.  All  privileges  which  are  possessed  by  noble 
over  citizen  inheritances  are  entirely  abolished.  .   .   . 

2.  Every  noble  is  henceforth  permitted,  without  any  dero- 
gation from  his  station,  to  engage  in  citizen  occupation,  and 


Europe  and  Napoleon  521 

every  citizen  or  peasant  is  allowed  to  pass  from  the  citizen 
into  the  peasant  class  or  from  the  peasant  into  the  citizen 

C13.SS.       •     •     • 

•  •••  •  ••••••• 

10.  From  the  date  of  this  ordinance  no  new  relation  of 
serfdom,  whether  by  birth  or  marriage,  or  by  assuming  the 
position  of  a  serf,  or  by  contract,  can  be  created. 

11.  With  the  publication  of  the  present  ordinance  the  ex- 
isting relations  of  serfdom  of  those  serfs,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  who  possess  their  peasant  holdings  by  inheritance, 
or  in  their  own  right,  or  by  perpetual  leases,  or  of  copyhold, 
shall  cease  entirely,  together  with  all  mutual  rights  and  duties. 

12.  From  Martinmas,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
ten  (18 10),  all  serfdom  shall  cease  throughout  our  whole 
realm.  From  Martinmas,  18 10,  there  shall  be  only  free  per- 
sons, as  is  already  the  case  upon  the  royal  domains  in  all 
our  provinces,  —  free  persons,  however,  still  subject,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  to  all  obligations  which  bind  them,  as  free 
persons,  by  reason  of  the  possession  of  an  estate  or  by  vir- 
tue of  a  special  contract.'2 

To  this  declaration  of  our  supreme  will  every  one  whom 
it  may  concern,  and  in  particular  our  provincial  authorities 
and  other  officials,  are  exactlv  and  dutifullv  to  conform,  and 
the  present  ordinance  is  to  be  universally  made  known. 

Given  authentically,    under  our   own   royal   signature,   at 

Memel,  October  9,  1807.  _ 

7  Frederick  \\  ii.i.iam, 

Schrotter,  Stein,  Schrotter  II. 

1  The  articles  here  omitted  relate  to  leases,  mortgages,  etc.,  and  are 
technical  and  obscure. 

2  These  general  provisions  abolishing  serfdom  were  so  vague  as  to 
be  misunderstood.  The  king  therefore  issued  an  official  explanation 
later  (April  8,  1809;  Gesetz-Sammlung,  1806-1810,  pp.  557  sqq.),  which 
serves  to  enlighten  us  upon  the  exact  nature  of  the  personal  dependence 
of  the  serf.  This  consisted,  for  example,  in  the  right  of  the  lord  to 
demand  three  years'  service  from  children  of  his  serfs,  and  to  control 
them  in  later  life  in  the  matter  of  occupation  and  marriage.  The  for- 
mer serf  is  permitted  by  the  new  law  to  engage  in  any  industry  he  may 
choose  and  to  leave  the  manor  if  he  wishes  without  demanding  the 
consent  of  the  lord. 


522 


Readings  in  European  History 


By  the  middle  of  March,  1813,  the  timid  king  of 
Prussia,  encouraged  by  Napoleon's  defeat  in  Russia, 
finally  decided  to  throw  off  the  French  yoke  and  lead 
his  country  into  a  war  of  liberation.  He  explained  his 
reasons  to  his  people  in  one  of  the  most  famous  docu- 
ments ("An  mein  Vo/k")  in  modern  German  history. 


450.  The 

king  of 

Prussia 

rouses  his 

people 

against 

Napoleon. 


There  is  no  need  of  explaining  to  my  loyal  subjects,  or  to 
any  German,  the  reasons  for  the  war  which  is  about  to  begin. 
They  lie  plainly  before  the  eyes  of  awakened  Europe.  We 
succumbed  to  the  superior  force  of  France.  The  peace 
which  followed  deprived  me  of  my  people  and,  far  from 
bringing  us  blessings,  it  inflicted  upon  us  deeper  wounds 
than  the  war  itself,  sucking  out  the  very  marrow  of  the  coun- 
try. Our  principal  fortresses  remained  in  the  hand  of  the 
enemy,  and  agriculture,  as  well  as  the  highly  developed  in- 
dustries of  our  towns,  was  crippled.  The  freedom  of  trade 
was  hampered  and  thereby  the  sources  of  commerce  and 
prosperity  cut  off.  The  country  was  left  a  prey  to  the  rav- 
ages of  destitution. 

I  hoped,  by  the  punctilious  fulfillment  of  the  engagements 
I  had  entered  into,  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  my  people,  and 
even  to  convince  the  French  emperor  that  it  would  be  to 
his  own  advantage  to  leave  Prussia  her  independence.  But 
the  purest  and  best  of  intentions  on  my  part  were  of  no 
avail  against  insolence  and  faithlessness,  and  it  became  only 
too  plain  that  the  emperor's  treaties  would  gradually  ruin 
us  even  more  surely  than  his  wars.  The  moment  is  come 
when  we  can  no  longer  harbor  the  slightest  illusion  as  to 
our  situation. 

Brandenburgers,  Prussians,  Silesians,  Pomeranians,  Lith- 
uanians !  You  know  what  you  have  borne  for  the  past  seven 
years ;  you  know  the  sad  fate  that  awaits  you  if  we  do  not 
bring  this  war  to  an  honorable  end.  Think  of  the  times  gone 
by,  —  of  the  Great  Elector,  the  great  Frederick  !  Remember 
the  blessings  for  which  your  forefathers  fought  under  their 
leadership  and  which  they  paid  for  with  their  blood, — freedom 


Eiwope  ciJid  Xapoleon  523 

of  conscience,  national  honor,  independence,  commerce,  in- 
dustry, learning.  Look  at  the  great  example  of  our  powerful 
allies,  the  Russians  ;  look  at  the  Spaniards,  the  Portuguese. 
For  such  objects  as  these  even  weaker  peoples  have  gone 
forth  against  mightier  enemies  and  returned  in  triumph. 
Witness  the  heroic  Swiss  and  the  people  of  the  Netherlands. 

Great  sacrifices  will  be  demanded  from  every  class  of  the 
people,  for  our  undertaking  is  a  great  one,  and  the  number 
and  resources  of  our  enemies  far  from  insignificant.  But 
would  you  not  rather  make  these  sacrifices  for  the  father- 
land and  for  your  own  rightful  king  than  for  a  foreign  ruler, 
who,  as  he  has  shown  by  many  examples,  will  use  you  and 
your  sons  and  your  uttermost  farthing  for  ends  which  are 
nothing  to  you  ? 

Faith  in  God,  perseverance,  and  the  powerful  aid  of  our 
allies  will  bring  us  victory  as  the  reward  of  our  honest  efforts. 
Whatever  sacrifices  may  be  required  of  us  as  individuals, 
they  will  be  outweighed  by  the  sacred  rights  for  which  we 
make  them,  and  for  which  we  must  fight  to  a  victorious  end 
unless  we  are  willing  to  cease  to  be  Prussians  or  Germans. 
This  is  the  final,  the  decisive  struggle ;  upon  it  depends  our 
independence,  our  prosperity,  our  existence.  There  are  no 
other  alternatives  but  an  honorable  peace  or  a  heroic  end. 
You  would  willingly  face  even  the  latter  for  honor's  sake,  for 
without  honor  no  Prussian  or  German  could  live. 

However,  we  may  confidently  await  the  outcome.    God 

and  our  own  firm  purpose  will  bring  victory  to  our  cause 

and  with  it  an  assured  and  glorious  peace  and  the  return  of 

happier  times. 

Frederick  William. 
Breslau,  March  17,  18 13. 

Immediately  after  the  great  battle  of  the  nations  at 

Leipzig   the    distinguished    Prussian    statesman,    Stein, 

writes  as  follows  to  his  wife  : 

Leipzig,  October  21,  1813. 

At  last,  my  dear  one,  we  may  venture  to  indulge  in  a 
feeling  of  happiness.    Napoleon  is  beaten  and  put  to  flight 


524 


Readings  in  Europea,7i  History 


451.  Stein 
reports  the 
battle  of 
Leipzig  to 
his  wife. 


in  disorder.  They  are  driving  him  over  to  the  left  bank  of 
the  Rhine  and  the  Austro-Bavarian  army  will  catch  up  with 
him  before  he  crosses  the  river.  This  is  the  result  of  the 
bloody  but  glorious  battle  of  the  14th,  16th,  18th,  and  19th 
of  October.. 

And  so  that  monstrous  structure  built  up  by  the  maddest 
and  most  perverse  tyranny  and  cemented  by  the  blood  and 
tears  of  so  many  millions  now  lies  in  ruins.  From  one  end 
of  Germany  to  the  other  men  now  dare  to  say  that  Napoleon 
is  a  scoundrel  and  an  enemy  of  the  human  race ;  that  the 
shameful  bonds  in  which  he  has  held  our  fatherland  are 
broken,  and  the  humiliation  he  has  heaped  upon  us  is  washed 
out  in  streams  of  French  blood. 

This  great  event  is  due  to  the  persistence  and  noble  spirit 
developed  by  Emperor  Alexander  in  the  important  and  deci- 
sive events  of  last  year,  the  heroic  devotion  of  his  people, 
and  the  spirit  of  justice  and  moderation  which  he  has  shown 
in  all  his  negotiations  with  the  p6wers  whom  he  has  invited 
to  associate  their  efforts  with  his ;  to  the  sacrifices  and 
strength  which  Prussia  has  brought  to  the  struggle  since  she 
entered  it ;  to  the  spirit  of  opposition  and  hate  toward  the 
oppressor  which  has  shown  itself  on  all  sides. 

The  workings  of  Providence  are  at  least  justified  by  the 
terrible  judgment  which  has  been  meted  out  to  the  monster 
whose  obstinacy  has  led  him  into  political  and  military  follies 
which  have  hastened  his  fall  and  made  him  an  object  of 
contempt  among  the  people.  .  .  . 

These  results  have  been  won  by  two  bloody,  glorious, 
and  tragic  campaigns,  and  through  many  costly  battles.  At 
Liitzen,  Bautzen,  Teltow,  Dresden,  Katzbach,  Kulm,  Denne- 
witz,  Bledin,  Leipzig,  the  seed  was  sown  for  this  harvest 
which  now  awaits  us,  the  fruits  of  which  we  should  enjoy 
with  a  devout  and  thankful  recognition  of  the  hand  of  Prov- 
idence, and  in  all  moderation. 

The  allies  have  vested  in  me  the  whole  administration  of 
the  territory  which  they  have  occupied.  Repnin  has  been 
made  governor  of  Saxony.  I  leave  in  a  fortnight,  as  soon 
as  the  army  has  reached  Frankfort. 


Europe  and  Napoleon  525 

VIII.   The  Downfall  of  Napoleon 

Six  months  after  the  battle  of  Leipzig  Napoleon  finally 
renounced,  for  himself  and  his  heirs,  the  thrones  of 
France  and  Italy  (April  11,  18 14),  and  on  the  same  day 
concluded  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau  with  his  enemies. 

His   Majesty  the   Emperor  Napoleon,   on  the  one  part,  452.  Treaty 

and,  on  the  other,  their  Majesties  the  emperor  of  Austria,  of  Fontaine- 

the  king  of  Prussia,  and  the  emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  which  Napo- 

both  in  their  own  names  and  those  of  their  allies.  .   .  .  leon  abdi-  • 

1.  His    Majesty   the    Emperor  Napoleon  renounces   for  cates  (APnl 
himself,  his  successors,  and  descendants,  as  well  as  for  all 

the  members  of  his  family,  all  right  of  sovereignty  and 
dominion  as  well  in  the  French  empire  as  in  the  kingdom 
of  Italy  and  in  every  other  country. 

2.  Their  Majesties  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  the 
Empress  Maria  Louisa  shall  retain  their  titles  and  rank,  to 
be  enjoyed  during  their  lifetime.  The  mother,  brothers, 
sisters,  nephews,  and  nieces  of  the  emperor  shall  retain, 
wherever  they  may  be,  the  titles  of  princes  of  his  family. 

3.  The  island  of  Elba,  adopted  by  his  Majesty  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  as  the  place  of  his  residence,  shall  form 
during  his  life  a  separate  principality,  which  shall  be 
possessed,  by  him  in  full  sovereignty  and  proprietorship. 

There  shall  be  given  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  besides 
full  proprietorship  of  the  island  of  Elba,  an  annual  revenue 
of  two  million  francs.   .   .  . 

5.  The  duchies  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  shall 
be  given  in  full  proprietorship  and  sovereignty  to  her 
Majesty  the  Empress  Maria  Louisa.  They  shall  pass  to 
her  son  and  to  his  descendants  in  the  direct  line.  The 
prince,  her  son,  shall  assume  from  this  moment  the  title  of 
Prince  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla.   .  .  . 

Eleven  months  later  Napoleon  returned  from  Elba, 
but  was  met  by  the  following  declaration  of  the  allies, 
who  were  in  conference  at  Vienna. 


526 


Readings  in  European  History 


453.  Decla- 
ration of  the 
allies  after 
Napoleon's 
return  from 
Elba  (March 
i3i  1815). 


The  powers  who  signed  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  reassembled 
in  the  congress  at  Vienna,  having  been  informed  of  the 
escape  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  and  of  his  entrance  into 
France  with  an  armed  force,  owe  to  their  dignity  and  the 
interest  of  social  order  the  solemn  declaration  of  the  senti- 
ments which  that  event  has  inspired  in  them. 

In  thus  violating  the  convention  which  established  him 
in  the  island  of  Elba,  Bonaparte  has  destroyed  the  only 
legal  title  to  his  existence.  By  reappearing  in  France  with 
projects  of  disorder  and  destruction,  he  has  cut  himself  off 
from  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  has  shown  in  the  face 
of  all  the  world  that  there  can  be  neither  peace  nor  truce 
with  him. 

Accordingly,  the  powers  declare  that  .Napoleon  Bona- 
parte is  excluded  from  civil  and  social  relations,  and  as  an 
enemy  and  disturber  of  the  tranquillity  of  the  world  he  has 
incurred  public  vengeance. 

At  the  same  time,  being  firmly  resolved  to  preserve 
intact  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  May  30,  18 14,  and  the 
arrangements  sanctioned  by  that  treaty,  as  well  as  those 
which  have  been  or  shall  be  arranged  hereafter  in  order  to 
complete  and  consolidate  it,  they  declare  that  they  will 
employ  all  their  resources  and  unite  all  their  efforts  in 
order  that  the  general  peace,  the  object  of  the  desires  of 
Europe  and  the  constant  aim  of  their  labors,  may  not  be 
again  disturbed,  and  in  order  to  secure  themselves  from  all 
attempts  which  may  threaten  to  plunge  the  world  once 
more  into  the  disorders  and  misfortunes  of  revolutions. 

And  although  fully  persuaded  that  all  France,  rallying 
around  its  legitimate  sovereign,  will  strive  unceasingly  to 
bring  to  naught  this  last  attempt  of  a  criminal  and  impo- 
tent madman,  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  animated  by 
the  same  feeling  and  guided  by  the  same  principles,  declare 
that  if,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  there  shall  result  from 
that  event  any  real  danger,  they  will  be  ready  to  give  to 
the  king  of  France  and  the  French  nation,  or  to  any  gov- 
ernment which  shall  be  attacked,  as  soon  as  shall  be 
required,    all   the   assistance   necessary  to  reestablish   the 


Europe  and  Napoleon  527 

public  tranquillity,  and  to  make  common  cause  against  all 
who  may  attempt  to  compromise  it. 

The  present  declaration,  inserted  in  the  protocol  of  the 
congress  assembled  at  Vienna,  March  13,  18 15,  shall  be 
made  public. 

The   allies    completely    carried    out    the    programme 

announced  in  the  declaration  above.    In  less  than  two 

months  after  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  the  ship  bearing 

Napoleon  to  St.  Helena  was  well  on  its  way.    One  of 

the  few  companions  who  were  permitted  to  accompany 

him,  the  Comte  de  Las  Cases,  kept  an  interesting  journal 

of  his  experiences,  especially  of  his  conversations  with 

Napoleon  (see  above,  p.  468).     He  makes  the  following 

entries  in  his  diary. 

August  jo.    This  day  we  cleared  the  Channel.    We  had  454.  Napo- 
now  entered  upon  the  dreary  unknown  course  to  which  fate  icon's  exile  to 

U     A     A  AX-  A  ■        St'Helena- 

had  doomed  us.     Again   my  agonies  were  renewed  ;  again   (From 
the  dear  connections  I  had  abandoned  resumed  their  sway  Las  Cases' 
over  my  heart.   .   .  .    Meanwhile  we  advanced  in  our  course     ary'' 
and  were  soon  to  be  out  of  Europe.    Thus,  in  less  than  six 
weeks,  had  the  emperor  abdicated  his  throne  and  placed 
himself  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  who  were  now  hurry- 
ing him  to  a  barren  rock  in   the  midst   of  a  vast  ocean. 
This  is  certainly  no  ordinary  instance  of  the  chances  of 
fortune,  and  no  common  trial  of  firmness  of  mind.  .   .  . 

As  to  the  reproach  of  suffering  himself  to  be  trans- 
ported to  St.  Helena,  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  answer 
such  a  charge.  To  contend  with  an  adversary  in  the  cabin 
of  a  ship,  to  kill  some  one  with  his  own  hand,  or  attempt 
to  set  fire  to  the  powder  magazine  would  have  been  at  best 
the  act  of  a  buccaneer.  Dignity  in  misfortune,  submission 
to  necessity  have  also  their  glory,  and  it  is  that  which 
becomes  great  men  overwhelmed  by  adversity.  .  .   . 

August  11-14.  Our  course  was  shaped  to  cross  the  Bay 
of  Biscay  and  to  double  Cape  Finisterre.  The  wind  was  fair 
though  light,  and   the   heat  excessive.    Nothing  could  be 


528  Readings  in  European  History 

more  monotonous  than  the  time  we  now  passed.  ...  It 
is  well  known  that  Napoleon  was  wont  to  be  scarcely  more 
than  fifteen  minutes  at  his  dinner.  Here  the  two  courses 
alone  occupied  from  an  hour  to  an  hour  and  a  half.  This 
was  to  him  a  most  serious  annoyance,  though  he  never 
mentioned  it ;  his  features,  gestures,  and  manner  always 
evinced  perfect  indifference.  Neither  the  new  system  of 
cookery,  the  difference,  or  the  quality  of  the  dishes  ever 
met  with  his  censure  or  approbation.  .  .  . 

I  need  scarcely  observe  that  the  English  are  accustomed 
to  remain  a  long  time  at  table  after  the  dessert,  drinking 
and  conversing.  The  emperor,  already  wearied  by  the 
tedious  dinner,  could  never  have  endured  this  custom  ;  he 
rose,  therefore,  from  the  first  day,  immediately  after  coffee 
had  been  handed  around,  and  went  out  on  deck,  followed 
by  the  grand  marshal  and  myself.  This  disconcerted  the 
admiral,  who  took  occasion  to  express  his  surprise  to  his 
officers;  but  Madame  Bertrand,  whose  maternal  language 
was  English,  warmly  replied,  "Do  not  forget,  Admiral,  that 
your  guest  is  a  man  who  has  governed  a  large  portion  of 
the  world,  and  that  kings  once  contended  for  the  honor 
of  being  admitted  to  his  table."  "Very  true,"  rejoined  the 
admiral ;  and  this  officer,  who  possessed  good  sense,  a 
becoming  pliability  of  manners,  and  sometimes  much  ele- 
gance, did  his  utmost  from  that  moment  to  accommodate 
the  emperor  in  his  habits.  He  shortened  the  time  of  sitting 
at  the  table,  ordering  coffee  for  Napoleon  and  those  who 
accompanied  him  even  before  the  rest  of  the  company  had 
finished  their  dinner.  .   .  . 

October  23-24.  The  Emperor  Napoleon,  who  but  lately 
possessed  such  boundless  power  and  disposed  of  so  many 
crowns,  now  occupies  a  wretched  hovel,  a  few  feet  square, 
which  is  perched  upon  a  rock,  unprovided  with  furniture, 
and  without  either  shutters  or  curtains  to  the  windows. 
This  place  must  serve  him  for  bedchamber,  dressing  room, 
dining  room,  study,  and  sitting  room  ;  and  he  is  obliged  to 
go  out  when  it  is  necessary  to  have  this  one  apartment 
cleaned.    His  meals,  consisting  of  a  few  wretched  dishes, 


Europe  and  Napoleon  529 

are  brought  to  him  from  a  distance,  as  though  he  were  a 
criminal  in  a  dungeon.  He  is  absolutely  in  want  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  :  the  bread  and  wine  are  not  only  not 
such  as  he  has  been  accustomed  to,  but  are  so  bad  that  we 
loathe  to  touch  them  ;  water,  coffee,  butter,  oil,  and  other 
articles  are  either  not  to  be  procured  or  are  scarcely  fit 
for  use.  .  .  . 

Assuredly  if  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  decreed  this  exile, 
private  enmity  has  directed  its  execution.  If  policy  alone 
dictated  this  measure  as  indispensable,  would  it  not  have 
been  essential,  in  order  to  render  the  fact  evident  to  the 
world,  to  have  surrounded  with  every  kind  of  respect  and 
consideration  the  illustrious  victim  with  regard  to  whom  it 
has  been  necessary  to  violate  law  and  principle  ? 

We  were  all  assembled  around  the  emperor,  and  he  was 
recapitulating  these  facts  with  warmth  :  "  For  what  infa- 
mous treatment  are  we  reserved  !  "  he  exclaimed.  "  This  is 
the  anguish  of  death.  To  injustice  and  violence  they  now 
add  insult  and  protracted  torment.  If  I  were  so  hateful  to 
them,  why  did  they  not  get  rid  of  me  ?  A  few  musket  balls 
in  my  heart  or  my  head  would  have  done  the  business,  and 
there  would  at  least  have  been  some  energy  in  the  crime. 
Were  it  not  for  you,  and  above  all  for  your  wives,  I  would 
receive  nothing  from  them  but  the  pay  of  a  private  soldier. 
How  can  the  monarchs  of  Europe  permit  the  sacred  char- 
acter of  sovereignty  to  be  violated  in  my  person  ?  Do  they 
not  see  that  they  are,  with  their  own  hands,  working  their 
own  destruction  at  St.  Helena  ?  I  entered  their  capitals 
victorious  and,  had  I  cherished  such  sentiments,  what  would 
have  become  of  them  ?  They  styled  me  their  brother,  and 
I  had  become  so  by  the  choice  of  the  people,  the  sanction 
of  victory,  the  character  of  religion,  and  the  alliances  of 
their  policy  and  their  blood.  Do  they  imagine  that  the 
good  sense  of  nations  is  blind  to  their  conduct  ?  And 
what  do  they  expect  from  it  ?  At  all  events,  make  your 
complaints,  gentlemen  ;  let  indignant  Europe  hear  them. 
Complaints  from  me  would  be  beneath  my  dignity  and 
character  ;  I  must  either  command  or  be  silent." 


530 


Readings  in  European  History 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


Napoleon's  Reforms  in  France :  Fournier,  Napoleon,  Chapter  IX, 
pp.  221-241. 

Campaign  of  Austerlitz :  Fournier,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  283-324; 
Fyffe,  Modern  Europe,  Chapter  VI,  pp.  179-207. 

Napoleon's   Creation  of  New   States:  Fournier,   Chapter  XII, 

PP-  325-355- 

Jena  and  Tilsit:  Fournier,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  356-390;  Fyffe, 

Chapter  VII,  pp.  208-246. 

Napoleon's  Empire  at  its  Height :  Fournier,  Chapter  XVI, 
PP-  493-535  !  Fyffe,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  271-306. 

Russian  Campaign :  Fournier,  Chapter  XVII,  pp.  536-579;  Fyffe, 
Chapter  X,  pp.  307-329. 

German  War  of  Liberation :  Fournier,  Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  580- 
642;  Fyffe,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  330-367. 

Waterloo:  Fournier,  Chapter  XX,  pp.  694-720. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


FOURNIER,  August,  Napoleon  the  First,  A  Biography,  1903  ;  English 
translation  from  the  German,  edited  by  Professor  E.  G.  Bourne.  The 
best  treatment  in  one  volume;  scholarly,  well  written,  gives  much  atten- 
tion to  the  general  European  situation,  and  is  supplied  with  an  extensive 
and  admirable  bibliography. 

Sloane,  William  M.,  Life  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  4  vols.,  4to. 
magnificently  illustrated.  A  new  and  cheaper  library  edition  is  to  be 
issued.  One  of  the  great  standard  biographies,  based  upon  a  long  and 
careful  study  of  the  sources.  The  author  confines  himself  mainly  to 
the  personal  history  of  Napoleon,  giving  much  attention  to  his  early 
years,  and  makes  no  attempt  to  write  the  history  of  Europe  during  the 
Napoleonic  period. 

Rose,  J.  H.,  The  Life  of  Napoleon  L,  2  vols.,  1902.  A  careful,  up-to- 
date  account,  mainly  political. 

Lanfrey,  Pierre,  History  of  Napoleon,  4  vols.  Translated  from 
the  French.  This  work  was  interrupted  by  the  author's  death,  and 
reaches  only  to  the  close  of  181 1.  While  the  writer  makes  constant 
use  of  the  best  of  sources,  Napoleon's  own  letters,  his  attitude  is  unfair, 
and  the  motives  ascribed  for  Napoleon's  policy  are  always  the  lowest. 
The  work  forms  an  excellent  antidote  to  that  of  Thiers  (see  below). 

Thiers,  History  of  the  Consulate  and  Empire.  Several  editions  of 
the  English  translation  are  available.    Thiers  shows  an  unmistakable 


Europe  and  Napoleon 


531 


tendency,  especially  in  the  earlier  half  of  his  work,  unduly  to  glorify  the 
Napoleonic  regime.  The  sources  relied  upon  are,  moreover,  very  rarely 
cited.  The  work  is,  nevertheless,  important  and  is  probably  the  most 
interesting  history  in  twenty  volumes  ever  written. 

Taine,  The  French  Revolution,  Vol.  Ill  (on  the  Directory).  By  the 
same  writer,  The  Modern  Regime,  2  vols.,  1894 ;  especially  Vol.  I,  Book  I, 
in  which  the  author  gives  in  a  short  space  the  most  brilliant,  fascinat- 
ing, and  suggestive  analysis  of  Napoleon's  genius  ever  written.  The 
remainder  of  the  work  is  a  critical  estimate  of  the  influence  of  the  insti- 
tutions established  by  Napoleon  upon  the  later  history  of  France. 

Seeley,  Life  and  Times  of  Stein,  or  Germany  and  Prussia  in  the 
Napoleonic  Age,  3  vols.,  1878. 

Mahan,  Influence  of  the  Sea  Power  upon  the  French  Revolution  arid 
Empire,  2  vols. 

Fisher,  H.  A.  L.,  Studies  in  Napoleonic  Statesmanship,  Germany,  1903. 

Dorman,  A  History  of  the  British  Empire  in  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
Vol.  I  (1793-1805),  1902. 

Oman,  History  of  the  Peninsular  War,  Vols.  I— II,  1903. 

Bigelow,  P.,  History  of  the  German  Struggle  for  Liberty. 

Bingham,  A  Selection  from  the  Letters  and  Despatches  of  the  First    Some  sources 
Napoleon,  3  vols.,  1884. 

Anderson,  Constitutions  and  Documents  Illustrative  of  the  History  of 
France,  ij8g-iqoi.    Contains  translations  of  many  important  documents. 

New  Letters  of  Napoleon  I  edited  by  Lecestre  (Appleton)  (omitted 
from  the  great  collection  of  his  correspondence). 

The  Memoirs  of  Napoleon  dictated  on  the  island  of  St.  Helena  are 
by  no  means  wholly  reliable,  but  are,  nevertheless,  very  interesting  and 
important.  Among  the  memoirs  of  his  companions  on  St.  Helena  to  be 
had  in  English  are  Las  Cases,  The  fournal  of  St.  Helena  (see  above, 
pp.  527  sqq.)  ;  MoNTHOLON,  History  of  the  Captivity  of  Napoleon,  1846; 
A  Diary  of  St.  Helena  (containing  conversations  of  Napoleon  with  Sir 
Malcolm),  1899;  Gourgaud,  /<?«r?w/,  Chicago,  1903. 

A  considerable  number  of  the  innumerable  memoirs  relating  to  the  Memoirs 
Napoleonic  period  have  been  translated.  Among  these  the  most  con- 
spicuous are  those  by  Madame  de  Remusat,  relating  to  the  early  years 
of  the  empire  (excellent);  Bourrienne,  very  well  known  and  especially 
valuable  for  Napoleon's  earlier  life ;  Miot  de  Melito,  one  of  King 
Joseph's  companions  (excellent) ;  Pasquier,  Segur,  Talleyrand, 
5  vols.;  Meneval,  3  vols. ;  Marbot,  2  vols.,  etc.  Narrative  of  Captain 
Coignet,  translated  by  Mrs.  Carey.  A  striking  account  of  the  life  of  a 
simple-minded  soldier. 


available  in 
English. 


532 


Readings  in  European  History 


C.  Material 
for  advanced 
study. 


Sources. 


Lavisse  and  Rambaud,  Histoire  generate,  Vol.  IX. 

Sciout,  Le  Directoire,  2  vols.,  1895. 

Sorel,  L 'Europe  et  la  Revolution  francaise,  Vols.  V-VIII,  1795-1815 
(see  above,  p.  462). 

Sybel,  Geschichte  der  Revolutionszeit,  Vols.  IV-V.    On  the  Directory. 

Chuquet,  La  Jeunesse  de  Napoleon,  3  vols. 

Lefebvre,  Histoire  des  cabinets  de  V Europe,  2d  ed.,  5  vols.,  1866-1869. 
Perhaps  the  best  diplomatic  history. 

Haussonville,  VEglise  romaine  et  le  Premier  Empire,  5  vols. 

Vandal,  Napoleon  et  Alexandre,  3  vols.,  1891  sqq. 

Welschinger,  La  Censure  sous  le  premier  empire,  1882. 

Hausser,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  4  vols.  A  readable  and  scholarly 
treatment  of  the  period  between  the  death  of  Frederick  the  Great  and 
the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  period.  More  recent  accounts  may  be  found 
in  Denis,  E.,  L'Alleinagne,  ij8g-i8io,  1896;  Heigel,  Deutsche  Ge- 
schichte; and  Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  Vol.  I, 
1 806-1815. 

Baumgarten,  Geschichte  Spaniens,  Vol.  I. 

The  various  monographs  and  special  histories  of  this  period  are 
enumerated  in  Fournier,  Napoleo?i,  pp.  745-788.  See  also  Kircheisen, 
Bibliographic  Napoleons,  1903  ;  Lumbroso  also  has  an  elaborate  bibli- 
ography of  Napoleonic  literature  in  course  of  publication,  1894^^. 

Chief  of  all  the  sources  is  Napoleon's  correspondence  in  32  volumes. 
While  some  important  letters  have  been  suppressed  (see  La  Grande 
Encyclopedic,  Vol.  XXIV,  p.  792),  this  vast  collection  throws  light 
upon  almost  every  act  of  Napoleon's  public  life.  It  may  be  had  for 
some  twenty  dollars,  and  should  be  in  every  good  historical  library. 

Napoleon,  Memoires,  8  vols.,  1823.  (New  edition  in  the  Correspoti- 
dance,  Vols.  XXIX-XXXII).  Dictated  by  Napoleon  to  his  companions 
on  the  island  of  St.  Helena,  and  they  naturally  give  a  more  favorable 
idea  of  his  policy  than  is  derived  from  the  correspondence. 

Besides  the  various  memoirs  mentioned  above,  we  have  those  of 
Napoleon's  brothers,  Lucien,  Joseph,  and  Louis,  and  of  his  ministers 
and  generals,  Marmont,  Rapp,  Davout,  etc.  To  these  may  be  added 
Mollien,  Souvenirs  d'un  ministre  du  Tresor,  new  edition  by  Gomel, 
1898  ;  Thtbaudeau,  Memoires  sur  le  consulat ;  Veron,  Memoires  d'un 
bourgeois  de  Paris ;  Chaptal,  Mes  Souvenirs  sur  Napoleon,  1893. 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 


EUROPE  AFTER  THE  CONGRESS   OF  VIENNA 


I.  The  Congress  of  Vienna 


When  the  long  and  bloody  struggle  of  the  European 
powers  against  Napoleon  was  finally  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful issue  in  the  spring  of  1814,  France,  who  was 
looked  upon  as  the  chief  promoter  of  discord  during  the 
previous  twenty  years,  was  naturally  viewed  as  the  black 
sheep  by  the  allies.  But  Louis  XVIII  was  represented 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  by  a  well-tried  diplomat, 
Talleyrand,  who  skillfully  took  advantage  of  the  diver- 
gent interests  of  the  allies  and  soon  restored  France 
to  her  natural  position  of  importance  in  the  concert 
of  the  powers.  Nevertheless,  when  Talleyrand  left  Paris 
for  Vienna  the  outlook  was  gloomy  enough.  He  said  to 
Pasquier  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  : 

I  am  probably  going  to  play  a  very  sorry  part.  In  the 
first  place,  what  kind  of  a  welcome  shall  I  receive  ?  Shall 
I  ever  get  a  hearing  ?  Following  upon  the  convention  of 
the  30th  of  May,  the  allied  sovereigns  made  the  king  of 
France  bind  himself  not  to  interfere  in  the  partition  they 
should  see  fit  to  make  of  the  territories  wrested  from  Bona- 
parte. If  it  is  their  intention  that  that  engagement  shall 
be  strictly  adhered  to,  I  shall  be  present  there  only  as  what 
is  altogether  wrongly  styled  ad  honores.  I  may  occasionally 
open  my  lips  for  form's  sake,  but  no  heed  will  be  paid  to 
the  words  issuing  from  them.  On  the  other  hand,  I  shall 
be  blamed  at  home  for  everything  that  does  not  turn  out 

533 


France  at 
first  viewed 
as  a  black 
sheep  at  the 
Congress  of 
Vienna. 


455.  Talley- 
rand's dis- 
couragement 
upon  start- 
ing for  the 
Congress 
of  Vienna. 
(From  Pas- 
quier's 
Memoirs.) 


534 


Readings  in  European  History 


456.  Talley- 
rand writes 
to  Louis 
XVIII  de- 
scribing his 
successful 
diplomacy 
at  Vienna. 


Treaty  of 
Ghent  (De- 
cember 24, 
1814). 


as  one  would  have  wished.  I  do  not  enjoy  the  confidence 
of  these  people  ;  for  the  past  five  months  they  have  taken 
no  pains  to  conceal  this  fact  from  me.  Under  such  circum- 
stances the  best  thing  for  a  man  to  do,  were  it  only  possible, 
would  be  to  stay  at  home. 

But  Talleyrand  had  underrated  his  wonderful  diplo- 
matic skill,  and  had  failed  to  reckon  with  the  assistance 
which  he  would  receive  from  the  conflicting  interests 
and  dissensions  among  the  allies.  Early  in  January  he 
was  able  to  write  the  following  complacent  letter  to 
Louis  XVIII. 

Vienna,  January  4,  181 5. 
Sire  : 

I  have  received  the  letter  of  the  23d  of  last  month  with 
which  your  Majesty  deigned  to  honor  me.  On  the  21st  of 
the  present  month,  the  anniversary  of  a  day  of  horror  and 
eternal  mourning,1  a  solemn  expiatory  service  will  be  cele- 
brated in  one  of  the  principal  churches  of  Vienna.  .  .  . 
Everything  in  this  sad  ceremony  must  be  proportioned 
to  the  grandeur  of  its  object,  the  splendor  of  the  crown  of 
France,  and  the  quality  of  those  who  are  to  be  present.  All 
the  members  of  the  Congress  will  be  invited,  and  I  am 
sure  that  they  will  come.  .  .  . 

The  news  of  the  signature  of  peace  between  England 
and  the  United  States  of  America  was  announced  to  me 
on  New  Year's  day  by  a  note  from  Lord  Castlereagh.  I  has- 
tened to  offer  him  my  congratulations,  and  I  also  congrat- 
ulated myself  on  the  event,  feeling  that  it  may  influence 
both  the  disposition  of  the  minister  and  the  resolution  of 
those  with  whose  pretensions  we  have  had  to  contend 
hitherto.  Lord  Castlereagh  showed  me  the  treaty.  It  does 
not  touch  the  honor  of  either  of  the  two  parties  concerned 
and  consequently  it  will  satisfy  both. 

This  happy  intelligence  was  only  the  precursor  of  a  still 
more  fortunate  event.    The  spirit  of  the  coalition,  and  the 


1  The  anniversary  of  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI. 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vie7ina 


535 


coalition  itself,  had  survived  the  Peace  of  Paris.  My  cor- 
respondence up  to  the  present  time  has  supplied  your 
Majesty  with  repeated  proofs  of  this.  If  the  plans  which, 
on  arriving  here,  I  found  had  been  formed,  had  been  car- 
ried into  execution,  France  might  have  stood  alone  in 
Europe  without  being  in  good  relations  with  any  one  single 
power  for  half  a  century  to  come.  All  my  efforts  were 
directed  to  the  prevention  of  so  great  a  misfortune,  but  my 
most  ardent  hopes  did  not  reach  the  height  of  a  complete 
success. 

But  now,  sire,  the  coalition  is  dissolved,  and  forever. 
Not  only  does  France  no  longer  stand  alone  in  Europe, 
but  your  Majesty  is  already  in  an  alliance  such  as  it  seemed 
that  fifty  years  of  negotiation  could  not  have  procured  for 
her.  France  is  now  in  concert  with  two  of  the  greatest 
powers  and  three  states  of  the  second  order,  and  will  soon 
be  in  concert  with  all  the  states  which  are  guided  by  other 
than  revolutionary  principles  and  maxims.  Your  Majesty 
will  be,  in  reality,  the  head  and  soul  of  that  union,  formed 
for  the  defense  of  the  principles  which  your  Majesty  has 
been  the  first  to  proclaim. 

So  great  and  happy  a  change  is  only  to  be  attributed  to 
that  special  favor  of  Providence  which  was  so  clearly  indi- 
cated by  the  restoration  of  your  Majesty  to  the  throne. 
Under  God,  the  efficient  causes  of  this  change  have  been: 

My  letters  to  Monsieur  de  Metternich  and  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  and  the  impressions  which  they  have  produced ; 

The  suggestions  which  I  gave  Lord  Castlereagh  relative 
to  a  union  with  France  and  of  which  I  gave  your  Majesty 
an  account  in  my  last  letter  ; 

The  pains  I  nave  taken  to  lull  his  distrust  by  exhibiting 
perfect  disinterestedness  in  the  name  of  France ; 

The  peace  with  America,  which,  by  releasing  him  from 
difficulty  on  that  side,  has  left  him  more  liberty  of  action 
and  given  him  greater  courage  ; 

Lastly,  the  pretensions  of  Russia  and  Prussia,  as  set 
forth  in  the  Russian  project  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
subjoin  a  copy;  and  especially  the  manner  in  which  those 


Hostility  of 
the  allies 
toward 
France. 


Talleyrand 
forms  an 
alliance 
between 
France, 
England, 
Austria,  and 
lesser  powers 


53<5 


Readings  in  European  History 


pretensions  were  advanced  and  argued  in  a  conference 
between  their  plenipotentiaries  and  those  of  Austria.  The 
arrogant  tone  of  that  insolent  and  nonsensical  document 
so  deeply  offended  Lord  Castlereagh  that,  departing  from 
his  habitual  calmness,  he  declared  that  the  Russians  were 
claiming  to  lay  down  the  law  and  that  England  was  not 
disposed  to  accept  that  from  anybody. 


457.  Diffi- 
cult position 
of  Louis 
XVIII  and 
his  govern- 
ment. 


II.   France  after  the  Restoration 

Chancellor  Pasquier,  with  his  usual  insight,  gives  in 
his  Memoirs  the  following  picture  of  France  on  the 
restoration  of  the  Bourbons. 

Vanquished  on  the  ioth  of  August,  1792,  immolated  on 
the  21st  of  January,  1793,  the  Bourbon  monarchy  had 
returned  after  twenty-two  years,  which  had  seen  a  republic, 
a  directorial  government,  a  consulate,  and  an  empire.  It 
came  back  not  in  a  blaze  of  glory,  since  not  a  single  vic- 
tory had  been  won  in  the  past  twenty  years  either  by  it  or 
in  its  name,  but  bringing  with  it  the  blessings  of  a  neces- 
sary peace.  Peace  abroad,  peace  at  home,  was  all  that  was 
expected  of  it ;  but  for  this  dual  peace  to  be  lasting  it  must 
be  an  honorable  one.  No  longer  could  any  ambitious  day- 
dreams be  indulged  in  ;  we  could  revel  no  more  in  the 
enjoyment  of  the  brilliant  victories  which  had  become  so 
dear  to  the  French  heart.  Care  must  be  taken  the  while 
to  respect  the  memory  of  them,  and  to  be  considerate  in 
the  treatment  of  those  who  had  risen  to  an  illustrious  and 
glorious  prominence,  all  the  more  precious  in  that  it  alone 
had  survived  the  shipwreck.  Yet  fate  and  the  force  of  cir- 
cumstances rendered  these  memories  —  cherished  by  so  large 
a  majority  of  Frenchmen  —  a  painful  subject  to  the  king, 
the  royal  family,  and  almost  all  those  who  had  returned  in 
their  wake. 

The  situation  was  a  delicate  one,  for  hardly  any  one 
dared  to  give  frank  expression  to  his  natural  sentiments. 
Some  there  were  who,  in  spite  of  the  caution  enjoined  by 


Europe  after  tJie  Congress  of  Vienna 


537 


policy,  necessarily  found  their  prestige  dimmed.  Accus- 
tomed as  they  had  been  for  fifteen  years  to  hold  first  rank 
both  in  the  army  and  at  court,  they  now  found  themselves 
forced  to  share  their  power  with  men  the  greater  number 
of  whom  had  hitherto  remained  unknown  to  fame,  and  who 
suddenly  assumed  an  attitude  characterized  by  a  superior- 
ity which  displayed  itself  with  that  ease  which  usually 
belongs  only  to  a  possession  of  long  date.  .  .  . 

It  not  unfrequently  occurred  that  the  most  illustrious 
among  generals  heard  people  ask  in  the  salons  of  the  Tui- 
leries  who  they  were.  These  names,  which  had  so  often 
resounded  in  the  bulletins  of  the  Gra?ide  Armee,  were 
known  in  Vienna,  in  Berlin,  and  in  the  many  capitals 
through  which  their  bearers  had  passed  as  conquerors. 
On  the  other  hand,  those  who  in  their  own  country,  and 
in  its  very  capital,  involuntarily  put  this  slight  upon  them, 
were  perpetually  exasperated  at  heart  by  the  consideration 
and  respectful  treatment  which  policy  dictated  should  be 
shown  to  men  of  the  empire,  and  which  seemed  to  the 
returned  royalists  excessive.  .  .  . 

There  was  an  ever-present  and  ill-concealed  feeling  of 
antagonism  between  the  throng  of  officers  who  had  won 
their  promotion  in  the  wars  of  the  Revolution  and  the 
noblemen  of  all  ages  who  were  in  so  great  a  hurry  to  wear 
their  old  epaulets  once  more  or  to  procure  fresh  ones. 


Strained 
relations 
between  the 
returned 
Emigres 
and  the 
Napoleonic 
nobility. 


The  constitution  which  Louis  XVIII  granted  to 
France  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty 
in  1 8 14  is  important  from  two  points  of  view.  In  the 
first  place,  it  furnishes  an  expression  of  the  permanent 
results  of  the  revolutionary  period.  Its  concessions 
measure  the  space  which  separates  the  times  of  Louis 
XVI  from  those  of  his  brother,  Louis  XVIII.  In  this 
respect  the  preamble  and  the  bill  of  rights  are  of 
especial  interest.  Secondly,  no  other  constitution  has 
ever  served  France  for  so  long  a  period.    The  Charter, 


538 


Readings  in  Europea?i  History 


458.  Ex- 
tracts from 
the  French 
Charter  of 

1814. 


Reasons 
which  led 
Louis  XVIII 
to  grant  a 
constitution. 


although  somewhat  modified  in  1830  upon  the  accession 
of  Louis  Philippe,  was  maintained  until  1848. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  France  a?id  Navarre,  to  all 
those  to  whom  these  presents  come,  salutation : 

Divine  Providence,  in  recalling  us  to  our  estates  after  a 
long  absence,  has  imposed  grave  responsibilities  upon  us. 
Peace  was  the  first  necessity  of  our  subjects,  and  with  this 
we  have  unceasingly  occupied  ourselves.  That  peace  so  es- 
sential to  France  and  to  the  rest  of  Europe  has  been  signed. 

A  Constitutional  Charter  was  demanded  by  the  exist- 
ing condition  of  the  kingdom ;  we  promised  this  and  now 
publish  it.  We  have  taken  into  consideration  the  fact  that, 
although  the  whole  authority  in  France  resides  in  the  per- 
son of  the  king,  our  predecessors  have  not  hesitated  to 
modify  the  exercise  of  this  in  accordance  with  the  differ- 
ences of  the  times.  It  was  thus  that  the  communes  owed 
their  enfranchisement  to  Louis  the  Fat,  the  confirmation 
and  extension  of  their  rights  to  St.  Louis  and  Philip  the 
Fair,  and  that  the  judicial  system  was  established  and  de- 
veloped by  the  laws  of  Louis  XI,  Henry  II,  and  Charles  IX. 
It  was  in  this  way,  finally,  that  Louis  XIV  regulated  almost 
every  portion  of  the  public  administration  by  various 
ordinances  which  have  never  been  surpassed  in  wisdom. 

We,  like  the  kings  our  predecessors,  have  had  to  con- 
sider the  effects  of  the  ever-increasing  progress  of  knowl- 
edge, the  new  relations  which  this  progress  has  introduced 
into  society,  the  direction  given  to  the  public  mind  during 
half  a  century,  and  the  serious  troubles  resulting  therefrom. 
We  have  perceived  that  the  wish  of  our  subjects  for  a  Con- 
stitutional Charter  was  the  expression  of  a  real  need ;  but 
in  yielding  to  this  wish  we  have  taken  every  precaution  that 
this  charter  should  be  worthy  of  us  and  of  the  people  whom 
we  are  proud  to  rule.  Able  men  taken  from  the  highest 
official  bodies  of  the  state  were  added  to  the  commission- 
ers of  our  council  to  elaborate  this  important  work.  While 
we  recognize  that  the  expectations  of  enlightened  Europe 
ought  to  be  gratified  by  a  free  monarchical  constitution, 


Europe  after  tJie  Congress  of  Vienna  539 

we  have  had  to  remember  that  our  first  duty  toward  our 
people  was  to  preserve,  for  their  own  interest,  the  rights 
and  prerogatives  of  our  crown. 

We  hope  that,  taught  by  experience,  they  may  be  con- 
vinced that  the  supreme  authority  alone  can  give  to  insti- 
tutions which  it  establishes  the  power,  permanence,  and 
dignity  with  which  it  is  itself  clothed;  that,  consequently, 
when  the  wisdom  of  kings  freely  harmonizes  with  the  wish 
of  the  people,  a  Constitutional  Charter  may  long  endure, 
but  that  when  concessions  are  snatched  with  violence  from 
a  weak  government,  public  liberty  is  not  less  endangered 
than  the  throne  itself. 

We  have  sought  the  principles  of  the  Constitutional 
Charter  in  the  French  character  and  in  the  venerable  monu- 
ments of  past  centuries.  Thus  we  perceived  in  the  revival 
of  the  peerage  a  truly  national  institution  which  binds 
memories  to  hope  by  uniting  ancient  and  modern  times. 
We  have  replaced  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  those  ancient 
assemblies  of  the  March  Field  and  May  Field,  and  those 
chambers  of  the  third  estate  which  so  often  exhibited  at 
once  proof  of  their  zeal  for  the  interests  of  the  people  and 
fidelity  and  respect  for  the  authority  of  kings. 

In  thus  endeavoring  to  renew  the  chain  of  time  which 
fatal  excesses  had  broken,  we  effaced  from  our  memory,  as 
we  would  we  might  blot  out  from  history,  all  the  evils  which 
have  afflicted  the  country  during  our  absence.  Happy  to 
find  ourselves  again  in  the  bosom  of  our  great  family,  we 
could  only  respond  to  the  love  of  which  we  receive  so  many 
testimonies  by  uttering  words  of  peace  and  consolation. 
The  dearest  wish  of  our  heart  is  that  all  Frenchmen  may 
live  like  brothers,  and  that  no  bitter  memory  should  ever 
trouble  the  tranquillity  which  should  follow  the  solemn 
decree  which  we  grant  them  to-day. 

Confident  in  our  intentions,  strong  in  our  conscience,  we 
engage  ourselves  before  the  assembly  which  listens  to  us  to  be 
faithful  to  this  Constitutional  Charter;  with  the  intention  of 
swearing  to  maintain  it  with  added  solemnity  before  the  altars 
of  Him  who  weighs  in  the  same  balance  kings  and  nations. 


540  Readings  in  European  History 

For  these  reasons  we  have  voluntarily,  and  by  the  free 
exercise  of  our  royal  authority,  granted  and  do  grant,  con- 
cede, and  accord,  as  well  for  us  as  for  our  successors  forever, 
the  Constitutional  Charter,  as  follows. 

Public  Rights  of  the  French1 

Article  i.  All  Frenchmen  are  equal  before  the  law,  what- 
ever may  be  their  title  or  rank. 

2.  They  contribute  without  distinction  to  the  impositions 
of  the  state  in  proportion  to  their  fortune. 

3.  They  are  all  equally  eligible  to  civil  and  military  posi- 
tions. 

4.  Their  personal  liberty  is  likewise  guaranteed;  no  one 
can  be  prosecuted  or  arrested  except  in  the  cases  and  in  the 
manner  prescribed  by  law. 

5.  All  may  with  equal  liberty  make  profession  of  their 
religion  and  enjoy  the  same  protection  for  their  worship. 

6.  Nevertheless  the  Roman  Catholic  and  apostolic  reli- 
gion is  the  religion  of  the  state. 

7.  The  ministers  of  the  Roman  Catholic  and  apostolic 
religion,  and  those  of  other  Christian  forms  of  worship  only, 
shall  receive  subsidies  from  the  royal  treasury. 

8.  All  Frenchmen  have  the  right  to  publish  and  cause 
their  opinions  to  be  printed,  if  they  conform  to  the  laws 
destined  to  check  the  abuse  of  this  liberty. 

9.  All  property  is  inviolable ;  that  known  as  national 
property  forms  no  exception,  since  the  law  recognizes  no 
difference  between  that  and  other  property. 

10.  The  state  may  demand  the  surrender  of  property  in 
the  interest  of  the  public  when  this  is  legally  certified,  but 
only  with  previous  indemnification. 

11.  All  investigation  of  opinions  expressed  or  of  votes 
cast  previous  to  the  Restoration  is  prohibited;  oblivion  of 
these  is  imposed  upon  the  courts  and  upon  citizens  alike. 

1  To  show  the  permanence  of  the  first  achievements  of  the  Revolu- 
tion this  list  of  rights  should  be  compared  with  the  Declaration  of  the 
Rights  of  Man  drawn  up  in  1789  (see  above,  pp.  409  sqq.). 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna  541 

12.  The  conscription  is  abolished;  the  method  of  recruit- 
ing both  for  the  army  and  the  navy  shall  be  determined 
by  law. 

Form  of  the  Government  of  the  King 

13.  The  person  of  the  king  is  inviolable  and  sacred;  his    Position  of 
ministers  are  responsible.    In  the  king  alone  is  vested  the    theking- 
executive  power. 

14.  The  king  is  the  supreme  head  of  the  state;  he  has 
command  of  the  land  and  naval  forces,  declares  war,  con- 
cludes treaties  of  peace,  alliance,  and  commerce,  appoints 
all  the  officials  of  the  public  administration,  and  issues  the 
regulations  and  ordinances  necessary  for  the  execution  of 
the  laws  and  the  safety  of  the  state. 

15.  The  legislative  power  is  exercised  jointly  by  the  king,    System  of 
the  Chamber  of  Peers  and  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  of  the    ^making, 
departments. 

16.  The   right   of    initiating  legislation   belongs  to  the 

king. 

17.  Proposed  laws  are  submitted,  at  the  option  of  the 
king,  either  to  the  Chamber  of  Peers  or  to  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  except  laws  for  raising  taxes,  which  must  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  first. 

18.  Every  law  must  be  discussed  and  passed  freely  by  a 
majority  of  each  of  the  two  houses. 

19.  The  chambers  have  the  right  to  petition  the  king  to 
submit  a  law  relating  to  any  subject  and  to  indicate  what 
they  deem  the  law  should  contain.1  .  .  . 

The  unpopularity  of  Charles  X  and  the  disorders  in 
Paris  during  the  July  days,  1830,  brought  about  a  state 
of  affairs  which  is  described  in  a  declaration  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  August  7. 

1  The  succeeding  sections  on  the  Chamber  of  Peers,  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  the  judiciary,  etc.,  are  omitted  here.  The  whole  document 
may  be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  I,  No.  3,  or  Anderson, 
Constitutions  a?id  Documents,  pp.  456  sqq. 


542 


Readings  in  European  History 


459.  The 

Chamber  of 
Deputies 
summons 
Louis 

Philippe  to 
the  throne. 

The  throne 

declared 

vacant. 


Louis 
Philippe 
invited,  under 
certain  con- 
ditions, to 
become  king 
of  France. 


The  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  view  of  the  imperative 
necessity  resulting  from  the  events  of  July  26,  27,  28,  and 
29,  and  the  following  days,  and  the  general  situation  ot 
France  due  to  the  violation  of  the  Constitutional  Charter ; 

In  view  also  of  the  fact  that,  in  consequence  of  this  vio- 
lation and  of  the  heroic  resistance  of  the  citizens  of  Paris, 
his  Majesty  Charles  X  and  his  Royal  Highness  Louis 
Antoine,  the  dauphin,  and  all  the  members  of  the  older 
branch  of  the  royal  house  are  at  this  moment  leaving 
French  territory,  declares  that  the  throne  is  vacant  in 
fact  and  right  and  that  it  is  indispensable  to  provide 
therefor. 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  declares,  secondly,  that,  in 
accordance  with  the  wish  and  in  the  interest  of  the  French 
people,  the  preamble  of  the  Constitutional  Charter  is  sup- 
pressed as  wounding  the  national  dignity,  since  it  appears 
to  grant  to  Frenchmen  the  rights  which  are  inherently 
theirs,1  and  that  the  following  articles  of  the  same  charac- 
ter must  be  suppressed  or  modified  in  the  manner  below 
indicated. 

[Here  follows  a  series  of  modifications  in  the  charter, 
intended  to  preclude  the  illiberal  construction  which  Charles 
X  had  placed  upon  it.] 

On  condition  of  the  acceptance  of  these  arrangements 
and  propositions,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  declares  that 
the  general  and  pressing  interest  of  the  French  people  sum- 
mons to  the  throne  his  Royal  Highness  Louis  Philippe  of 
Orleans,  duke  of  Orleans,  lieutenant  general  of  the  kingdom, 
and  his  descendants  forever,  from  male  to  male,  in  order 
of  primogeniture,  to  the  perpetual  exclusion  of  women  and 
their  descendants.  Accordingly  his  Royal  Highness  Louis 
Philippe  of  Orleans  shall  be  invited  to  accept  and  swear 
to  the  clauses  and  engagements  above  enumerated,  and  to 
the  observation  of  the  Constitutional  Charter  including  the 
modifications  indicated,  and,  after  having  done  this  in  the 
presence  of  the  assembled  chambers,  to  take  the  title  of 
King  of  the  French. 

1  See  above,  pp.  538  sqq. 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna 


543 


III.   Germany  and  the  Reaction  after  1814 

The  German  liberals  came  out  of  the  struggle  against 
Napoleon  with  high  hopes.  They  desired  that  the  many 
German  states  might  be  bound  together  into  a  really 
firm  national  union,  under  a  constitutional  government. 
Prussia  favored  this  plan  at  Vienna,  but  Austria  opposed 
it  for  obvious  reasons,  and  the  German  Act  of  Confeder- 
ation, drawn  up  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  established 
a  very  loose  union  of  sovereign  princes,  who  dealt  with 
one  another  almost  like  independent  rulers.  Neverthe- 
less this  constitution  lasted  Germany  from  18 15  to  1866, 
and  formed  a  transition  from  the  ancient  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  which  Napoleon  had  destroyed,  to  the  present 
German  empire. 

In  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  and  Indivisible  Trinity  : 

The  sovereign  princes  and  free  towns  of  Germany,  ani- 
mated by  the  common  desire  to  carry  into  effect  Article  VI 
of  the  Peace  of  Paris  of  May  30,  18 14,  and  convinced  of 
the  advantages  which  would  result  for  the  security  and 
independence  of  Germany  and  for  the  repose  and  equilib- 
rium of  Europe  from  a  firm  and  lasting  union,  have  agreed 
to  unite  themselves  in  a  perpetual  confederation,  and  have  for 
this  purpose  invested  their  envoys  and  deputies  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  with  full  powers,  viz. : 

His  Imperial  and  Royal  Apostolic  Majesty;  the  Sieur 
Clement  Wenceslas,  Prince  of  Metternich-Winneburg-Och- 
senhausen,  Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  Grand  Cross  of 
the  Royal  Order  of  St.  Stephen  of  Hungary,  Knight  of  the 
Order  of  St.  Andrew,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Alexander  Newsky 
and  of  St.  Anne  of  the  First  Class;  Grand  Cordon  of  the 
Legion  of  Honor;  Knight  of  the  Order  of  the  Elephant, 
of  the  Order  of  the  Annunciation,  of  the  Black  Eagle,  of 
the  Red  Eagle,  of  the  Seraphim,  of  St.  Joseph  of  Tuscany, 
of  St.  Hubert,  of  the  Golden  Eagle  of  Wiirtemberg,  of  the 


460.  The 
German  Act 
of  Confeder- 
ation 
(June  8, 
1815). 


Metternich's 
grandeur 


544  Readings  in  European  History 

Fidelity  of  Baden,  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  several 
others;  Chancellor  of  the  Military  Order  of  Maria  Theresa; 
Curator  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Academy  of  Fine  Arts; 
Chamberlain  and  Active  Privy  Councilor  of  his  Majesty  the 
emperor  of  Austria  and  king  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia ;  his 
Majesty's  Minister  of  State  and  of  Conferences,  as  well  as 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  first  plenipotentiary  at  the 
Congress,  —  and  the  Sieur  John  Philip,  baron  of  Wessen- 
berg;  Grand  Cross  of  the  Royal  Sardinian  Order  of  St. 
Mauritius  and  St.  Lazarus,  and  of  the  Royal  Order  of  the 
Crown  of  Bavaria,  etc.;  Chamberlain  and  Active  Privy 
Councilor  of  his  Imperial  and  Royal  Apostolic  Majesty,  and 
his  Majesty's  second  plenipotentiary  at  the  Congress. 

His  Royal  Majesty  of  Prussia ;  the  Prince  Hardenberg, 
his  Chancellor  of  State.1  .   .  . 

General  Provisions 

Article  I.  The  sovereign  princes  and  free  towns  of 
Germany,  including  their  Majesties  the  emperor  of  Austria 
and  the  kings  of  Prussia,  of  Denmark,  and  of  the  Nether- 
lands ;  to  wit,  the  emperor  of  Austria  and  the  king  of  Prussia, 
for  all  of  their  possessions  formerly  belonging  to  the  German 
empire2;  the  king  of  Denmark  for  Holstein  ;  and  the  king 
of  the  Netherlands  for  the  grand  duchy  of  Luxemburg,  — 
unite  in  a  perpetual  union  which  shall  be  called  the  German 
Confederation. 

II.  The  aim  of  the  same  shall  be  the  maintenance  of 
the  external  and  internal  safety  of  Germany  and  of  the 
independence  and  inviolability  of  the  individual  German 
states. 

III.  All  members  of  the  union  have,  as  such,  equal 
rights.  They  all  engage  alike  to  maintain  inviolate  the 
Act  of  Confederation. 

1  It  has  not  been  deemed  necessary  to  give  the  names  of  all  the 
plenipotentiaries.  All  the  states  enumerated  in  Article  IV  were  repre- 
sented at  the  Congress. 

2  I.e.  the  Holy  Roman  Empire. 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna 


545 


IV.    The  affairs  of  the  Confederation  shall  be  confided    Voting  in 
to  a  Diet  of  the  Confederation,  in  which  all  members  of  the    the  Diet- 
union  shall  vote  through  their  plenipotentiaries,  either  in- 
dividually or  collectively,  in  the  following  manner,  without 
prejudice  to  their  rank. 


Votes 
i.  Austria 

2.  Prussia 

3.  Bavaria 

4.  Saxony 

5.  Hanover 

6.  Wiirtemberg 

7.  Baden 

8.  Electoral  Hesse 

9.  Grand  duchy  of  Hesse      .     .     . 

10.  Denmark,  for  Holstein    .     .     . 

11.  The  Netherlands,  for  the  grand 

duchy  of  Luxemburg    .     .     . 


Votes 

12.  The    grand   ducal    and    ducal 

houses  of  Saxony     .     .     .     .     1 

13.  Brunswick  and  Nassau    .     .     .     1 

14.  Mecklenburg-Schwerin   and 

Mecklenburg-Strelitz    .     .     .     1 

15.  Holstein-Oldenburg,       Anhalt, 

and  Schwarzburg     .     .     .     .     1 

16.  Hohenzollern,      Liechtenstein, 

Reuss,     Schaumburg-Lippe, 
Lippe,  and  Waldeck    .     .     .     1 

17.  The  free  towns,  Liibeck,  Frank- 

fort, Bremen,  and  Hamburg  .     1 


Total  votes 17 

V.  Austria  shall  preside  in  the  Diet  of  the  Confedera- 
tion. Each  member  of  the  union  has  the  right  to  make 
and  support  propositions,  and  the  presiding  state  is  bound 
within  a  determined  period  to  bring  them  under  deliberation. 

VI.  Whenever  fundamental  laws  of  the  Confederation    System  of 
are  to  be  enacted  or  amended,  or  measures  are  to  be  adopted    votin§on 

SDGC13.1 

relative  to  the  Act  of  Confederation  itself  or  organic  insti-  occasions. 
tutions  of  the  Confederation,  or  other  arrangements  of 
common  interest  are  under  consideration,  the  Diet  shall 
form  itself  into  a  general  assembly  {Plenuni),  in  which  the 
distribution  of  the  votes,  based  upon  the  respective  extent 
of  the  individual  states  of  the  union,  has  been  arranged  as 
follows.1 

Votes 

8.  Electoral  Hesse 3 

9.  Grand  duchy  of  Hesse     ...     3 

10.  Holstein 3 

11.  Luxemburg 3 

12.  Brunswick 2 

13.  Mecklenburg-Schwerin    ...  2 


Votes 

Austria 4 

Prussia 4 

Saxony 4 

Bavaria 4 

Hanover 4 

Wiirtemberg 4 

Baden    . 3 


14.  Nassau 2 


1  The  system  of  voting  which  now  prevails  in  the  Federal  Council 
(Bundesrath)  of  the  German  empire  is  based  on  this  plan  of  181 5. 


546 


Readings  in  European  History 


Votes 


Votes 


15.  Saxe-Weimar .     .     . 
16    Saxe-Gotha     .     .     . 

17.  Saxe-Coburg  .     .     . 

18.  Saxe-Meiningen  .     . 

19.  Saxe-Hildburghausen 

20.  Mecklenburg-Strelitz 

21.  Holstein-Oldenburg 

22.  Anhalt-Dessau    .     . 

23.  Anhalt-Bernburg     . 

24.  Anhalt-Cothen    .     . 

25.  Schwarzburg-Sondershausen 

26.  Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt 


27. 
28. 
29. 

3°- 
31- 
32- 
33- 
34- 
35- 
36. 

37- 

38. 


Hohenzollern-Hechingen 
Liechtenstein  .... 
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen 

Waldeck 

Reuss,  Elder  Branch  . 
Reuss,  Younger  Branch 
Schaumberg-Lippe .     . 

Lippe     

The  free  town  Liibeck 
The  free  town  Frankfort 
The  free  town  Bremen 
The  free  town  Hamburg 


Total  votes 69 


Reference  to 
the  great 
readjustment 
of  1803. 


Members 
reserve  the 
right  to  form 
alliances. 


The  Diet  of  the  Confederation,  in  deliberating  on  the 
organic  laws  of  the  union,  shall  take  into  consideration 
whether  the  mediatized  estates  of  the  former  empire  shall 
be  granted  any  collective  votes  in  the  Plenum.  .   .  . 

VIII.  When  the  organic  laws  shall  have  been  drawn  up, 
the  Diet  of  the  Confederation  shall  take  into  consideration 
the  future  permanent  order  of  voting  to  be  adopted.  In  so 
doing  they  shall  deviate  as  little  as  possible  from  the  regu- 
lations of  the  former  Diet,  especially  as  based  upon  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Decree  of  the  Imperial  Commission  of  1803. 

IX.  The  Diet  of  the  Confederation  shall  sit  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main.  The  first  meeting  is  fixed  for  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember, 18 1 5. 

XI.  All  members  of  the  Confederation  pledge  themselves 
to  protect  Germany  as  a  whole,  as  well  as  every  single  con- 
federated state,  against  attack,  and  mutually  guarantee  their 
entire  possessions,  so  far  as  those  are  included  within  the 
Confederation. 

When  war  is  once  declared  on  the  part  of  the  Confedera- 
tion no  member  shall  negotiate  separately  with  the  enemy, 
or  conclude  an  armistice  or  make  peace. 

XII.  The  members  of  the  Confederation  reserve  to 
themselves  the  right  of  forming  alliances  of  all  kinds. 
They  pledge  themselves,  however,  to  contract  no  engage- 
ment which  shall  be  directed  against  the  safety  of  the  Con- 
federation or  that  of  any  individual  state  within  the  union. 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna  547 

The  members  of  the  Confederation  pledge  themselves 
likewise  not  to  make  war  among  themselves  upon  any  pre- 
tense, or  to  follow  up  their  contentions  with  force,  but  to 
submit  these  to  the  Diet.  It  shall  devolve  upon  this  body 
to  attempt  arbitration  by  means  of  a  commission.  Should 
this  fail  and  a  judicial  decision  become  necessary,  the 
same  shall  be  effected  through  a  well-organized  court  of 
arbitration,  to  the  decision  of  which  the  conflicting  parties 
shall  forthwith  submit.1 

The  extreme  phase  in  the  spirit  of  reaction  was  reached 
in  Germany  when  the  laws  given  below  were  enacted  by 
the  Diet.  Using  the  murder  of  Kotzebue  as  an  excuse, 
Metternich  called  a  conference  of  the  larger  states  of 
the  Confederation  at  Carlsbad  (Bohemia)  in  August, 
1 8 19.  Here  a  series  of  resolutions  were  drawn  up,  with 
the  aim  of  checking  the  free  expression  of  opinions 
hostile  to  existing  institutions  and  of  discovering  and 
bringing  to  justice  conspirators,  who  were  supposed  to 
exist  in  dangerous  numbers.  These  Carlsbad  Resolu- 
tions were  laid  before  the  Diet,  which,  under  Austria's 
influence,  reluctantly  ratified  them. 

1.    A  special  representative  of   the  ruler  of  each  state    461.  Chief 
shall   be   appointed  for  each  university,  with  appropriate    p50visl°nf  °? 
instructions  and  extended  powers,  and  shall  reside  in  the    Resolutions 
place  where   the  university  is   situated.     This   office   may    as  ratified 
devolve  upon  the  existing  curator  or  upon  any  other  in-    /September 
dividual  whom  the  government  may  deem  qualified.  20  1819). 

The  function  of  this  agent  shall  be  to  see  to  the  strictest 
enforcement  of  existing  laws  and  disciplinary  regulations  ; 
to  observe  carefully  the  spirit  which  is  shown  by  the  in- 
structors   in    the   university   in   their   public   lectures   and 

1  The  "special  provisions"  which  follow  are  omitted.  The  most 
important  of  these,  and  one  which  later  caused  much  discussion,  was 
Article  XIII,  which  read:  "A  constitution  based  upon  the  system  of 
estates  shall  take  place  {statt finden)  in  all  the  states  of  the  union." 


548 


Readings  in  European  History 


Law  provid- 
ing for  a 
supervision 
of  the  univer- 
sity profes- 
sors and 
students. 


Students' 
societies. 


regular  courses,  and,  without  directly  interfering  in  scien- 
tific matters  or  in  the  methods  of  teaching,  to  give  a  salu- 
tary direction  to  the  instruction,  having  in  view  the  future 
attitude  of  the  students.  Lastly,  he  shall  devote  unceasing 
attention  to  everything  that  may  promote  morality,  good 
order,  and  outward  propriety  among  the  students.  .  .  . 

2.  The  confederated  governments  mutually  pledge  them- 
selves to  remove  from  the  universities  or  other  public  edu- 
cational institutions  all  teachers  who,  by  obvious  deviation 
from  their  duty,  or  by  exceeding  the  limits  of  their  func- 
tions, or  by  the  abuse  of  their  legitimate  influence  over  the 
youthful  minds,  or  by  propagating  harmful  doctrines  hostile 
to  public  order  or- subversive  of  existing  governmental  in- 
stitutions, shall  have  unmistakably  proved  their  unfitness 
for  the  important  office  intrusted  to  them.   .   .  . 

No  teacher  who  shall  have  been  removed  in  this  manner 
shall  be  again  appointed  to  a  position  in  any  public  institu- 
tion of  learning  in  another  state  of  the  union. 

3.  Those  laws  which  have  for  a  long  period  been  directed 
against  secret  and  unauthorized  societies  in  the  universities 
shall  be  strictly  enforced.  These  laws  apply  especially  to 
that  association  established  some  years  since  under  the 
name  Universal  Students'  Union  (AUgemeine  Burschenschafi), 
since  the  very  conception  of  the  society  implies  the  utterly 
unallowable  plan  of  permanent  fellowship  and  constant 
communication  between  the  various  universities.  The  duty 
of  especial  watchfulness  in  this  matter  should  be  impressed 
upon  the  special  agents  of  the  government. 

The  governments  mutually  agree  that  such  persons  as 
shall  hereafter  be  shown  to  have  remained  in  secret  or  un- 
authorized associations,  or  shall  have  entered  such  associa- 
tions, shall  not  be  admitted  to  any  public  office. 

4.  No  student  who  shall  be  expelled  from  a  university 
by  a  decision  of  the  university  senate  which  was  ratified  or 
prompted  by  the  agent  of  the  government,  or  who  shall 
have  left  the  institution  in  order  to  escape  expulsion,  shall 
be  received  in  any  other  university.   .  .  . 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna 


549 


i.    So  long  as  this  decree  shall  remain  in  force  no  pub-    Press  law. 
lication  which  appears  in  the  form  of  daiiy  issues,  or  as  a 
serial  not  exceeding  twenty  sheets  of  printed  matter,  shall 
go  to  press  in  any  state  of  the  union  without  the  previous 
knowledge  and  approval  of  the  state  officials. 

Writings  which  do  not  belong  to  one  of  the  above-men- 
tioned classes  shall  be  treated  according  to  the  laws  now 
in  force,  or  which  may  be  enacted,  in  the  individual  states 
of  the  union.  .  .  . 

4.  Each  state  of  the  union  is  responsible,  not  only  to  the 
state  against  which  the  offense  is  directly  committed,  but  to 
the  whole  Confederation,  for  every  publication  appearing 
under  its  supervision  in  which  the  honor  or  security  of 
other  states  is  infringed  or  their  constitution  or  adminis- 
tration attacked.  .  .  . 

6.  The  Diet  shall  have  the  right,  moreover,  to  suppress 
on  its  own  authority,  without  being  petitioned,  such  writ- 
ings included  in  Article  1,  in  whatever  German  state  they 
may  appear,  as,  in  the  opinion  of  a  commission  appointed 
by  it,  are  inimical  to  the  honor  of  the  union,  the  safety  of 
individual  states,  or  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  quiet  in 
Germany.  There  shall  be  no  appeal  from  such  decisions, 
and  the  governments  involved  are  bound  to  see  that  they 
are  put  into  execution.   .  .   . 

7.  When  a  newspaper  or  periodical  is  suppressed  by  a 
decision  of  the  Diet,  the  editor  thereof  may  not  within  a 
period  of  five  years  edit  a  similar  publication  in  any  state 
of  the  union. 


1.  Within  a  fortnight,  reckoned  from  the  passage  of  this    Establish- 
decree,  there  shall  convene,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Con-    ment  of  an 

r     i  •  -i  •  iriir  r   -k  r  investigating 

federation,  in  the  city  and  federal  fortress  of  Mayence,  an    committee  at 
extraordinary   commission    of   investigation   to   consist   of    Mayence. 
seven  members,  including  the  chairman. 

2.  The  object  of  the  commission  shall  be  a  joint  investi- 
gation, as  thorough  and  extensive  as  possible,  of  the  facts 
relating  to  the  origin  and  manifold  ramifications  of  the 
revolutionary  plots  and  demagogical  associations  directed 


550  Readings  in  Eiwopean  History 

against  the  existing  constitution  and  the  internal  peace  both 
of  the  union  and  of  the  individual  states  ;  of  the  existence  of 
which  plots  more  or  less  clear  evidence  is  to  be  had  already, 
or  may  be  produced  in  the  course  of  the  investigation.  .  .  . 
10.  The  central  investigating  commission  is  to  furnish 
the  Diet  from  time  to  time  with  a  report  of  the  results  of 
the  investigation,  which  is  to  be  carried  out  as  speedily  as 
possible. 


•     •    • 


In  spite  of  the  hampering  policy  of  Metternich  and 
the  failure  of  the  constitution  of  the  German  Confeder- 
ation to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  liberal  party,  some 
progress  toward  the  unification  of  Germany  was  made 
through  the  establishment  in  1828  of  a  customs  union 
in  northern  Germany,  which  gradually  extended  so  as 
finally  to  include  almost  all  the  German  states.  A  Ger- 
man writer  humorously  describes  the  superiority  of  this 
union  to  that  established  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 
Matches,  fennel,  lampreys,  cows,  cheese,  madder,  paper, 
ham,  and  boots  have  served  to  bind  together  the  hearts 
of  the  nation  as  the  diplomats  at  Vienna  had  not  suc- 
ceeded in  doing. 

462.  Verses  Schwefelholzer,  Fenchel.  Bricken, 

ontheimpor-  Kiihe,  Kase,  Krapp,  Papier, 

Zollverein.  Schinken,  Scheren,  Stiefel,  Wicken, 

Wolle,  Seife,  Garn  und  Bier ; 
Pfefferkuchen,  Lumpen,  Trichter, 

Niisse,  Tabak,  Glaser,  Flachs, 
Leder,  Salz,  Schmalz,  Puppen,  Lichter, 

Rettich,  Rips,  Raps,  Schnaps,  Lachs,  Wachs ! 

Und  ihr  andern  deutschen  Sachen, 
Tausend  Dank  sei  euch  gebracht ! 

Was  kein  Geist  je  konnte  machen, 
Ei,  das  habet  ihr  gemacht: 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna 

Denn  ihr  habt  ein  Band  gewunden 
Um  das  deutsche  Vaterland, 

Und  die  Herzen  hat  verbunden 
Mehr,  als  unser  Bund,  dies  Band. 


551 


IV.   Metternich's  Fight  against  Liberalism 

After  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  Austria,  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  England  concluded  a  secret  treaty,  November  20, 
181 5,  in  which  they  agreed  to  continue  their  alliance 
against  any  new  attempt  upon  the  part  of  France  to 
disturb  the  repose  of  Europe.  Metternich,  who  was 
the  soul  of  the  reactionary  policy,  was  bent  upon  set- 
ting up  a  permanent  barrier  to  "revolution," — under 
which  terrible  term  he  included  all  tendencies  toward 
constitutional  government.  Accordingly  Article  VI  of 
the  treaty  reads  : 

To  facilitate  and   secure  the   execution  of  the  present    Metternich 
treaty  and  to  strengthen  the  bonds  which  at  the  present    arrangesa 

.      system  of 

moment  so  closely  unite  the  four  sovereigns  for  the  happi-    international 
ness  of  the  world,  the  high  contracting  parties  have  agreed    congresses  to 
to  renew  their  meetings  at  fixed  periods,  either  under  the    ^evoTudon" 
immediate    auspices    of   the  sovereigns   themselves   or  by 
their   respective   ministers,  for   the   purpose  of  consulting 
upon  their  common  interests  and  for  the  consideration  of 
the  measures  which,  at  each  of  these  periods,  shall  be  con- 
sidered the  most  salutary  for  the  repose  and  prosperity  of 
nations  and  for  the  peace  of  Europe.1 

The  uprising,  in  1820,  of  the  people  in  Spain  and 
Naples  against  their  respective  despotic  monarchs  seemed 
to  Metternich  a  natural  occasion  for  one  of  the  proposed 

* 

1  The  whole  of  this  interesting  document  is  given  by  Anderson,  Con- 
stitutions and  Documents,  pp.  482  sqq. 


552  Readings  in  European  History 

congresses,  which  met  at  Troppau.  Here  a  system  of 
intervention  in  the  internal  affairs  of  those  countries 
threatening  the  repose  of  Europe  was  agreed  upon,  and 
was  justified  in  a  circular  note  which  casts  much  light 
on  the  policy  of  the  reactionary  monarchs  who  were 
under  Metternich's  influence. 

463.  Circu-  Having    been    informed    of    the   false   and  exaggerated 

lar  note  of  rumors  which  have  been  circulated  by  ill-intentioned  and 

tinTforth  credulous  persons  in  regard  to  the  results  of  the  confer- 

Metternich's  ences  at  Troppau,  the  allied  courts  deem  it  necessary  to 

theory  of        transmit  authentic  explanations  to  their  representatives  at 
intervention.  .  ,  r  x 

foreign  courts,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  refute  the  errone- 
ous ideas  to  which  these  rumors  have  given  rise.  The  brief 
report  here  annexed  will  enable  them  to  do  this.  .  .  . 

Troppau,  December  8,  1820. 


Brief  Review  of  the  First  Results  of  the  Conferences 

at  Troppau 

The  events  which  took  place  in  Spain  March  8  and  at 
Naples  July  2,  as  well  as  the  catastrophe  in  Portugal,  could 
not  but  arouse  a  feeling  of  the  deepest  indignation,  appre- 
hension, and  sorrow  in  those  who  are  called  upon  to  guard 
the  tranquillity  of  the  nations  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  it 
emphasized  the  necessity  of  uniting  in  order  to  determine 
in  common  the  means  of  checking  the  misfortunes  which 
threaten  to  envelop  Europe.  It  was  but  natural  that  these 
sentiments  should  leave  a  deep  impression  upon  those 
powers  which  had  but  lately  stifled  revolution  and  which 
now  beheld  it  once  more  raise  its  head. 

Nor  was  it  less  natural  that  these  powers,  in  encounter- 
ing revolution  for  the  third  time,  should  have  recourse  to 
the  same  methods  which  they  had  employed  with  so  much 
success  in  the  memorable  struggle  which  freed  Europe 
from  a  yoke  she  had  borne  for  twenty  years.  Everything 
encouraged  the  hope  that  that  alliance,  formed  in  the  most 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Viemia  553 

critical  circumstances,  crowned  with  the  most  brilliant  suc- 
cess, and  strengthened  by  the  conventions  of  1814,  1815,  , 
and  18 18,  as  it  had  prepared  the  way  for,  established,  and 
assured  the  peace  of  the  world,  and  delivered  the  European 
continent  from  the  military  representatives  of  revolution, 
so  it  would  be  able  to  check  a  new  form  of  oppression,  not 
less  tyrannical  and  fearful,  namely,  that  of  revolt  and  crime. 

Such  were  the  motives  and  the  aim  of  the  meeting  at 
Troppau.  The  motives  are  too  obvious  to  need  further 
explanation.  The  aim  is  so  honorable  and  justifiable  that 
the  best  wishes  of  all  right-minded  persons  will  doubtless 
accompany  the  allied  courts  into  the  noble  arena  they  are 
about  to  enter.   .  .  . 

The    powers   are   exercising    an    incontestable   right   in  Right  of  the 

taking  common  measures  in  respect  to  those  states  in  which  powers  to 

the  overthrow  of  the  government  through  a  revolt,  even  if  the  internal 

it  be  considered  simply  as  a  dangerous  example,  may  result  affairs  of 

in  a  hostile  attitude  toward  all  constitutions  and  legitimate  states  threat- 

.    ,  ened  by 

governments.     The  exercise  of  this  right  becomes  an  urgent  revolution. 

necessity  when  those  who  have  placed  themselves  in  this 

situation  seek  to  extend  to  their  neighbors  the  ills  which 

they  have  brought  upon  themselves  and  to  promote  revolt 

and  confusion  around  them.   .  .  . 

This  is  the  incontestable  fact  which  the  allied  courts 
have  made  their  point  of  departure.  Hence  the  representa- 
tives of  the  powers  .  .  .  agreed  at  Troppau  upon  the  plan 
of  action  to  be  followed  in  regard  to  those  states  in  which 
the  governments  had  been  overturned  by  violence ;  and  upon 
the  pacific  or  coercive  measures  which  might  bring  these 
states  once  more  into  the  European  alliance,  in  case  the 
allies  should  succeed  in  exercising  a  salutary  influence.  .  .  . 

Nothing  could  menace  more  directly  the  tranquillity  of  Danger  to 
the  neighboring  states  than  the  revolution  at  Naples,  gain-  ^j^jjJJJ, 
ing  ground  as  it  did  daily.    In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  the  revolution 
allied  courts  could  not  be  attacked  so  promptly  and  imme-  at  Naples, 
diately  as  these  neighboring  states,  it  was  deemed  expedient 
to  proceed,  in  regard  to  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies, 
according  to  the  principles  above  enunciated. 


554  Readings  in  European  History 

In  order  to  prepare  conciliatory  measures  toward  this 
end,  the  monarchs  convened  at  Troppau  resolved  to  ask  the 
king  of  the  Two  Sicilies  to  meet  them  at  Laibach,  with  the 
single  aim  of  freeing  him  from  all  external  compulsion  and 
placing  him  in  the  position  of  mediator  between  his  erring 
people  and  the  states  whose  tranquillity  they  threaten.  .  .  . 

France  and  England  have  been  requested  to  cooperate  in 
these  measures,  and  it  is  to  be  anticipated  that  they  will 
not  refuse,  since  the  principle  upon  which  the  request  is 
based  is  completely  in  accord  with  the  treaties  which  they 
have  entered  into,  and  affords,  moreover,  a  guarantee  of  the 
fairest  and  most  peaceful  intentions. 

The  system  pursued  in  concert  by  Prussia,  Austria,  and 
Russia  is  in  no  way  new.  It  is  based  upon  the  same  princi- 
ples upon  which  the  conventions  rested  which  created  the 
alliance  of  the  European  states.   .  .  . 

Moreover  it  is  needless  to  prove  that  the  resolutions 
taken  by  the  powers  are  in  no  way  to  be  attributed  to  the 
idea  of  conquest,  or  to  any  intention  of  interfering  with 
the  independence  of  other  governments  in  their  internal 
administration,  or,  lastly,  to  the  purpose  of  preventing 
wise  improvements  freely  carried  out  and  in  harmony  with 
the  true  interests  of  the  people.  Their  only  desire  is  to 
preserve  and  maintain  peace,  to  deliver  Europe  from  the 
scourge  of  revolution,  and  to  obviate  or  lessen  the  ills  which 
arise  from  the  violation  of  the  precepts  of  order  and 
morality.  .  .   . 

While  Metternich  and  his  allies  were  intervening  to 
check  reform  in  southern  Europe,  the  Greeks  rose 
against  their  masters  and  declared  themselves  a  free 
and  independent  state.  This  was  a  source  of  deep  sat- 
isfaction to  the  liberal  parties  in  the  West,  who  had 
suffered  so  many  disappointments  since  the  opening  of 
the  Congress  of  Vienna.  A  constitutional  assembly  was 
convoked  in  Greece,  and,  having  completed  a  provisional 
constitution,  it  issued  the  following  manifesto. 


Europe  after  tlie  Congress  of  Vienna  555 

We,  descendants  of  the  wise  and  noble  peoples  of  Hellas,  464.  Procla- 
we  who  are  the  contemporaries  of  the  enlightened  and  civil-  ™atl0n  0I 
ized   nations  of   Europe,   we   who  behold   the  advantages  issued  by*** 
which  they  enjoy  under  the  protection  of  the  impenetrable  the  Greek 
aegis  of  the  law,  find  it  no  longer  possible  to  suffer  without  National 
cowardice  and  self-contempt  the  cruel  yoke  of   the  Otto-  (January  27, 
man  power  which  has  weighed  upon  us  for  more  than  four  1822). 
centuries,  —  a  power  which  does  not  listen  to  reason  and 
knows  no  other  law  than  its  own  will,  which  orders  and  dis- 
poses everything  despotically  and  according  to  its  caprice. 
After  this  prolonged  slavery  we  have  determined  to  take 
arms  to  avenge  ourselves  and  our  country  against  a  frightful 
tyranny,  iniquitous  in   its  very  essence,  —  an  unexampled 
despotism  to  which  no  other  rule  can  be  compared. 

The  war  which  we  are  carrying  on  against  the  Turk  is 
not  that  of  a  faction  or  the  result  of  sedition.  It  is  not 
aimed  at  the  advantage  of  any  single  part  of  the  Greek 
people;  it  is  a  national  war,  a  holy  war,  a  war  the  object 
of  which  is  to  reconquer  the  rights  of  individual  liberty,  of 
property  and  honor,  —  rights  which  the  civilized  people  of 
Europe,  our  neighbors,  enjoy  to-day;  rights  of  which  the 
cruel  and  unheard-of  tyranny  of  the  Ottomans  would  deprive 
us  —  us  alone  —  and  the  very  memory  of  which  they  would 
stifle  in  our  hearts. 

Are  we,  then,  less  reasonable  than  other  peoples,  that  we 
remain  deprived  of  these  rights?  Are  we  of  a  nature  so 
degraded  and  abject  that  we  should  be  viewed  as  unworthy 
to  enjoy  them,  condemned  to  remain  crushed  under  a  per- 
petual slavery  and  subjected,  like  beasts  of  burden  or  mere 
automatons,  to  the  absurd  caprice  of  a  cruel  tyrant  who, 
like  an  infamous  brigand,  has  come  from  distant  regions  to 
invade  our  borders?  Nature  has  deeply  graven  these  rights 
in  the  hearts  of  all  men;  laws  in  harmony  with  nature  have 
so  completely  consecrated  them  that  neither  three  nor  four 
centuries  —  nor  thousands  nor  millions  of  centuries  —  can 
destroy  them.  Force  and  violence  have  been  able  to  re- 
strict and  paralyze  them  for  a  season,  but  force  may  once 
more  resuscitate  them  in  all  the  vigor  which  they  formerly 


556  Readings  in  European  History 

enjoyed  during  many  centuries  ;  nor  have  we  ever  ceased  in 
Hellas  to  defend  these  rights  by  arms  whenever  opportu- 
nity offered. 

Building  upon  the  foundation  of  our  natural  rights,  and 
desiring  to  assimilate  ourselves  to  the  rest  of  the  Christians 
of  Europe,  our  brethren,  we  have  begun  a  war  against  the 
Turks,  or  rather,  uniting  all  our  isolated  strength,  we  have 
formed  ourselves  into  a  single  armed  body,  firmly  resolved 
to  attain  our  end,  to  govern  ourselves  by  wise  laws,  or  to  be 
altogether  annihilated,  believing  it  to  be  unworthy  of  us,  as 
descendants  of  the  glorious  peoples  of  Hellas,  to  live  hence- 
forth in  a  state  of  slavery  fitted  rather  for  unreasoning  ani- 
mals than  for  rational  beings. 

Ten  months  have  elapsed  since  we  began  this  national 
war;  the  all-powerful  God  has  succored  us;  although  we 
were  not  adequately  prepared  for  so  great  an  enterprise,  our 
arms  have  everywhere  been  victorious,  despite  the  power- 
ful obstacles  which  we  have  encountered  and  still  en- 
counter everywhere.  We  have  had  to  contend  with  a 
situation  bristling  with  difficulties,  and  we  are  still  engaged 
in  our  efforts  to  overcome  them.  It  should  not,  therefore, 
appear  astonishing  that  we  were  not  able  from  the  very 
first  to  proclaim  our  independence  and  take  rank  among 
the  civilized  peoples  of  the  earth,  marching  forward  side 
by  side  with  them.  It  was  impossible  to  occupy  ourselves 
with  our  political  existence  before  we  had  established  our 
independence.  We  trust  these  reasons  may  justify,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  nations,  our  delay,  as  well  as  console  us  for  the 
anarchy  in  which  we  have  found  ourselves.   .  .  . 

Epidaurus,  January  |f,  1822: 
the  First  Year  of  Independence. 

The  first  signal  disturbance  of  the  arrangements  made 
by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  the  revolt  of  the  former 
Austrian  Netherlands  from  the  rule  of  the  king  of 
Holland,  to  whom  the  Congress  had  assigned  them. 
The   creation   of    the  present   kingdom   of    Belgium   is 


Europe  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna  557 

described  in  an  address  read  at  the  opening  session  of  the 
Belgian  congress,  November  10,  1830. 

In  the  name  of  the  Belgian  people,  the  provisional  gov-  465.  Rea- 

ernment  opens  an  assembly  of  the  representatives  of  the  P0!1*5  which 

„,  ,  r  1     i  T  •  led  to  the  ere- 

nation,     ihe  nation  has  confided  to  these  representatives  ationofthe 

the  august  mission  of   founding,   on  the  broad  and  solid  kingdom  of 
basis  of  liberty,  the  edifice  of  the  new  social  order  which     e  &lum- 
will  be  the  beginning  and  the  guarantee  of  durable  happi- 
ness to  Belgium. 

You  know,  gentlemen,  that  at  the  time  of  our  union  with  Grievances  of 
Holland  a  Fundamental  Law  was  presented  to  an  assembly  the  Belsian 

1,111  ■  provinces 

of  notables,  chosen  by  the  government,  not  to  examine,  against 
discuss,  modify,  and  finally  to  accept  it  and  make  it  the  Holland, 
condition  of  a  compact  between  the  people  and  the  head  of 
the  state,  but  either  to  submit  to  it  unconditionally,  or  to 
reject  it  altogether.  It  was  rejected,  as  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  good  sense  and  integrity  of  the  Bel- 
gians ;  but  by  an  unparalleled  subterfuge  it  was  neverthe- 
less declared  to  be  accepted,  and  thus  it  came  about  that 
our  country  was  oppressed  by  a  constitution  imposed  by 
Holland. 

If  this  Fundamental  Law  had  at  least  been  properly 
executed  in  all  its  provisions,  in  time,  perhaps,  and  with 
the  aid  of  the  progress  which  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the 
ministers  compelled  us  daily  to  make  in  the  career  of  con- 
stitutional opposition,  it  might  have  become  the  hope  of 
Belgian  liberty. 

But  far  from  this  being  the  case,  freedom  of  conscience 
was  violated,  education  fettered,  the  press  condemned  to 
be  nothing  more  than  an  instrument  of  the  government 
or  forced  into  silence  .  .  .  and  the  right  of  petition  was 
disregarded.  The  despotic  imposition  of  a  privileged  lan- 
guage, .  .  .  and  an  enormous  debt  and  expenditure,  were 
the  only  portion  which  Holland  brought  to  us  at  the  time 
of  our  deplorable  union.  Add  to  these  grievances  taxes, 
overwhelming  by  their  amount  and  still  more  by  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  apportioned,  laws  always  voted  by  the 


558  Readings  in  European  History 

Dutch  for  Holland  only  and  always  against  Belgium,  .  .  . 
and,  lastly,  the  most  offensive  partiality  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  civil  and  military  appointments  by  a  government  in 
whose  eye  the  name  of  Belgian  was  a  disgrace;  in  a  word, 
all  Belgium  treated  as  a  conquered  province,  as  a  colony,  — 
everything  rendered  a  revolution  necessary  and  inevitable 
and  hastened  its  approach.  Such  just  and  real  grievances 
could  only  lead  to  one  result. 

We  had  risen  against  despotism  to  reconquer  our  rights, 
and  we  were  treated  by  tyranny  as  rebels.  Our  cities  were 
burned;  the  most  barbarous  treatment  was  inflicted  even 
upon  old  men  and  upon  women ;  the  rights  of  humanity, 
the  laws  of  war,  were  trampled  underfoot.  Such  conduct 
testifies  to  the  ferocity  of  our  enemy  and  calls  down  bless- 
ings on  the  victory  of  the  people  which  has  cleared  our 
territory  of  them. 

The  fruit  of  this  victory  has  been  independence.  The 
people  have  proclaimed  it  through  us,  and  have  called  you 
together,  gentlemen,  as  the  organ  of  its  wishes  to  establish 
it  forever. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refer-  Congress  of  Vienna  and  the  Reconstruction  of  Europe :  Seignobos, 

ences.  Political  History  of  Europe  since  1814,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-8;  Andrews, 

The   Historical   Development  of  Modem    Europe,   Vol.    I,    Chapter   I, 

pp.  86-133;  Phillips,  Modern  Europe  from  18/j,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-13. 

Restoration  and  July  Revolution  in  France:  Phillips,  Chapter  II, 
pp.  22-36;  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  168-185;  Andrews,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  II, 
pp.  134-179;  Seignobos,  Chapter  V,  pp.  103-132. 

The  German  Confederation  and  Metternich's  Policy:  Phillips, 
Chapter  III,  pp.  37-56;  Seignobos,  Chapter  XII,  pp.  374-386; 
Andrews,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  VI,  pp.  229-241. 

Struggle  for  Italian  Unity:  Seignobos,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  326-339; 
Andrews,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  V,  pp.  180-228. 

Independence  of  Greece:  Phillips,  Chapter  VII,  pp.  135-167; 
Seignobos,  Chapter  XXI,  pp.  648-654  ;  Fyffe,  Modern  Europe,  Chapter 
XV,  pp.  525-602. 

[For  the  general  bibliography  of  the  period  since  181 5,  see  the  close 
of  the  following  chapter.] 


CHAPTER   XL 

UNIFICATION   OF  GERMANY  AND  ITALY 

I.   Revolution  of  1848  in  France:  Napoleon  III 

The  provisional  government  established  in  Paris  after 
the  mob  had  attacked  the  Tuileries,  February  24,  1848, 
immediately  issued  the  following  proclamation. 

I?i  the  name  of  the  French  people.  : 

A  reactionary  and  oligarchical  government  has  just  been    466.  The 
overthrown  by  the  heroism  of   the   people  of   Paris.    That    °yerthrow 
government  has  fled,  leaving  behind  it  a  trail  of  blood  that    orleanist 
forbids  it  ever  to  retrace  its  steps.  monarchy  is 

The  blood  of  the  people  has  flowed  as  in  July ;  but  this    £ro^aeimed 
time  this  noble  people  shall  not  be  deceived.    It  has  won    provisional 
a  national  and  popular  government  in  accord  with  the  rights,    government 
the  progress,  and  the  will  of  this  great  and  generous  nation.       * * liS$? 

A  provisional  government,  the  result  of  pressing  necessity 
and  ratified  by  the  voice  of  the  people  and  of  the  deputies 
of  the  departments,  in  the  session  of  February  24,  is  for 
the  moment  invested  with  the  task  of  assuring  and  organ- 
izing the  national  victory.  It  is  composed  of  Messieurs 
Dupont  (de  l'Eure),  Lamartine,  Cremieux,  Arago  (of  the 
Institute),  Ledru-Rollin,  Garnier-Pages,  Marie,  Armand 
Marrast,  Louis  Blanc,  Ferdinand  Flocon,  and  Albert  (a 
workingman). 

These  citizens  have  not  hesitated  a  moment  to  accept  the 
patriotic  commission  which  is  imposed  upon  them  by  the 
pressure  of  necessity.  With  the  capital  of  France  on  fire, 
the  justification  for  the  present  provisional  government  must 
be  sought  in  the  public  safety.  All  France  will  understand 
this  and  will  lend  it  the  support  of  its  patriotism.    Under 

559 


560 


Readings  in  European  History 


Provisional 
government 
desires  a 
republic. 


the  popular  government  which  the  provisional  government 
proclaims,  every  citizen  is  a  magistrate. 

Frenchmen,  it  is  for  you  to  give  to  the  world  the  exam- 
ple which  Paris  has  given  to  France ;  prepare  yourselves  by 
order  and  by  confidence  in  your  destiny  for  the  firm  institu- 
tions which  you  are  about  to  be  called  upon  to  establish. 

The  provisional  government  wishes  to  establish  a  repub- 
lic, —  subject,  however,  to  ratification  by  the  people,  who 
shall  be  immediately  consulted. 

The  unity  of  the  nation  (formed  henceforth  of  all  the 
classes  of  citizens  who  compose  it)  ;  the  government  of  the 
nation  by  itself ;  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity,  for  fun- 
damental principles,  and  "  the  people"  for  our  emblem  and 
watchword :  these  constitute  the  democratic  government 
which  France  owes  to  itself,  and  which  our  efforts  shall 
secure  for  it. 


467.  Decrees 
of  the 
provisional 
government 
relating  to 
the  working- 
men  (Febru- 
ary 25, 1848). 


Labor  unions 
sanctioned. 


The  workingmen  and  their  leaders  played  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  February  revolution.  This  fact  is  em- 
phasized by  the  decrees  in  the  interest  of  the  laboring 
classes  which  were  issued  by  the  provisional  government 
on  the  day  following  its  creation. 

The  provisional  government  of  the  French  republic  de- 
crees that  the  Tuileries  shall  serve  hereafter  as  a  home  for 
the  veterans  of  labor. 

The  provisional  government  of  the  French  republic 
pledges  itself  to  guarantee  the  means  of  subsistence  of  the 
workingman  by  labor. 

It  pledges  itself  to  guarantee  labor  to  all  citizens. 

It  recognizes  that  workingmen  ought  to  enter  into  asso- 
ciations among  themselves  in  order  to  enjoy  the  advantage 
of  their  labor. 


Suppression  The  provisional  government  returns  to  the  workingmen, 

of  the  j-0  wnom  it  rightfully  belongs,  the  million  which  was  about 

civil  list.  .    .      . 

to  fall  due  upon  the  civil  list. 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


561 


The  provisional  government  of  the  French  republic  decrees 
that  all  articles  pledged  at  the  pawn  shops  since  the  first  of 
February,  consisting  of  linen,  garments,  or  clothes,  etc.,  upon 
which  the  loan  does  not  exceed  ten  francs,  shall  be  given 
back  to  those  who  pledged  them.  The  minister  of  finance  is 
ordered  to  meet  the  payments  incidental  to  the  execution  of 
the  present  edict. 

The  provisional  government  of  the  republic  decrees  the 
immediate  establishment  of  national  workshops.  The  min- 
ister of  public  works  is  charged  with  the  execution  of  the 
present  decree. 

The  formal  proclamation  of  the  second  French  repub- 
lic is  very  characteristic  of  the  momentary  situation. 

In  the  name  of  the  French  people  : 

Citizens  :  royalty,  under  whatever  form,  is  abolished  ;  no 
more  legitimism,  no  more  Bonapartism,  no  regency. 

The  provisional  government  has  taken  all  the  measures 
necessary  to  render  impossible  the  return  of  the  former 
dynasty  or  the  advent  of  a  new  dynasty. 

The  republic  is  proclaimed. 

The  people  are  united. 

All  the  forts  which  surround  the  capital  are  ours. 

The  brave  garrison  of  Vincennes  is  a  garrison  of  brothers. 

Let  us  retain  that  old  republican  flag  whose  three  colors 
made  with  our  fathers  the  circuit  of  the  globe. 

Let  us  show  that  this  symbol  of  equality,  of  liberty,  and 
of  fraternity  is  at  the  same  time  the  symbol  of  order  —  of 
order  the  more  real,  the  more  durable,  since  justice  is  its 
foundation  and  the  whole  people  its  instrument. 

The  people  have  already  realized  that  the  provisioning  of 
Paris  requires  a  freer  circulation  in  the  streets,  and  those 
who  have  erected  the  barricades  have  already  in  several 
places  made  openings  large  enough  for  the  passage  of  wagons 
and  carts.  Let  this  example  be  imitated  everywhere.  Let 
Paris  reassume  its  accustomed  appearance  and  trade  its 
activity  and  confidence.  .  .  . 


Return  of 

pawned 

articles. 


Establish- 
ment of 
national 
workshops 
(February 
26). 


468.  The 

second 

French 

republic  is 

proclaimed 

(February 

26,  1848). 


562 


Readings  in  European  History 


Louis  Napo- 
leon becomes 
a  candidate 
for  the  presi- 
dency of  the 
new  French 
republic. 


469.  Louis 
Napoleon 
explains  his 
position  to 
the  voters 
of  France 
(November 
29,  1848). 


Although  Louis  Napoleon  had,  after  the  last  of  his 
two  early  and  futile  attempts  to  make  himself  emperor, 
been  imprisoned,  then  exiled,  he  was,  after  the  February 
revolution,  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislative  Body. 
When  it  came  to  choosing  a  president  under  the  new 
constitution,  he  was  naturally  considered  as  a  candidate, 
and  issued  the  following  campaign  manifesto  (November, 
1848). 

Louis  Napoleon  to  his  fellow-citizens : 

In  order  to  recall  me  from  exile,  you  have  elected  me  a 
representative  of  the  people  ;  on  the  eve  of  choosing  a  chief 
magistrate  for  the  republic  my  name  presents  itself  to  you 
as  a  symbol  of  order  and  security. 

Those  proofs  of  so  honorable  a  confidence  are,  I  am  well 
aware,  addressed  to  my  name  rather  than  to  myself,  who,  as 
yet,  have  done  nothing  for  my  country;  but  the  more  the 
memory  of  the  Emperor  protects  me  and  inspires  your  suf- 
frages, the  more  I  feel  compelled  to  acquaint  you  with  my 
sentiments  and  principles.  There  must  be  no  equivocation 
between  us. 

I  am  moved  by  no  ambition  which  dreams  one  day  of 
empire  and  war,  the  next  of  the  application  of  subversive 
theories.  Brought  up  in  free  countries,  disciplined  in  the 
school  of  misfortune,  I  shall  ever  remain  faithful  to  the 
duties  which  your  suffrages  and  the  will  of  the  Assembly 
impose  upon  me. 

If  elected  president,  I  shall  shrink  from  no  danger,  from 
no  sacrifice,  in  the  defense  of  society,  which  has  been  so 
outrageously  assailed.  I  shall  devote  myself  wholly  and 
without  reservation  to  the  consolidation  of  the  republic,  so 
that  it  may  be  wise  in  its  laws,  honest  in  its  aims,  great  and 
strong  in  its  deeds.  My  greatest  honor  would  be  to  hand  on 
to  my  successor,  after  four  years  of  office,  the  public  power 
consolidated,  its  liberties  intact,  and  a  genuine  progress 
assured.  .  .  . 

Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 


Unificatioii  of  Germany  and  Italy 


563 


mines  to  win 
the  imperial 
title. 


Before  the  expiration  of  his  four  years'  term,  Louis  Louis  Napo 
Napoleon,  by  the  coup  d'etat  of  December,  185  1,  secured 
an  extension  of  his  presidency  for  ten  years.  He  was 
not  satisfied,  however,  until  he  had  won  the  title  of 
Emperor.  In  September,  1852,  he  undertook  a  tour 
through  the  southern  provinces  in  order  to  test  public 
opinion.  Many  suggestions  had  reached  him  encouraging 
him  to  assume  the  imperial  crown,  and  frequently  on  his 
journey  he  was  received  with  the  cry,  "Long  live  the 
emperor  !  "  In  his  speech  at  Bordeaux,  October  9,  1852, 
he  definitely  announced  his  belief  that  France  was  ready 
for  the  abolition  of  the  second  republic. 


The  purpose  of  this  journey,  as  you  know,  was  to  see 
for  myself  our  beautiful  provinces  of  the  south  and  familiar- 
ize myself  with  their  needs.  It  has,  however,  given  rise  to  a 
much  more  important  result.  Indeed,  —  and  I  say  it  with  a 
candor  as  far  removed  from  arrogance  as  from  false  mod- 
esty, —  never  has  a  people  testified  in  a  manner  more  direct, 
spontaneous,  and  unanimous,  the  longing  to  be  freed  from 
anxiety  as  to  the  future  by  concentrating  in  a  single  person 
an  authority  which  shall  accord  with  their  desires.  They 
realize  now  both  the  false  hopes  with  which  they  have  been 
deluded  and  the  dangers  which  threaten  them.  .  .  . 

France  to-day  encompasses  me  with  her  sympathies  be- 
cause I  do  not  belong  to  the  group  of  dreamers.  In  order 
to  benefit  the  country  it  is  not  necessary  to  resort  to  new 
systems,  but,  above  all,  to  establish  confidence  in  the  present 
and  security  for  the  future.  This  is  why  France  seems  to 
wish  to  revert  to  the  empire. 

There  is,  nevertheless,  one  apprehension,  and  that  I  shall 
set  at  rest.  A  spirit  of  distrust  leads  certain  persons  to  say 
that  the  empire  means  war.  I  say,  the  empire  means  peace. 
France  longs  for  peace,  and  if  France  is  satisfied  the  world 
is  tranquil.  Glory  is  rightly  handed  down  hereditarily,  but 
not  war.  .  .  . 


470.  Louis 

Napoleon's 

Bordeaux 

address 

(October  9, 

1852). 


Napoleon's 
policy  of 
peace. 


564 


Readings  in  European  History 


I  concede,  nevertheless,  that,  like  the  Emperor,  I  have 
many  conquests  to  make.  I  would,  like  him,  conquer,  for 
the  sake  of  harmony,  the  warring  parties  and  bring  into  the 
great  popular  current  the  wasteful  and  conflicting  eddies.  I 
would  conquer,  for  the  sake  of  religion,  morality,  and  mate- 
rial ease,  that  portion  of  the  population,  still  very  numerous, 
which,  in  the  midst  of  a  country  of  faith  and  belief,  hardly 
knows  the  precepts  of  Christ ;  which,  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
fertile  country  of  the  world,  is  hardly  able  to  enjoy  the  primary 
necessities  of  life.  We  have  immense  uncultivated  districts 
to  bring  under  cultivation,  roads  to  open,  harbors  to  con- 
struct, rivers  to  render  navigable,  canals  to  finish,  and  our 
network  of  railroads  to  bring  to  completion.  .  .  . 

This  is  what  I  understand  by  the  empire,  if  the  empire  is 
to  be  reestablished.  These  are  the  conquests  which  I  con- 
template, and  all  of  you  who  surround  me,  who,  like  myself, 
wish  the  good  of  our  common  country,  you  are  my  soldiers. 


471.  Metter- 
nich  informs 
the  tsar  of 
the  March 
revolution 
in  Vienna. 


II.  The  Revolution  of  1848  in  Germany  and  Italy 

The  February  revolution  in  France  was  speedily  fol- 
lowed by  an  uprising  of  the  liberal  party  in  Vienna, 
which,  on  March  13,  forced  Metternich  to  resign  the 
influential  position  which  he  had  held  for  so  many  years. 
The  next  day  he  wrote  an  account  of  the  affair  to  Tsar 
Nicholas,  who,  he  well  knewr,  would  heartily  sympathize 
with  him. 

Sire,  the  most  invincible  of  forces,  that  of  circumstances, 
has  put  an  end  to  my  long  political  life.  Your  Imperial 
Majesty  has  always  deigned  to  honor  me  with  that  form  of 
esteem  which  has  the  highest  value  in  my  eyes,  namely,  con- 
fidence in  my  principles  and  such  encouragement  as  the 
upright  man  should  seek  in  his  own  conscience.  To-day 
once  more  my  conscience  impels  me  as  a  duty  to  lay  before 
your  Imperial  Majesty  the  expression  of  my  profound  grati- 
tude for  the  sympathy  which  I  believe  that  I  have  merited 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  565 

on  your  part,  and  of  which  during  the  whole  course  of  your 
Majesty's  glorious  reign  you  have  deigned  to  give  me  so 
many  proofs. 

Europe,  sire,  is  involved  in  a  crisis  which  much  exceeds 
the  bounds  of  political  movements.  It  is  a  crisis  in  the 
social  body.  I  foresaw  the  event ;  I  have  combated  it  con- 
sistently during  a  ministry  of  well-nigh  forty  years.  To  check 
the  torrent  is  no  longer  within  the  power  of  man.  It  can 
only  be  guided. 

My  efforts  have  been  in  vain.  And  as  I  do  not  know  how 
to  steer  a  middle  course,  or  to  remain  in  a  situation  repug- 
nant to  my  moral  sense,  I  have  retired  from  the  scene.  Too 
advanced  in  years  to  hope  to  witness  the  events  which  may 
ultimately,  according  to  my  views,  put  an  end  to  the  present 
crisis,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  offer  to  my  master  and  to 
my  country  the  good  wishes  which  I  shall  not  cease  to  enter- 
tain for  their  inseparable  happiness.  .  .  . 

Condescend,  sire,  to  retain  a  kind  remembrance  of  me 

and  permit  me  to  assure  you  of  the  most  profound  respect. 

I  remain,  your  Majesty,  etc.,  etc., 

Metternich. 
Vienna,  March  14,  1848. 

After  a  few  months'  triumph  the  revolutionary  gov- 
ernment in  Vienna  was  overthrown  by  the  bombardment 
and  capture  of  the  city,  October,  1848,  by  Windischgratz, 
the  emperor's  general,  who  had  just  suppressed  the 
Bohemian  revolution.  The  city  had  decided  to  surren- 
der, when  it  was  encouraged  to  a  last  futile  resistance 
by  the  arrival  of  an  army  from  Hungary  ready  to  for- 
ward the  revolution.  An  Englishman,  an  eyewitness, 
stationed  outside  the  city,  published  the  following  nar- 
rative in  the  English  newspapers. 

The  beautiful  street  leading  to  the  Prater  [a  park]  had 
been  the  scene  of  the  hardest  fighting  of  all,  as  it  had  been 
fortified  by  a  succession  of  barricades,  built  up  to  the  first- 
floor  windows  in  a  half-moon  shape,  with  regular  embrasures 


566 


Readings  in  European  History 


472.  Vienna 
retaken 
by  the 
emperor's 
troops  under 
Windisch- 
gr'atz 

(October  31, 
1848). 


and  planted  with  cannon.  This  was  strewn  with  the  dead 
bodies  of  men  and  horses ;  but  they,  and  the  pools  of  blood 
all  about,  did  not  strike  us  so  much  as  the  horrid  smell  of 
roast  flesh  arising  from  the  half-burned  bodies  of  rebels  killed 
in  the  houses  fired  by  Congreve  rockets,  which  we  saw  used 
by  the  troops  with  terrible  effect.  Half  of  the  houses  in  this 
beautiful  suburb  are  thus  burned  down,  while  the  other  half 
are  riddled  with  shot  and  shell.  On  every  side  we  may  see 
weeping  wives,  sisters,  and  daughters,  picking,  literally  piece- 
meal, out  of  the  ruins  the  half-consumed  bodies  of  their 
relatives. 

On  Sunday  evening,  the  29th,  the  city,  dreading  a  bom- 
bardment from  the  Belvedere,  agreed  to  surrender;  but 
the  capitulation  was  shamefully  violated  when  early  the 
next  morning  the  approach  of  the  Hungarians  to  raise  the 
siege  was  signaled  from  the  tower  of  the  cathedral.  Then 
came  the  real  crisis.  .  .  .  We  were  fired  upon  continually 
from  the  ramparts  ;  and  I  for  the  first  time  literally  tasted 
blood,  which  was  dashed  over  my  face  and  clothes,  when 
a  round  shot  carried  off  the  head  of  an  artilleryman  by 
my  side. 

All  this  time  the  roar  of  cannon,  the  whizzing  of  rockets, 
and  the  roll  of  musketry  in  our  rear  told  us  that  the  Hun- 
garian army  had  joined  battle ;  while  in  our  front,  from  all 
the  ramparts,  tops  of  houses,  and  churches,  the  rebels  were 
firing  signal  guns  and  waving  flags  to  cheer  them  on.  It  was 
a  beautiful  clear,  sunshiny  autumn  day ;  and  all  felt  that 
there  were  trembling  in  the  balance  not  only  the  fate  of  the 
grand  old  Austrian  empire  (an  Siegen  und  an  Ehren  reicJi) 
—  the  monarchy  of  Charles  V  and  Maria  Theresa,  and  so 
long  the  bulwark  of  Christendom  against  the  Turk  —  but 
with  it  the  peace  and  safety  of  Europe. 

At  length  the  firing  behind  us  gradually  slackened  and 
then  died  away ;  and  towards  sunset  the  victorious  imperial- 
ists marched  back  from  the  field  of  battle,  having  utterly 
routed  the  Hungarians  and  driven  three  thousand  of  them 
into  the  Danube,  which  will  roll  their  bodies  down  to  Pesth, 
a  fearful  tiding  of  their  defeat.    You  may  fancy  what  cheers 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


567 


arose  from  the  imperialists  and  what  yells  of  despair  from 
the  rebels,  whose  offers  of  a  conditional  surrender  were  now 
scornfully  rejected. 

Two  months  before  the  overthrow  of  Metternich  and  a 
month  before  the  February  revolution  in  France,  it  was 
clear  that  the  Austrian  government  was  likely  to  have 
trouble  with  its  subjects  in  Italy.  The  English  consul 
general  writes  from  Venice,  January  18,  1848  : 

Though  the  Venetian  provinces  have  hitherto  been  much 
more  tranquil  than  the  provinces  of  Lombardy,  they  appear 
now  disposed  to  make  common  cause  with  the  latter,  and 
it  is  surprising  to  see  the  change  that  a  short  time  has 
brought  about. 

When  I  left  Venice,  early  in  November  last,  everything 
was  perfectly  quiet,  and  although  some  little  excitement  had 
been  produced  by  the  speeches  delivered  by  a  few  persons 
during  the  sitting  of  the  Scientific  Congress,  society  was 
upon  its  accustomed  footing.  Now,  however,  it  is  quite  dif- 
ferent ;  the  Venetians  have  adopted  the  system  of  the  Milan- 
ese, and  there  is  hardly  a  Venetian  house  into  which  an 
Austrian  is  admitted.  This  determination  has  been  come  to 
very  unwillingly  by  many,  but  they  act  under  a  system  of 
intimidation  that  is  carried  on  to  a  degree  scarcely  credible. 
Persons  supposed  to  have  a  leaning  towards  the  government 
are  held  up  to  public  execration,  and  their  names  are  written 
upon  the  walls  as  traitors  to  their  country.  .  .  . 

Should  a  collision  ensue  between  the  troops  and  the  people, 
—  and  a  very  slight  thing  may  bring  it  on,  —  the  conse- 
quences, I  fear,  would  be  extremely  serious. 

The  government  at  Vienna,  however,  had  been  warned 
by  disturbances  in  Milan  early  in  the  month,  and  Mar- 
shal Radetzky  encouraged  his  troops  by  the  following 
declaration,  issued  in  Milan  on  the  same  day  that  the 
above  letter  was  written  from  Venice. 


Situation 
in  Italy. 


473.  The 
signs  of 
revolt  in 
Venetia  and 
Lombardy 
(January, 
1848). 

The  Aus- 
trians  ostra- 
cized in 
northern 
Italy. 


568 


Readings  iii  European  History 


474.  Marshal 
Radetzky 
encourages 
his  soldiers. 


Milan,  January  18,  1848. 

His  Majesty  the  emperor,  being  determined  according  to 
his  rights  and  duties  to  defend  the  Lombardo- Venetian  king- 
dom, as  well  as  every  other  part  of  his  dominions,  against 
all  attacks  of  an  enemy,  either  from  without  or  from  within, 
has  permitted  me  to  make  this,  his  resolve,  known  to  all  the 
troops  of  the  army  stationed  in  Italy.  He  is  persuaded  that 
his  intentions  will  meet  with  the  firmest  support  in  the  valor 
and  fidelity  of  the  army. 

Soldiers,  you  have  heard  the  words  of  the  emperor ;  I  am 
proud  to  make  them  known  to  you.  Against  your  fidelity  and 
your  valor  the  efforts  of  fanaticism  and  the  infidel  spirit  of 
innovation  will  be  broken  like  brittle  glass  against  solid  rock. 
The  sword  which  I  have  borne  with  honor  in  so  many  bat- 
tles during  sixty-five  years  is  still  eager  for  action.  I  shall 
know  how  to  make  use  of  it  to  defend  the  tranquillity  of  a 
country  a  short  time  since  most  happy,  and  which  a  mad 
faction  now  seeks  to  plunge  into  misery. 

Soldiers,  our  emperor  relies  upon  you ;  your  old  general 
trusts  you  :  let  this  suffice.  Let  them  not  force  us  to  unfold 
the  banner  of  the  double-headed  eagle,  for  the  strength  of 
its  talons  is  yet  unimpaired.  Let  our  motto  be,  Defense  and 
tranquillity  to  faithful  and  friendly  citizens  and  destruction 
to  the  enemy  who  shall  dare  with  a  treacherous  hand  to  dis- 
turb the  peace  and  welfare  of  nations. 

The  present  order  of  the  day  shall  be  announced  to  all 
the  corps  in  their  respective  languages. 


On  March  22,  1848,  Radetzky,  in  spite  of  his  boasts, 
was  forced  to  evacuate  Milan,  and  the  provisional  govern- 
ment which  had  been  established  there  appealed  to  the 
king  of  Sardinia  for  aid. 

Sacred  Majesty :  Milan,  March  23,  1848. 

We  have  vanquished  the  enemy  who  occupied  the  city. 
He  left  the  castle  last  night  and  marched  towards  Verona, 
but  he  is  not  yet  far  from  the  capital  and  is  marking  every 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


569 


step  with  slaughter  and  plunder.  Our  citizens  have  made 
heroic  efforts,  and  with  very  few  resources  they  have  repulsed 
the  pride  of  an  enemy  confident  in  his  strength.   .  .  . 

Although  the  city  is  now  free,  the  speedy  and  potent  aid 
of  your  Majesty  is  none  the  less  important.  The  provisional 
government  therefore  implores  your  Majesty  to  hasten  to 
assist  us  by  every  means.  Your  Majesty  will  thus  be  a 
benefactor  to  the  sacred  cause  of  Italian  independence  and 
brotherhood,  and  will  surely  receive  the  applause  and  grati- 
tude of  this  people.  We  would  willingly  add  more,  but  our 
position  as  a  provisional  government  does  not  allow  us  to 
anticipate  the  wishes  of  the  nation,  which  are,  without 
doubt,  all  directed  toward  the  furtherance  of  the  cause  of 
Italian  unity. 


475.  Milan, 
after  revolt- 
ing from 
Austria, 
appeals  to 
the  king  of 
Sardinia 
for  aid 
(March  23, 
1848). 


The  Austrian  government  was  able,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  put  down,  in  October,  1848,  the  revolt  in  Vienna,  and 
then  had  a  free  hand  to  reconquer  its  Italian  provinces. 
The  intervention  of  Charles  Albert  was  unsuccessful, 
and  after  his  final  defeat  at  Novara,  March  23,  1849, 
his  abdication  was  proclaimed  in  the  following  manner. 


Proclamation  of  Eugene,  pri?ice  of  Savoy-  Carignan,  lieutenant 
general  of  his  Majesty : 

I  have  a  sad  message  to  communicate  to  you.    The  king,  476.  Procla 

Charles  Albert,  after  having  faced  with  intrepidity  the  balls  mation  oi 

of  the  enemy,  would  not  consent,  in  view  of  the  reverses  of  Albert's 

our  armies,  to  bow  to  ill  fortune.    He  has  preferred  to  crown  abdication 


his  life  by  a  new  sacrifice.  On  March  23  he  abdicated  in 
favor  of  the  duke  of  Savoy.  The  gratitude  of  his  people 
toward  him  will  know  no  end,  nor  our  respectful  attachment. 
Let  us  rally  around  our  new  king,  in  battle  a  worthy  rival  of 
the  paternal  virtues,  and  the  stanch  guardian  of  the  constitu- 
tional liberties  granted  by  his  august  father.  Long  live  the 
king,  Victor  Emmanuel ! 


(March  26, 
1849). 


Turin,  March  26. 


57°  Readings  in  European  History 

While  Lombardy  and  Venetia  were  trying  vainly,  with 
the  help  of  the  king  of  Sardinia,  to  free  themselves 
from  the  yoke  of  Austria,  the  Germans  were  busy  draw- 
ing up  a  new  constitution,  which  they  trusted  would  at 
last  make  a  nation  out  of  the  various  German  states  so 
loosely  united  by  the  union  of  1815.  On  the  occasion 
of  the  opening  of  the  National  Assembly  at  Frankfort, 
the  Diet  of  the  old  Confederation  sent  to  the  new 
Assembly  the  following  graceful,  if  rather  forced,  mes- 
sage of  congratulation. 

477.  Mes-  The  force  of  extraordinary  events,  the  ardent  desire  which 

sage  of  the      jias  i0udly  manifested  itself  throughout  our  whole  fatherland, 

Diett0  1-11  1  r,  ,    ^ 

the  new  together  with  the  summons  on  the  part  of  the  several  German 

National         governments  which  these  have  called  forth,  have  combined 

FssePl  y a    to  bring  into  being  in  this  momentous  hour  an  Assembly 

(May  18,         such  as  has  never  before  been  seen  in  all  our  history. 

1848).  Our  old  political  life  has  been  stirred  to  its  very  depths 

and,   greeted    by  the   acclamations   and   confidence   of   the 

entire    German   people,   the   German   parliament,   new   and 

grand,  emerges  into  life. 

The  German  governments  and  their  common  organ,  the 
Diet,  united  with  the  German  people  in  a  common  love  for 
our  great  fatherland,  and  gladly  yielding  to  the  spirit  of  the 
time,  extend  a  hand  of  welcome  to  the  representatives  of 
the  nation  and  wish  them  happiness  and  prosperity. 

But  while  the  members  of  the  Frankfort  Assembly 
laboriously  worked  out  a  constitution,  conditions  became 
more  and  more  unfavorable  to  their  hopes  of  a  political 
regeneration  of  Germany.  Austria  once  more  regained 
its  former  influence  and  when,  a  year  later,  the  Assembly 
offered  the  imperial  crown  to  the  timid  Frederick  William 
of  Prussia,  he  naturally  declined  it.  He  proposed,  never- 
theless, that  Prussia  should  join  the  other  German  states 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


571 


in  preparing  a  revision  of  the  constitution  drawn  up  by 
the  deputies  at  Frankfort,  who  had  been  very  generally 
discredited  by  the  conduct  of  the  radical  and  republican 
factions. 


To  my  People: 

Taking  as  a  pretense  the  interests  of  Germany,  the  ene- 
mies of  the  fatherland  have  raised  the  standard  of  revolt, 
first  in  the  neighboring  Saxony,  then  in  several  districts  of 
south  Germany.  To  my  deep  chagrin,  even  in  parts  of  our 
own  land  some  have  permitted  themselves  to  be  seduced 
into  following  this  standard  and  attempting,  in  open  rebel- 
lion against  the  legal  government,  to  overturn  the  order  of 
things  established  by  both  divine  and  human  sanction.  In 
so  serious  and  dangerous  a  crisis  I  am  moved  publicly  to 
address  a  word  to  my  people. 

I  was  not  able  to  return  a  favorable  reply  to  the  offer  of 
a  crown  on  the  part  of  the  German  National  Assembly, 
because  the  Assembly  has  not  the  right,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  German  governments,  to  bestow  the  crown  which 
they  tendered  me,  and,  moreover,  because  they  offered  the 
crown  upon  condition  that  I  would  accept  a  constitution 
which  could  not  be  reconciled  with  the  rights  and  safety  of 
the  German  states. 

I  have  exhausted  every  means  to  reach  an  understanding 
with  the  German  National  Assembly.  .  .  .  Now  the  Assembly 
has  broken  with  Prussia.  The  majority  of  its  members  are 
no  longer  those  men  upon  whom  Germany  looked  with  pride 
and  confidence.  The  greater  part  of  the  deputies  voluntarily 
left  the  Assembly  when  they  saw  that  it  was  on  the  road  to 
ruin,  and  yesterday  I  ordered  all  the  Prussian  deputies  who 
had  not  already  withdrawn  to  be  recalled.  The  other  gov- 
ernments will  do  the  same. 

A  party  now  dominates  the  Assembly  which  is  in  league 
with  the  terrorists.  While  they  urge  the  unity  of  Germany 
as  a  pretense,  they  are  really  fighting  the  battle  of  god- 
lessness,  perjury,  and  robbery,  and  kindling  a  war  against 


478.  The 
king  of 
Prussia 
refuses  the 
crown  ten- 
dered him 
by  the 
Frankfort 
Assembly 
(May  15, 
1849). 


Conduct  of 
the  republi- 
can radicals. 


572  Readings  in  European  History 

monarchy;  but  if  monarchy  were  overthrown  it  would  carry 
with  it  the  blessings  of  law,  liberty,  and  property.  The  hor- 
rors committed  in  Dresden,  Breslau,  and  Elberfeld  under  the 
banner  of  German  unity  afford  a  melancholy  proof  of  this. 
New  horrors  are  occurring  and  are  in  prospect. 

While  such  crimes  have  put  an  end  to  the  hope  that  the 
Frankfort  Assembly  can  bring  about  German  unity,  I  have, 
with  a  fidelity  and  persistence  suiting  my  royal  station,  never 
lost  hope.  My  government  has  taken  up  with  the  more  im- 
portant German  states  the  work  on  the  German  constitution 
begun  by  the  Frankfort  Assembly.1  .  .  . 

This  is  my  method.    Only  madness  or  deception  will  dare, 

in  view  of  these  facts,  to  assert  that  I  have  given  up  the 

cause  of  German  unity,  or  that  I  am  untrue  to  my  earlier 

convictions  and  assurances.  .  .  . 

_  Q  Frederick  William. 

Charlottenburg,  May  15,  1849. 


III.   Establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy 

It  was  left  for  Cavour  and  Victor  Emmanuel  to  carry 
on  the  work  of  Italian  unification  which  Charles  Albert 
had  begun.  Napoleon  III,  in  coming  to  the  aid  of  the 
Italians,  explained  his  motives  to  France  in  a  proclama- 
tion of  May  3,  1859. 

479.  Napo-  Frenchmen,  Austria  in  ordering  her  army  to  invade  the 

leon  ill  territory  of  the  king  of  Sardinia,  our  ally,  has  declared  war 

intervention    uPon  us-    She   has   thus  violated  treaties  and  justice,   and 
in  Italy.  threatens   our    frontiers.    All    the  great  powers   have  pro- 

tested against  this  aggression. 

Piedmont  having  accepted  conditions  which  should  have 
maintained  peace,  one  cannot  but  inquire  what  can  be  the 
reason  for  this  sudden  invasion  on  Austria's  part.  It  is 
because  Austria  has  brought  matters  to  such  a  pass  that 

1  Prussia's  plans  were  ignominiously  given  up  in  the  face  of  Austria's 
opposition. 


Unification  of  Germany  a7id  Italy  573 

* 

either  she  must  dominate  as  far  as  the  Cottian  Alps,  or  Italy- 
must  be  freed  to  the  Adriatic ;  for  every  corner  of  territory 
which  remains  independent  in  that  whole  region  is  a  menace 
to  her  authority. 

Hitherto  moderation  has  been  the  rule  of  my  conduct ; 
now  an  aggressive  policy  becomes  my  duty.  Let  France 
arm  herself  and  say  to  Europe  with  determination:  "We 
do  not  wish  for  conquest,  but  we  are  resolved  to  maintain 
without  flinching  our  national  and  traditional  policy;  we 
observe  treaties  on  condition  that  they  shall  not  be  violated 
to  our  disadvantage ;  we  respect  the  territory  and  the  rights 
of  neutral  powers,  but  openly  avow  our  sympathy  for  a  people 
whose  history  is  bound  up  with  ours,  and  who  groan  under 
foreign  oppression." 

France  has  shown  her  hatred  of  anarchy;  she  has  been 
pleased  to  give  me  an  authority  strong  enough  to  render 
powerless  the  abettors  of  disorder  and  the  incorrigible  mem- 
bers of  former  factions  who  have  not  hesitated  to  form 
alliances  with  our  enemies  ;  but  she  has  not,  on  that  account, 
abandoned  her  function  as  a  civilizing  power.  Her  natural 
allies  have  always  been  those  who  desire  the  improvement 
of  humanity,  and  when  she  draws  her  sword  it  is  not  in 
order  to  domineer,  but  to  liberate. 

The  purpose  of  this  war  is,  then,  to  restore  Italy  to  her- 
self, and  not  simply  to  change  her  master  ;  and  we  shall  have 
upon  our  frontiers  a  friendly  people  who  will  owe  their  in- 
dependence to  us.  We  are  not  going  into  Italy  to  foment 
disorder,  nor  to  disturb  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Father 
whom  we  have  replaced  upon  his  throne,  but  to  protect  him 
against  that  foreign  oppression  which  weighs  upon  the 
whole  peninsula,  and  to  participate  in  establishing  order 
there  which  shall  satisfy  all  legitimate  interests.  We  are,  in 
short,  about  to  enter  that  classic  land  rendered  illustrious 
by  so  many  victories.  We  shall  find  there  traces  of  our 
forefathers,  of  whom   God  grant  we   may  prove   ourselves 

worthy.  ... 

'  Napoleon. 

Palace  of  the  Tuileries,  May  3,  1859. 


574 


Readings  in  European  History 


In  spite  of  the  fact  that,  soon  after  the  war  began, 
Napoleon  abruptly  concluded  a  truce  with  Austria,  the 
work  of  Italian  unity  went  on,  and  Victor  Emmanuel 
was  able  to  report  important  progress  in  his  address  at 
the  opening  of  the  Sardinian  parliament,  April  2,  1 860. 


480.  Victor 
Emmanuel 
reviews  the 
events  of 
1859-1860. 


Cession  of 
Savoy  and 
Nice  to 
"France. 


Victor 
Emmanuel's 
attitude 
toward  the 
Church. 


The  last  time  that  I  opened  this  parliament,  in  the  midst 
of  the  travails  of  Italy  and  dangers  to  the  state,  faith  in 
divine  justice  encouraged  me  to  prophesy  a  happy  issue  for 
us.  In  a  very  short  space  of  time  an  invasion  has  been 
repelled ;  Lombardy  has  been  freed,  thanks  to  the  glorious 
exploits  of  our  heroes,  and  central  Italy  has  been  delivered, 
thanks  to  the  remarkable  courage  of  its  inhabitants ;  and 
to-day  the  representatives  of  right  and  of  the  hopes  of  the 
nation  are  assembled  about  me. 

We  owe  many  benefits  to  a  magnanimous  ally,  to  the 
bravery  of  his  soldiers  as  well  as  ours,  to  the  self-abnegation 
of  the  volunteers,  and  to  the  harmony  of  the  various  peoples  ; 
and  we  render  thanks  to  God,  for  without  superhuman  aid 
these  enterprises,  memorable  not  only  for  our  own  gener- 
ation but  for  ages  to  come,  could  not  have  been  achieved. 

Out  of  gratitude  to  France  for  the  services  she  has  ren- 
dered to  Italy,  and  in  order  to  consolidate  the  union  of  the 
two  nations,  which  have  a  community  of  origin,  of  principles, 
and  of  destiny,  some  sacrifice  was  necessary;  I  have  made 
that  one  which  costs  most  to  my  own  heart.  Subject  to  the 
vote  of  the  people  and  the  approbation  of  the  parliament, 
...  I  have  agreed  to  a  treaty  providing  for  the  reunion  of 
Savoy  and  of  the  district  of  Nice  to  France. 

We  still  have  many  difficulties  to  overcome,  but,  sustained 
by  public  opinion  and  by  the  love  of  the  people,  I  will  not 
permit  any  right  or  liberty  to  be  infringed  or  diminished. 

Although  I  am  as  consistent  in  my  respect  toward  the 
supreme  head  of  our  religion  as  the  Catholic  rulers,  my  an- 
cestors, have  always  shown  themselves,  nevertheless,  should 
the  ecclesiastical  authority  resort  to  spiritual  arms  in  sup- 
port of  its  temporal  interests,  I  will,  relying  upon  a  pure 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


575 


conscience  and  the  traditions  of  my  forefathers,  find  strength 
to  maintain  civil  liberty  and  my  authority,  for  the  exercise  of 
which  I  owe  an  account  only  to  God  and  to  my  people.  .  .  . 

The  spirit  of  Garibaldi  is  clearly  seen  in  his  own  ac- 
count, here  much  condensed,  of  his  departure  for  Sicily 
with  his  thousand  warriors,  and  of  his  capture  of  Naples. 

Once  more,  Sicily,  it  was  thine  to  awaken  sleepers,  to 
drag  them  from  the  lethargy  in  which  the  stupefying  poison 
of  diplomatists  and  doctrinaires  had  sunk  them,  —  slumber- 
ers  who,  clad  in  armor  not  their  own,  confided  to  others  the 
safety  of  their  country,  thus  keeping  her  dependent  and 
degraded. 

Austria  is  powerful,  her  armies  are  numerous  ;  several  for- 
midable neighbors  are  opposed,  on  account  of  petty  dynastic 
aims,  to  the  resurrection  of  Italy.  The  Bourbon x  has  one 
hundred  thousand  soldiers.  Yet  what  matter  ?  The  hearts 
of  twenty-five  millions  throb  and  tremble  with  the  love  of 
their  country.  .  .  . 

O  noble  Thousand!.  In  these  days  of  shame  and  misery 
I  love  to  remember  you.  Turning  to  you,  the  mind  feels 
itself  rise  above  this  mephitic  atmosphere  of  robbery  and 
intrigue,  relieved  to  remember  that,  though  the  majority  of 
your  gallant  band  have  scattered  their  bones  over  the  battle- 
fields of  liberty,  there  yet  remain  enough  to  represent  you, 
ever  ready  to  prove  to  your  insolent  detractors  that  all  are 
not  traitors  and  cowards  —  all  are  not  shameless  self-seekers, 
in  this  land  of  tyrants  and  slaves  1 

Yet  sail  on,  sail  on  fearlessly,  "  Piemonte  "  and  "  Lom- 
bardo,"  —  noble  vessels,  manned  by  the  noblest  of  crews. 
History  will  remember  your  illustrious  names  in  spite  of 
calumny.  Sail  on,  sail  on ;  ye  bear  the  Thousand  who  in 
later  days  will  become  a  million,  —  in  that  day  when  the 
blindfolded  masses  shall  understand  that  the  priest  is  an 
impostor  and  tyrannies  a  monstrous  anachronism.  How 
glorious  were  thy  Thousand,  O  Italy,  fighting  against  the 


481.  Gari- 
baldi de- 
scribes his 
Sicilian 
expedition 
and  the 
capture 
of  Naples 
(September- 
October, 
i860). 
(From  his 
Memoirs.) 


Garibaldi's 
dislike  of 
Church  and 
monarchy. 


1  I.e.  the  king  of  Naples. 


576  Readings  in  European  History 

plumed  and  gilded  agents  of  despotism  and  driving  them 
before  them  like  sheep !  glorious  in  their  motley  array,  just 
as  they  came  from  their  offices  and  workshops  at  the  trumpet 
call  of  duty,  in  the  student's  coat  and  hat  or  the  modest  garb 
of  the  mason,  carpenter,  or  smith.  .  .  . 

After  their  successful  operations  in  Sicily,  Garibaldi 
led  his  troops  to  the  mainland. 

The  first  of  October  dawned  on  the  plains  of  the  ancient 
capital  of  Campagna  upon  a  hideous  tumult,  a  fratricidal 
conflict.  On  the  side  of  the  Bourbons,  it  is  true,  foreign 
mercenaries  were  numerous,  —  Bavarians,  Swiss,  and  others 
belonging  to  the  nations  who  for  centuries  had  been  accus- 
tomed  to  look  upon  this  Italy  of  ours  as  their  pleasure 
ground.  This  crew,  under  the  guidance  and  with  the  bless- 
ings of  the  priest,  have  always  been  accustomed,  by  sheer 
right  of  the  strongest,  to  cut  the  throats  of  the  Italians, 
trained  from  childhood  by  the  priest  to  bow  the  knee  to 
them.  But  it  is  only  too  certain  that  the  greater  number  of 
the  men  who  fought  on  the  slopes  of  Tifata  were  sons  of 
this  unhappy  country  driven  to  butcher  one  another, — one 
side  led  by  a  young  king,  the  child  of  crime,  the  other  fight- 
ing for  the  sacred  cause  of  their  country.   .  .  . 

The  enemy,  after  an  obstinate  combat,  were  routed  all 
along  the  line  and  retired  in  disorder  within  the  walls  of 
Capua  about  five  p.m.,  their  retreat  being  covered  by  the 
guns  of  that  fortress.  About  the  same  time  Bixio  announced 
to  me  the  victory  of  his  right  wing  over  the  Bourbon  troops, 
so  that  I  was  able  to  telegraph  to  Naples,  "  Victory  all  along 
the  line." 

[The  next  day]  the  Bourbon  troops,  taken  unawares, 
offered  but  little  resistance  and  were  driven  back  almost  at 
a  run,  hotly  pursued  by  the  brave  Calabrians  as  far  as 
Caserta  Vecchia.  A  few  of  them  held  this  village  for  a  short 
time,  firing  from  the  windows  and  from  behind  the  cover 
afforded  by  some  ruined  walls ;  but  these  were  quickly  sur- 
rounded and  made  prisoners.  .  .  . 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


$77 


With  the  victory  of  Caserta  Vecchia,  October  2,  the  glo- 
rious period  of  our  campaign  of  i860  closes.  The  Italian 
army  of  the  north,  sent  by  Farini  and  Company  to  combat 
the  "  revolution  personified  "  in  us,  found  us  brothers ;  and 
to  this  army  fell  the  task  of  completing  the  annihilation  of 
Bourbonism  in  the  Two  Sicilies.  In  order  to  regulate  the 
position  of  our  gallant  fellow-soldiers,  I  asked  for  the  recog- 
nition of  the  army  of  the  south  as  a  part  of  the  national 
army;  and  it  was  a  piece  of  injustice  not  to  grant  my 
request.  They  resolved  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  conquest  while 
banishing  the  conquerors. 

When  I  understood  this  I  handed  over  to  Victor  Emmanuel 
the  dictatorship  conferred  upon  me  by  the  people,  pro- 
claiming him  king  of  Italy.  To  him  I  recommended  my 
gallant  comrades,  the  thought  of  whom  was  the  only  painful 
element  of  my  departure,  eager  as  I  was  to  return  to  my 
solitude. 

On  the  1 8th  of  February,  1861,  the  new  parliament 
of  Italy  met  at  Turin  in  a  large  hall  temporarily  built  of 
wood.  King  Victor  Emmanuel  opened  proceedings  with 
the  following  address. 

Senators  and  Deputies : 

Free  and  almost  entirely  united  by  the  wonderful  aid  of 
Divine  Providence,  the  harmonious  cooperation  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  splendid  valor  of  the  army,  Italy  confides  in 
our  uprightness  and  wisdom.  Upon  you  it  devolves  to  give 
her  uniform  institutions  and  a  firm  foundation.  In  extend- 
ing greater  administrative  liberty  to  peoples  that  have  had 
various  usages  and  institutions,  you  will  take  care  that  polit- 
ical unity,  the  aspiration  of  so  many  centuries,  may  never 
be  diminished. 

The  opinion  of  civilized  nations  is  favorable  to  us.  The 
just  and  liberal  principles  now  prevailing  in  the  councils  of 
Europe  are  favorable  to  us.  Italy  herself  will  in  turn  become 
a  guarantee  of  order  and  peace,  and  will  once  more  be  an 
efficient  instrument  of  universal  civilization. 


The  Sardin- 
ian govern- 
ment sends 
an  army 
to  check 
Garibaldi. 


Magnani- 
mous retire- 
ment of 
Garibaldi. 


482.  Victor 
Emmanuel's 
address  at 
the  opening 
session  of 
the  Italian 
parliament 
(February 
18,  1861). 


578 


Readings  in  European  History 


Accession  of 
William  as 
king  of 
Prussia. 


Appreciative 
allusion  to 
Garibaldi's 
band. 


The  emperor  of  the  French,  firmly  upholding  the  maxim 
of  non-intervention,  —  a  maxim  eminently  beneficial  to  us, — 
nevertheless  deemed  it  proper  to  recall  his  envoy.  If  this 
fact  was  a  cause  of  chagrin  to  us,  it  did  not  change  our  sen- 
timents of  gratitude  toward  him  or  diminish  our  confidence 
in  his  affection  for  the  Italian  cause.  France  and  Italy, 
with  their  common  origin,  traditions,  and  customs,  formed 
on  the  plains  of  Magenta  and  Solferino  a  bond  that  will 
prove  indissoluble. 

The  government  and  people  of  England,  that  ancient 
country  of  freedom,  warmly  sanction  our  right  to  be  the  arbi- 
ters of  our  own  destinies  ;  and  they  have  lavishly  bestowed 
upon  us  their  good  offices,  the  grateful  remembrances  of 
which  will  be  imperishable. 

A  loyal  and  illustrious  prince  having  ascended  the  throne 
of  Prussia,  I  dispatched  to  him  an  ambassador  in  token  of 
respect  for  him  personally  and  of  sympathy  with  the  noble 
German  nation,  which  I  hope  will  become  more  and  more 
secure  in  the  conviction  that  Italy,  being  established  in  her 
natural  unity,  cannot  offend  the  rights  or  interests  of  other 
nations.  .  .  . 

Valiant  youths,  led  on  by  a  captain  who  has  filled  with 
his  name  the  most  distant  countries,  have  made  it  evident 
that  neither  servitude  nor  long  misfortune  has  been  able  to 
weaken  the  fiber  of  the  Italian  peoples.  These  facts  have 
inspired  the  nation  with  great  confidence  in  its  own  desti- 
nies. I  take  pleasure  in  manifesting  to  the  first  parliament 
of  Italy  the  joy  that  fills  my  heart  as  king  and  soldier. 

The  first  measure  proposed  was  a  bill  declaring  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel  king  of  Italy  ;  this  passed  almost  unani- 
mously, with  but  two  votes  in  the  negative.  Against  this 
act  the  papal  government  protested. 

A  Catholic  king,  forgetful  of  every  religious  principle, 
despising  every  right,  trampling  upon  every  law,  after  hav- 
ing, little  by  little,  despoiled  the  august  head  of  the  Catho- 
lic Church  of  the  greatest  and  most  flourishing  portion  of 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


579 


his  legitimate   possessions,  has  now   taken   to  himself   the    483.  Pope 
title  of  King  of  Italy  :  with  which  title  he  has  sought  to  seal    Plus  IX'S 
the  sacrilegious  usurpations  already  consummated,  —  usur-    toward  the 
pations  which  his  government  has  already  manifested  its    unification 
intention  of  completing  to  the  detriment  of  the  patrimony    °    tey' 
of  the  apostolic  see.    Although  the   Holy  Father  has  sol- 
emnly protested  as  he  saw  successive  attacks  made  upon 
his  sovereignty,  he  is  nevertheless  under  the  obligation  of 
issuing  a  fresh  protest  against   the   assumption  of  a  title 
tending  to  legitimize  the  iniquity  of  so  many  deeds. 

It  would  here  be  superfluous  to  recall  the  sacred  charac- 
ter of  the  possessions  of  the  Church's  patrimony  and  the 
right  of  the  supreme  pontiff  to  it,  —  an  incontestable  right, 
recognized  at  all  times  and  by  all  governments.  Therefore 
the  Holy  Father  will  never  be  able  to  recognize  the  title  of 
King  of  Italy,  arrogated  to  himself  by  the  king  of  Sardinia, 
since  it  is  opposed  to  justice  and  to  the  sacred  property  of 
the  Church.  On  the  contrary,  he  makes  the  most  ample  and 
formal  protest  against  such  an  usurpation. 


A  few  words  uttered  a  short  time  after  by  the  prime 
minister  of  Italy,  Baron  Ricasoli,  showed  that  the  pope's 
apprehensions  were  by  no  means  ill-founded.  During  a 
debate  in  the  parliament,  Ricasoli,  after  repudiating  the 
idea  that  Italy  would  ever  surrender  an  inch  of  Italian 
land,  said : 

But  the  king's  government  sees  a  territory  to  defend  and 
a  territory  to  recover.  It  sees  Rome ;  it  sees  Venice  !  To 
the  Eternal  City  and  to  the  Queen  of  the  Adriatic  it  directs 
the  thoughts,  the  hopes,  and  the  energies  of  the  nation. 
The  government  feels  the  heavy  task  that  lies  before  it; 
with  God's  help  it  will  fulfill  it.  Opportunity  matured  by 
time  will  open  our  way  to  Venice.  In  the  meantime  we 
think  of  Rome. 

Yes,  we  will  go  to  Rome.  Shall  Rome,  politically  severed 
from  the  rest  of  Italy,  continue  to  be  the  center  of  intrigue 


484.  The 
Italian 
government 
looks  for- 
ward to 
winning 
both  Venice 
and  Rome. 


580 


Readings  in  European  History 


and  conspiracy,  a  permanent  threat  to  public  order  ?  To  go 
to  Rome  is  for  the  Italians  not  merely  a  right ;  it  is  an  inex- 
orable necessity.  The  king's  government  will  be  frank  and 
clear  upon  this  matter,  even  more  than  upon  any  other  sub- 
ject. We  do  not  wish  to  go  to  Rome  through  insurrectional 
movements,  —  unreasonable,  rash,  mad  attempts,  —  which 
may  endanger  our  former  acquisitions  and  ruin  the  national 
enterprise.    We  will  go  to  Rome  hand  in  hand  with  France ! 


485.  King 
William  ex- 
plains to  his 
people  the 
cause  of  the 
war  with 
Austria 
(June  18, 
1866). 


IV.  The  Austro-Prussian  War  and  the  Founding  of 
the  North  German  Federation 

Bismarck  availed  himself  of  the  complications  involved 
in  the  disposal  of  Schleswig-Holstein  to  put  Austria  in 
the  wrong.  On  June  14,  1866,  the  king  of  Prussia 
declared  that  Austria  had  violated  the  principles  upon 
which  the  union  of  18 15  was  founded,  and  that  the 
union  had,  accordingly,  ceased  to  exist.  A  few  days 
later  William  issued  a  summons  to  the  Prussian  people 
("Anmein  Vo/k"). 

At  the  instant  when  Prussia's  army  is  advancing  to  a 
decisive  conflict  I  am  moved  to  address  my  people,  —  the 
sons  and  grandsons  of  those  brave  forefathers  to  whom  a 
half  a  century  ago  my  father  (now  resting  in  God)  spoke  the 
never-to-be-forgotten  words,  "  The  country  is  in  danger." 
Austria  and  a  great  part  of  Germany  are  armed  against  us. 

It  is  but  a  few  years  since,  when  there  was  a  question  of 
freeing  a  German  land  from  foreign  domination,  I  volunta- 
rily, and  without  a  thought  of  previous  grievances,  extended 
to  the  emperor  of  Austria  the  hand  of  friendship.  From  the 
blood  shed  together  on  the  field  of  battle  I  hoped  that  a 
brotherhood  in  arms  would  spring  which  might  in  turn  lead 
to  a  firmer  union  resting  upon  mutual  respect  and  gratitude. 
This,  I  trusted,  would  bring  with  it  that  cooperation  which 
should  have  as  its  fruit  the  domestic  welfare  of  Germany 
and  the  increase  of  its  prestige  among  the  nations. 


Unification  of  Germany  ajid  Italy  581 

But  this  hope  has  been  disappointed.  Austria  will  not 
forget  that  its  princes  once  ruled  Germany.  In  the  more 
youthful  but  powerfully  developing  Prussia  she  refuses  to 
perceive  a  natural  ally,  but  sees  only  a  hostile  rival.  Prus- 
sia—  so  Austria  reasons  —  must  be  opposed  on  every  occa- 
sion, since  what  is  good  for  Prussia  is  bad  for  Austria.  The 
old,  unhappy  jealousy  has  again  blazed  up.  Prussia  shall 
be  weakened,  annihilated,  dishonored.  With  Prussia  no 
treaties  are  to  be  observed  ;  the  confederated  princes  have 
not  only  been  roused  against  Prussia ;  they  have  been  in- 
duced to  dissolve  the  union.  Wherever  we  look  throughout 
Germany  we  are  surrounded  by  enemies,  whose  war  cry  is, 
"Down  with  Prussia!" 

But  the  spirit  of  18 13  still  lives  in  my  people.  Who  can 
rob  us  of  a  single  foot  of  Prussian  soil,  if  we  are  firmly 
resolved  to  protect  the  acquisitions  of  our  fathers ;  if  king 
and  people  are  united  more  firmly  than  ever  by  the  danger 
to  the  fatherland,  and  hold  it  to  be  their  highest  and  most 
sacred  duty  to  risk  blood  and  treasure  for  her  honor  ?  In 
anxious  expectation  of  what  has  now  happened,  I  have 
for  years  regarded  it  as  the  first  duty  of  my  royal  office  to 
prepare  Prussia's  military  resources  for  a  powerful  manifesta- 
tion. And  no  Prussian  can  fail  to  view,  as  I  do,  with  confi- 
dence and  satisfaction  the  military  forces  which  now  protect 
our  boundaries.  With  their  king  at  their  head  the  Prussian 
people  feel  themselves,  in  truth,  a  nation  in  arms.  Our  ene- 
mies are  deceived  wrhen  they  imagine  that  Prussia  is  para- 
lyzed by  internal  discord.  Over  against  the  enemy  the  nation 
is  a  single  powerful  unit.  In  the  face  of  the  enemy  all  dif- 
ferences disappear  and  we  stand  united,  whether  it  be  for 
good  or  evil  fortune. 

I  have  done  all  that  I  could  to  spare  Prussia  the  burden 
and  sacrifices  of  a  war :  my  people  know  this ;  God,  who 
searches  all  hearts,  knows  it.  Up  to  the  last  moment  I  have, 
in  combination  with  France,  England,  and  Russia,  sought 
and  kept  open  the  way  for  a  peaceful  settlement.  Austria, 
however,  was  averse  to  this,  and  other  German  states  have 
openly  taken  their  place  at  her  side. 


582  Readings  in  European  History 

Let  it  be  so.  The  fault  is  not  mine  should  my  people 
have  hard  battles  to  fight  and  mayhap  heavy  burdens  to 
bear.  No  alternative  is  any  longer  left  us.  We  must  fight 
for  our  very  existence.  We  must  engage  in  a  life-and-death 
struggle  with  those  who  would  cast  down  the  Prussia  of  the 
Great  Elector,  of  Frederick  the  Great ;  the  Prussia  which 
emerged  victorious  from  the  War  of  Liberation,  from  the 
position  to  which  the  skill  and  strength  of  her  princes  and 
the  bravery,  devotion,  and  character  of  her  people  have 
raised  her. 

Let  us  petition  Almighty  God,  the  director  of  the  history 
of  nations,  the  disposer  of  battles,  to  bless  our  arms.  Should 
he  grant  us  the  victory,  we  shall  then  be  strong  enough  to 
renew,  in  a  firmer  and  more  beneficent  manner,  the  bonds 
which  have  so  loosely  bound  the  German  lands  together,  in 
name  rather  than  in  fact,  and  which  have  now  been  torn 
asunder  by  those  who  fear  the  right  and  might  of  the  na- 
tional spirit. 

May  God  be  with  us.  William. 

Berlin,  June  18,  1866. 


Count  Bismarck  was  able  to  write  to  his  wife  on  July  9, 
three  days  after  the  great  and  decisive  victory  of  Prussia 
at  Koniggratz,  as  follows  : 

Hohenmauth,  Monday,  July  9. 

486.  Bis-  ...  It  goes  well  with  us  —  at  least,  if  we  are  not  exces- 

marck  writes  s[ve  [n  our  demands  and  do  not  think  that  we  have  conquered 
about  the  the  world,  we  shall  achieve  a  peace  that  is  worth  while.  But 
battle  of  we  are  as  easily  elated  as  we  are  cast  down,  and  I  have  the 
Komggratz.  thankless  task  of  pouring  water  into  the  intoxicating  wine, 
and  making  it  plain  that  we  do  not  live  alone  in  Europe  but 
with  three  neighbors. 

The  Austrians  have  taken  a  stand  in  Moravia,  and  we 
are  at  present  so  rash  as  to  propose  that  to-morrow  our 
headquarters  shall  be  on  the  spot  they  now  occupy.  Pris- 
oners are  still  coming  in,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty  cannon 


Unification  of  Germany  aiid  Italy  583 

have  arrived  since  the  3d.  If  they  bring  on  their  southern 
army,  we  shall,  with  God's  gracious  aid,  beat  that,  too.  Con- 
fidence is  everywhere.  Our  soldiers  are  dears  \Unsere  Leute 
sind  zum  Kicssen~\, — every  one  of  them  so  heroic,  quiet, 
obedient,  and  decent,  though  with  empty  stomachs,  wet 
clothes,  wet  camp,  little  sleep,  and  no  soles  to  their  shoes  ! 
They  are  friendly  to  all,  with  no  plundering  or  burning,  but 
paying  what  they  can,  and  eating  moldy  bread.  There  must 
be  a  goodly  stock  of  fear  of  God  among  our  common  men, 
otherwise  things  could  not  be  as  they  are.  It  is  hard  to  get 
news  of  acquaintances ;  we  are  scattered  miles  apart,  and 
do  not  know  where  to  send,  and  have  no  one  to  send. 
There  are  men  enough,  of  course,  but  no  horses.  .  .  . 

The  king  exposed  himself  a  great  deal  on  the  3d,  and  it  Conduct  of 
was  a  good  thing  that  I  was  with  him,  for  the  warnings  of  William  in 
others  did  not  influence  him,  and  no  one  else  would  have 
dared  to  talk  to  him  as  I  did  the  last  time,  —  and  it  did  the_ 
job,  —  when  a  knot  of  ten  cuirassiers  and  fifteen  horses 
of  the  sixth  cuirassier  regiment  were  trampling  about  us  in 
bloody  confusion  and  the  shells  buzzed  around  disagreeably 
near  his  Majesty.  The  worst  of  them  happily  did  not  go  off. 
I  should,  however,  rather  have  had  him  too  venturesome 
than  to  have  him  show  himself  overprudent.  He  was  de- 
lighted with  his  troops,  and  with  good  reason,  so  that  he  did 
not  seem  to  notice  the  whizzing  and  din  about  him.  He 
was  as  composed  as  if  he  were  on  the  Kreuzberg,  and  kept 
finding  a  new  battalion  to  thank  and  say  good-night  to,  until 
we  were  nearly  within  the  firing  line  again.  But  so  much 
was  said  to  him  of  his  recklessness  that  he  will  be  more 
careful  in  the  future,  so  your  mind  may  be  at  rest  on  that 
score.  I  can  hardly  believe  yet  that  the  battle  has  really 
taken  place.  .  .  . 

Bismarck's  fears  that  the  king  and  his  advisers  would 
be  intoxicated  by  the  brilliant  victory  over  Austria  and 
would  wish  to  press  on,  and  perhaps  lose  much  in  the 
end,  were  justified.  He  tells  in  his  memoirs  how,  although 
outvoted  in  the  council,  he  had  his  own  way  after  all. 


584 


Readings  in  European  History 


487.  How 
Bismarck 
held  Prussia 
in  check 
after  the 
victory  of 
Koniggratz. 


Hazard  of 
continuing 
the  war. 


On  July  23,  under  the  presidency  of  the  king,  a  council 
of  war  was  held,  in  which  the  question  to  be  decided  was 
whether  we  should  make  peace  under  the  conditions  offered 
or  continue  the  war.  A  painful  illness  from  which  I  was 
suffering  made  it  necessary  that  the  council  should  be  held 
in  my  room.  On  this  occasion  I  was  the  only  civilian  in 
uniform.  I  declared  it  to  be  my  conviction  that  peace  must 
be  concluded  on  the  Austrian  terms,  but  remained  alone  in 
my  opinion;  the  king  supported  the  military  majority. 

My  nerves  could  not  stand  the  strain  which  had  been  put 
upon  them  day  and  night ;  I  got  up  in  silence,  walked  into 
my  adjoining  bedchamber,  and  was  there  overcome  by  a 
violent  paroxysm  of  tears.  Meanwhile  I  heard  the  council 
dispersing  in  the  next  room.  I  thereupon  set  to  work  to  com- 
mit to  paper  the  reasons  which,  in  my  opinion,  spoke  for 
the  conclusion  of  peace,  and  begged  the  king,  in  the  event  of 
his  not  accepting  the  advice  for  which  I  was  responsible, 
to  relieve  me  of  my  functions  if  the  war  were  continued. 

I  set  out  with  this  document  on  the  following  day  to 
explain  it  by  word  of  mouth.  In  the  antechamber  I  found 
two  colonels  with  a  report  on  the  spread  of  cholera  among 
their  troops,  barely  half  of  whom  were  fit  for  service.  These 
alarming  figures  confirmed  my  resolve  to  make  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Austrian  terms  a  cabinet  question.  Besides  my 
political  anxieties,  I  feared  that  by  transferring  operations 
to  Hungary,  the  nature  of  that  country,  which  was  well 
known  to  me,  would  soon  make  the  disease  overwhelming. 
The  climate,  especially  in  August,  is  dangerous  ;  there  is 
great  lack  of  water ;  the  country  villages  are  widely  distrib- 
uted, each  with  many  square  miles  of  open  fields  attached ; 
and,  finally,  plums  and  melons  grow  there  in  abundance. 
Our  campaign  of  1792  in  Champagne  was  in  my  mind  as  a 
warning  example ;  on  that  occasion  it  was  not  the  French 
but  dysentery  which  caused  our  retreat.  Armed  with  my 
documents  I  unfolded  to  the  king  the  political  and  military 
reasons  which  opposed  the  continuation  of  the  war. 

We  had  to  avoid  wounding  Austria  too  severely ;  we  had 
to  avoid  leaving  behind  in  her  any  unnecessary  bitterness  of 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


585 


feeling  or  desire  for  revenge ;  we  ought  rather  to  reserve  the 
possibility  of  becoming  friends  again  with  our  adversary  of 
the  moment,  and  in  any  case  to  regard  the  Austrian  state 
as  a  piece  on  the  European  chessboard  and  the  renewal  of 
friendly  relations  as  a  move  open  to  us.  If  Austria  were 
severely  injured,  she  would  become  the  ally  of  France  and 
of  every  other  opponent  of  ours  ;  she  would  even  sacrifice 
her  anti-Russian  interests  for  the  sake  of  revenge  on  Prussia. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  could  not  see  any  guarantee  for  us 
in  the  future  of  the  countries  constituting  the  Austrian  mon- 
archy, in  case  the  latter  were  split  up  by  risings  of  the  Hun- 
garians and  Slavs  or  made  permanently  dependent  on  those 
peoples.  What  would  be  substituted  for  that  portion  of 
Europe  which  the  Austrian  state  had  hitherto  occupied 
from  Tyrol  to  Bukowina  ?  Fresh  formations  on  this  surface 
could  only  be  of  a  permanently  revolutionary  nature.  Ger- 
man Austria  we  could  neither  wholly  nor  partly  make  use  of. 
The  acquisition  of  provinces  like  Austrian  Silesia  and  por- 
tions of  Bohemia  could  not  strengthen  the  Prussian  state ; 
it  would  not  lead  to  an  amalgamation  of  German  Austria 
with  Prussia,  and  Vienna  could  not  be  governed  from  Berlin 
as  a  mere  dependency. 

.  .  .  To  all  this  the  king  raised  no  objection,  but  declared 
the  actual  terms  as  inadequate,  without  however  definitely 
formulating  his  own  demands.  Only  so  much  was  clear, 
that  his  claims  had  grown  considerably  since  July  4.  He 
said  that  the  chief  culprit  could  not  be  allowed  to  escape 
unpunished,  and  that,  justice  once  satisfied,  we  could  let  the 
misled  backsliders  off  more  easily;  and  he  insisted  on  the 
cessions  of  territory  from  Austria  which  I  have  already 
mentioned. 

I  replied  that  we  were  not  there  to  sit  in  judgment,  but 
to  pursue  the  German  policy.  Austria's  conflict  and  rivalry 
with  us  was  no  more  culpable  than  ours  with  her ;  our  task 
was  the  establishment  or  foundation  of  German  national 
unity  under  the  leadership  of  the  king  of  Prussia. 

Passing  on  to  the  German  states,  the  king  spoke  of  vari- 
ous acquisitions  by  cutting  down  the  territories  of  all  our 


Bismarck's 
reasons  for 
treating 
Austria 
leniently 


Prussia  has 
nothing  to 
gain  from 
destroying 
the  Austrian 
power. 


586 


Readings  in  European  History 


Bismarck's 

prudent 

moderation. 


opponents.  I  repeated  that  we  were  not  there  to  administer 
retributive  justice,  but  to  pursue  a  policy;  that  I  wished  to 
avoid  in  the  German  federation  of  the  future  the  sight  of 
mutilated  territories,  whose  princes  and  peoples  might  very 
easily  (such  is  human  weakness)  retain  a  lively  wish  to 
recover  their  former  possessions  by  means  of  foreign  aid. 


488.  Three 
forces  pro- 
vided for  in 
the  German 
federation. 


After  the  close  of  the  short  war  between  Prussia  and 
Austria,  a  constitutional  convention  was  summoned  to 
draw  up  a  plan  of  federation  for  Prussia  and  her  neigh- 
bors north  of  the  river  Main.  The  constitution  of  the 
North  German  Federation  was  the  result.  The  Assem- 
bly did  its  work  so  well  that  when,  four  years  later,  the 
southern  states,  Bavaria,  Baden,  and  Wiirtemberg,  came 
into  the  union  after  the  war  with  France,  the  constitu- 
tion did  not  have  to  be  materially  altered,  and  still  re- 
mains that  of  the  present  German  empire.  Sybel,  the 
distinguished  historian,  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
in  1867,  and  well  describes  in  a  speech  the  peculiar  dif- 
ficulties of  devising  a  union  which  should  meet  at  once 
the  demands  of  Prussia  (a  European  power)  and  those 
of  the  various  German  monarchs,  who  had  long  regarded 
themselves  as  sovereigns  and  were  fearful  of  being  made 
the  subjects  of  the  king  of  Prussia. 

Gentlemen,  we  must  now  take  up  what  is  obviously  the 
most  important  and  characteristic  part  of  our  task.  Now 
that  we  have  sketched  out  in  general  the  powers  which  the 
proposed  federal  government  is  to  enjoy,  we  must  reach  a 
decision  in  regard  to  the  organization  of  the  union,  —  per- 
haps the  most  difficult  question  that  any  statesman  has 
faced  during  the  course  of  the  century,  —  namely,  the  for- 
mation of  a  practicable  and  enduring  central  authority  for 
Germany,  strong  enough  to  fulfill  the  various  functions 
which  devolve  upon  a  modern  state,  and  yet  so  far  limited 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  587 

that  the  German  princes  and  the  individual  states  will  not 
feel  that  they  have  been  completely  subordinated  and  medi- 
atized. The  central  government  must  also  be  so  far  depend- 
ent upon  the  parliament  that  the  political  sentiments  of  the 
nation  at  large  shall  not  be  violated.  Surely  no  task  could 
be  more  difficult  than  ours.  .   .  . 

The  plan  of  a  federation  now  before  us,  whatever  may  be    Neither  a 
its  nature,  is  in  no  way  a  constitutional  monarchy,  nor  is  it    constltu- 

r    ,  .  ,.  ,  ,..         ,,  .....  tional  mon- 

a  federation  according  to  the  traditional  theories  which  have    archy  feasible 
been  developed  in  the  universities.  .  .  .    Indeed,  those  who    nor  a  feder- 
have  drawn  up  the  plan  have  unmistakably  struck  into  a    atlon  as 

.      ..  .  commonly 

path  diametrically  opposed  to  that  which  has  been  hitherto  conceived, 
followed  in  Germany.  They  have  not  taken  a  treatise  upon  -- 
political  theory,  I  care  not  how  good  it  may  be,  and  copied 
out  the  features  of  a  constitutional  state  as  they  are  described 
therein  ;  they  have  not,  after  arranging  their  plan,  divided 
and  distorted  the  real  forces  in  our  country  in  order  to  fit 
them  into  it.  On  the  contrary,  they  have  searched  out  in  the 
long-standing  chaos  of  German  conditions  the  actually  exist- 
ing forces ;  they  have  endeavored  to  give  them  a  legal  basis 
and  a  form  adjusted  to  the  strength  and  importance  of  each; 
they  have  supplied  each  with  its  proper  organ,  and  defined 
its  scope  and  activity. 

The  forces  to  be  considered  were,  as  every  one  here  well 
knows,  the  strong,  victorious  Prussia,  whose  traditions  of  a 
glorious  past,  whose  present  might,  and,  above  all,  whose 
future  power  combine  to  render  her  far  too  big  to  be  fitted 
into  that  academic  federation  of  the  Gottingen  professors. 
\_Laughter.~]  In  the  situation  of  Europe  at  the  present  mo- 
ment she  necessarily  enjoys  in  some  respects  a  dictatorial 
power.  Then,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  the  other  Ger- 
man states,  who  in  the  war  against  Prussia  certainly  won  no 
laurels.  Even  those  who  were  her  allies  were  thrown  sadly 
into  the  shade  by  the  gigantic  increase  of  Prussia's  power. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  their  relation  with  Prussia,  the  various  Ger- 
man states  have  exhibited  marked  vitality  and  in  some  in- 
stances enjoy  a  strong  support  from  outside.  Moreover,  — 
and  that  weighed  most  heavily,  —  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of 


588  Readings  in  European  History 

the  cultivated  class  toward  unity,  the  individual  states  each 
retains  the  very  real  sympathy  of  its  own  people  on  its  own  soil. 

Thirdly  and  lastly,  there  was  liberal  public  opinion,  — 
in  Prussia,  in  Germany,  in  Europe.  In  Prussia,  indeed,  it 
seemed  that  public  opinion  had  been  worsted  in  the  un- 
successful opposition  to  Bismarck's  ministry  and  had  been 
forced  to  give  up  many  of  its  positions.  Yet  in  spite  of  this, 
by  and  large,  and  in  the  whole  range  of  European  relations, 
this  public  opinion  has  grown  stronger  and  stronger,  until 
not  even  the  strongest  of  military  monarchies  can  perma- 
nently resist  the  attacks  of  this  spiritual  power.  .  .  . 

It  was  necessary,  then,  to  reckon  with  these  three  forces, 
—  (i)  with  the  military  demands  of  the  great  Prussian  state, 
(2)  with  the  various  individual  German  states,  the  demands 
of  which  were  supported  by  local  sentiment,  and  (3)  with  the 
strength  of  public  opinion.  The  draft  of  the  constitution, 
as  it  lies  before  us,  provides  for  an  organ  for  each  of  these 
forces:  to  Prussia  —  to  the  crown  of  Prussia  —  is  assigned 
the  presidency  of  the  federation ;  to  the  smaller  states,  the 
Federal  Council  (BundesratA)  ;  to  public  opinion,  the  Im- 
perial Diet  (Reichstag)} 

V.  The  Franco-Prussian  War 

Bismarck  describes  in  his  memoirs  the  way  in  which 
he  precipitated  what  he  believed  to  be  an  unavoidable 
war  with  France.  The  Prussian  king  was  at  Ems,  a 
well-known  watering  place,  when  the  French  ambassa- 
dor, Benedetti,  approached  him  and  demanded  that  the 
king  should  pledge  himself  never  to  permit  the  Hohen- 
zollern  prince  to  become  a  candidate  again  for  the 
Spanish  throne.2    This  William  refused  to  do,  and  as 

1  For  an  account  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  present  German  federa- 
tion, especially  of  the  Federal  Council,  which  is  a  species  of  corporate 
monarch,  in  whom  the  sovereignty  is  vested,  not  in  the  emperor,  see  my 
pamphlet,  The  German  Bundesrath,  Philadelphia,  1891. 

2  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  662,  note  (Vol.  II,  p.  310,  note). 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  589 

his  patience  was  worn  out  by  the  importunities  of  the 
French  ministry,  he  sent  word  to  Benedetti  that  he 
would  not  see  him  again.  He  telegraphed  the  news  of 
this  to  Bismarck,  with  permission  to  publish  it  in  the 
newspapers  if  he  wished.  Upon  the  receipt  of  the  mes- 
sage, Bismarck  says  : 

All  considerations,  conscious  and  unconscious,  strength-  489.  How 

ened  my  opinion  that  war  could  only  be  avoided  at  the  cost  Bismarck 

of  the  honor  of  Prussia  and  of  the  national  confidence  in  Ems  tele_ 

her.    Under  this  conviction  I  made  use  of  the  royal  author-  gram  so  as 

ization  communicated  to  me  through  Abeken  to  publish  the  to  ass,?5e 

r       1  1  i-i  r  Wal  Wlth 

contents  of  the  telegram ;   and  in  the  presence  of  my  two    France, 
guests  [General  Moltke  and  General  Roon]  I  reduced  the 
telegram  by  striking  out  words,  but  without  adding  or  alter- 
ing anything,  to  the  following  form  : 

"After  the  news   of  the  renunciation  of  the  hereditary    Emsdis- 
prince  of  Hohenzollern  had  been  officially  communicated  to    PatchasPub- 

lished  by 

the  imperial  government  of  France  by  the  royal  government  Bismarck, 
of  Spain,  the  French  ambassador  at  Ems  made  the  further 
demand  of  his  Majesty  the  king  that  he  should  authorize 
him  to  telegraph  to  Paris  that  his  Majesty  the  king  bound 
himself  for  all  future  time  never  again  to  give  his  consent 
if  the  Hohenzollerns  should  renew  their  candidature.  His 
Majesty  the  king  thereupon  decided  not  to  receive  the 
French  ambassador  again,  and  sent  to  tell  him,  through  the 
aid-de-camp  on  duty,  that  his  Majesty  had  nothing  further 
to  communicate  to  the  ambassador." 

The  difference  in  the  effect  of  the  abbreviated  text  of  the 
Ems  telegram  as  compared  with  that  produced  by  the  origi- 
nal was  not  the  result  of  stronger  words,  but  of  the  form, 
which  made  this  announcement  appear  decisive,  while  Abe- 
ken's  version  would  only  have  been  regarded  as  a  fragment 
of  a  negotiation  still  pending  and  to  be  continued  at  Berlin. 

After  I  had  read  out  the  concentrated  edition  to  my  two 
guests,  Moltke  remarked  :  "  Now  it  has  a  different  ring ;  in 
its  original  form  it  sounded  like  a  parley ;   now  it  is  like  a 


59°  Readings  in  European  History 

flourish  in  answer  to  a  challenge."  I  went  on  to  explain: 
"  If,  in  execution  of  his  Majesty's  order,  I  at  once  communi- 
cate this  text,  which  contains  no  alteration  in  or  addition  to 
the  telegram,  not  only  to  the  newspapers,  but  also  by  tele- 
graph to  all  our  embassies,  it  will  be  known  in  Paris  before 
midnight,  and  not  only  on  account  of  its  contents,  but  also 
on  account  of  the  manner  of  its  distribution,  will  have  the 
effect  of  a  red  rag  upon  the  Gallic  bull. 

"  Fight  we  must  if  we  do  not  want  to  act  the  part  of  the 
vanquished  without  a  battle.  Success,  however,  depends 
essentially  upon  the  impression  which  the  origination  of  the 
war  makes  upon  us  and  others ;  it  is  important  that  we 
should  be  the  ones  attacked,  and  the  Gallic  insolence  and 
touchiness  will  bring  about  this  result  if  we  announce  in  the 
face  of  Europe,  so  far  as  we  can  without  the  speaking  tube 
of  the  Reichstag,  that  we  fearlessly  meet  the  public  threats 
of  France." 

This  explanation  brought  about  in  the  two  generals  a 
revulsion  to  a  more  joyous  mood,  the  liveliness  of  which 
surprised  me.  They  had  suddenly  recovered  their  pleasure 
in  eating  and  drinking  and  spoke  in  a  more  cheerful  vein. 
Roon  said,  "  Our  God  of  old  still  lives,  and  will  not  let  us 
perish  in  disgrace."  Moltke  so  far  relinquished  his  passive 
equanimity  that,  glancing  up  joyously  toward  the  ceiling  and 
abandoning  his  usual  punctiliousness  of  speech,  he  smote 
his  hand  upon  his  breast  and  said,  "  If  I  may  but  live  to 
lead  our  armies  in  such  a  war,  then  the  devil  may  come 
directly  afterwards  and  fetch  away  the  old  carcass." 

Bismarck,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife  written  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Sedan,  describes  the  capture  of  Na- 
poleon III. 

Vendress,  September  3,  1870. 

Day  before  yesterday  before  daybreak  I  left  my  quarters 
here ;  to-day  I  am  returning,  and  have  in  the  meantime 
experienced  the  great  battle  of  Sedan  on  the  1st. ;  in  which 
we  made  towards  thirty  thousand  prisoners  and  forced  back 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy 


591 


inarck  de- 
scribes the 
surrender  of 
Napoleon  III 
at  Sedan. 


the  rest  of  the  French  army  (which  we  have  been  pursuing  490.  Bis- 
all  the  way  from  Bar-le-Duc)  into  the  fortress,  where  they 
must  surrender  themselves  along  with  the  emperor.  Yester- 
day at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  I  had  been  dis- 
cussing until  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  with  Moltke  and  the 
French  generals  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  General  Reille, 
whom  I  know,  awoke  me  to  tell  me  that  Napoleon  wished 
to  speak  with  me. 

I  rode,  without  washing  and  with  no  breakfast,  towards 
Sedan,  and  found  the  emperor  in  an  open  carriage  with 
three  officers  of  high  rank  and  three  others  on  horseback 
on  the  highroad  near  Sedan.  I  dismounted,  greeted  him  as 
politely  as  if  we  were  in  the  Tuileries,  and  asked  what  were 
his  Majesty's  commands.  He  wished  to  see  the  king.  I 
told  him,  as  was  the  truth,  that  his  Majesty  had  his  quarters 
three  miles  from  there,  at  the  place  where  I  am  now  writing. 
On  Napoleon's  asking  wrhither  he  should  go,  I  offered  him, 
since  I  was  unfamiliar  with  the  region,  my  quarters  at  Don- 
chery,  a  little  place  in  the  neighborhood  close  to  Sedan. 
He  accepted  my  invitation,  and,  accompanied  by  his  six 
Frenchmen,  myself,  and  Karl,1  who  had  in  the  meantime 
followed  me,  drove,  in  the  silence  of  the  morning,  toward 
our  forces. 

Before  we  reached  the  place  he  began  to  be  apprehensive 
lest  he  might  encounter  a  number  of  people,  and  he  asked 
me  whether  he  could  not  get  out  at  a  lonely  laborer's  cot- 
tage on  the  road.  I  had  the  place  inspected  by  Karl,  who 
reported  that  it  was  miserable  and  dirty.  "  N'importe"  said 
Napoleon ;  and  I  ascended  with  him  a  narrow,  rickety  stair- 
way. In  a  room  ten  feet  square,  with  a  deal  table  and  two 
rush-bottomed  chairs,  we  sat  an  hour,  while  the  others  re- 
mained below,  —  a  singular  contrast  to  our  last  interview  in 
'67  in  the  Tuileries. 

Our  negotiations  were  difficult,  unless  I  consented  to  touch 
upon  matters  which  could  not  but  be  painful  to  one  who  had 
been  so  cast  down  by  God's  mighty  hand.    I  had  summoned 


1  Bismarck's  son. 


592 


Readings  in  European  History 


491.  The 
French 
minister  of 
foreign 
affairs  on 
the  downfall 
of  the  second 
empire  (Sep- 
tember 6, 
1870). 


officers,  through  Karl,  from  the  town  and  had  asked  Moltke 
to  come.  We  then  sent  out  one  of  the  former  to  reconnoiter, 
and  discovered,  half  a  mile  away,  in  Fresnois,  a  little  villa 
with  grounds. 

Thither  I  accompanied  the  emperor,  with  an  escort  from 
the  king's  cuirassier  regiment,  which  had  been  called  up  in 
the  meantime ;  and  there  we  concluded,  with  the  French 
general  WimpfTen,  the  capitulation,  according  to  which  forty 
to  sixty  thousand  French,  —  I  cannot  be  more  accurate  at 
this  time,  —  with  all  that  they  had,  became  our  prisoners. 
Day  before  yesterday  and  yesterday  cost  France  one  hun- 
dred thousand  men  and  an  emperor.  This  morning  the  lat- 
ter started  with  all  the  members  of  his  court,  his  horses  and 
carriages,  for  Wilhelmshohe,  near  Cassel. 

This  has  been  an  event  of  vast  historic  importance,  —  a 
victory  for  which  we  must  thank  the  Lord  in  humbleness  of 
heart.  It  decides  the  conflict,  although  we  must  still  carry 
on  the  war  against  an  emperorless  France.  .   .  . 

Good-by,  my  sweetheart.    Love  to  the  children. 

Your  v.  B. 

The  republic  was  declared  in  France  on  September  4, 
1870.  Jules  Favre,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  under 
the  new  provisional  government,  two  days  later  issued 
a  remarkable  circular  to  the  French  diplomatic  agents 
abroad,  explaining  the  situation  in  France. 

Sir,  the  events  which  have  just  taken  place  in  Paris  are 
so  well  explained  by  the  inexorable  logic  of  facts  that  it  is 
needless  to  dwell  upon  their  meaning  and  bearing.  In  ced- 
ing to  an  irresistible  impulse  which  had  been  but  too  long 
restrained,  the  population  of  Paris  has  obeyed  a  necessity 
superior  to  that  of  its  own  safety.  It  did  not  wish  to  perish 
with  the  criminal  government  which  was  leading  France  to  her 
ruin.  It  has  not  pronounced  the  deposition  of  Napoleon  III 
and  of  his  dynasty;  it  has  simply  registered  it  in  the  name 
of  right,  justice,  and  public  safety;  and  the  sentence  was  so 
completely  ratified  beforehand  by  the  public  conscience  that 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  593 

no  one,  even  among  the  most  noisy  defenders  of  the  power 
that  was  falling,  raised  a  voice  to  uphold  it.  It  collapsed 
of  itself  under  the  weight  of  its  faults  and  amid  the  accla- 
mations of  the  entire  nation,  without  a  single  drop  of  blood 
being  shed,  without  one  individual  being  deprived  of  his  per- 
sonal liberty. 

.  .  .  Rescued  from  the  shame  and  the  danger  of  a  gov- 
ernment which  has  proved  a  traitor  to  all  its  duties,  every 
one  now  comprehends  that  the  first  act  of  national  sover- 
eignty, reconquered  at  last,  must  be  one  of  self-control,  — 
the  seeking  for  strength  by  respecting  right.  Moreover  no 
time  must  be  lost ;  our  enemies  are  at  our  very  gates ;  we 
have  but  one  thought,  —  their  expulsion  from  our  territory. 

But  this  obligation,  which  we  resolutely  accept,  we  did 
not  impose  upon  France.  She  would  not  have  been  in  her 
present  position  if  she  had  listened  to  our  voice.  We  have 
energetically  defended  the  policy  of  peace  even  at  the  cost 
of  our  popularity.  We  still  maintain  the  same  opinion.  We 
are  heartbroken  at  the  sight  of  these  human  butcheries 
consuming  the  youth  of  two  nations,  whom  a  little  good 
sense  and  a  great  deal  of  liberty  would  have  preserved  from 
such  frightful  catastrophes.  We  cannot  find  any  adequate 
expression  of  our  admiration  for  our  heroic  army,  sacrificed 
through  the  incapacity  of  its  supreme  commander,  but 
showing  itself  greater  in  defeat  than  in  the  most  brilliant 
victory.  .  .  . 

I  would  explain  our  position  in  a  few  words  and  submit 
my  statement  to  the  judgment  of  my  country  and  of  Europe. 
We  loudly  condemned  the  war,  and,  while  proclaiming  our 
respect  for  the  rights  of  nations,  we  asked  that  Germany 
should  be  left  mistress  of  her  own  destinies.  We  wished 
that  liberty  should  be  at  the  same  time  our  common  bond 
and  our  common  protection.  We  were  convinced  that  these 
moral  forces  would  forever  insure  peace.  But  we  claimed 
arms  for  all  citizens  and  the  right  to  elect  our  leaders.  Had 
this  been  conceded,  we  should  have  remained  invincible 
on  our  own  soil.  The  government  of  the  emperor,  which 
had  long  since  divorced   its    interests   from  those  of  the 


594 


Readings  in  European  History 


country,  opposed  that  policy.  We  revert  to  it  with  the  hope 
that,  taught  by  experience,  France  will  have  the  wisdom  to 
put  it  into  practice. 

The  king  of  Prussia  has  declared  that  he  made  war  not 
against  France  but  against  the  imperial  dynasty.  The  dy- 
nasty has  fallen.  France  is  free.  Does  the  king  of  Prussia 
wish  to  continue  an  unholy  struggle,  which  will  be  at  least 
as  fatal  to  him  as  to  us  ?  Does  he  wish  to  give  to  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  cruel  spectacle  of  two  nations  destroying 
one  another,  and,  forgetful  of  humanity,  reason,  and  culture, 
heaping  corpse  upon  corpse,  and  ruin  upon  ruin  ?  He  is 
free  to  assume  this  responsibility  in  the  face  of  the  world 
and  of  history. 

If  it  is  a  challenge,  we  accept  it.  We  will  cede  neither 
an  inch  of  cur  territory  nor  a  stone  of  our  fortresses.  A  dis- 
graceful peace  would  mean  a  war  of  extermination  at  an 
early  date.  We  will  treat  only  for  a  permanent  peace.  In 
this  respect  our  interest  is  that  of  the  whole  of  Europe, 
and  we  have  reason  to  hope  that,  divested  of  all  dynastic 
considerations,  the  question  will  thus  present  itself  to  the 
cabinets  of  Europe.  But  even  should  we  stand  alone,  we 
shall  not  yield.  We  have  a  resolute  army,  well-provisioned 
fortresses,  a  strong  cordon  of  troops,  and,  above  all,  the 
hearts  of  three  hundred  thousand  combatants  determined  to 
hold  out  to  the  bitter  end. 


492.  How 
the  German 
empire  was 
proclaimed 
in  Versailles 
(January  24, 
1871). 


The  official  account  of  the  reestablishment  of  the 
German  empire  appeared  in  Berlin,  January  24,  1871. 

In  the  palace  of  Louis  XIV,  in  that  ancient  center  of 
a  hostile  power  which  for  centuries  has  striven  to  divide 
and  humiliate  Germany,  the  solemn  proclamation  of  the 
German  empire  was  made  on  January  18,  exactly  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy  years  after  the  assumption  of  the  royal 
dignity  by  the  Prussian  sovereigns  at  Konigsberg.  Though 
the  German  people,  owing  to  the  necessities  of  the  times, 
were  represented  at  the  ceremony  only  by  the  German  army, 
the  eyes  of  the  entire  nation  were  gratefully  turned  to  the 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  595 

place  where,  surrounded  by  sovereigns,  generals,  and  sol- 
diers, King  William  announced  to  the  world  the  assumption 
by  himself  and  his  heirs  of  a  title  for  the  reestablishment  of 
which  we  have  been  yearning  during  the  sixty  long  years  it 
has  been  in  abeyance. 

As  yet  the  infatuation  of  the  enemy  does  not  permit  us 
to  throw  aside  the  weapons  we  have  taken  up  in  self-defense  ; 
and  as  our  unity  arose  out  of  the  first  part  of  the  campaign, 
so  will  our  empire  be  strengthened  by  the  remaining  feats 
of  arms.  By  the  self-sacrificing  devotion  of  all  classes  of 
society,  the  nation  has  proved  that  it  still  possesses  that 
warlike  prowess  which  distinguished  our  ancestors.  It  has 
recovered  its  ancient  position  in  Europe  ;  and,  neither  fear- 
ing an  adversary  nor  envying  any  neighbor,  discreet  and 
temperate  in  its  acts  and  aims,  it  accepts  the  destiny 
prophesied  for  it  in  the  proclamation  of  its  new  emperor. 
This  destiny  is  to  add  to  its  power  not  by  conquest  but  by 
promoting  culture,  liberty,  and  civilization.  As  far  as  the 
German  people  are  concerned,  there  will  be  no  more  wars  in 
Europe  after  the  determination  of  the  present  campaign.  .  .  . 

Owing  to  the  unfavorable  weather  the  festive  proces-  Ceremony  at 
sion  which  was  to  conduct  his  Majesty  from  the  prefecture 
to  the  palace  did  not  take  place.  The  crown  prince,  with 
Lieutenant-General  Blumenthal,  his  chief  of  staff,  and  an 
escort  of  Prussians,  Wiirtembergers,  Badeners,  and  Bava- 
rians, drove  to  the  palace  to  receive  his  royal  father  at  the 
eastern  portal  in  front  of  the  Princes'  Stairway.  In  the 
courtyard  of  the  palace  a  company  of  the  king's  own  troops 
was  drawn  up  as  a  guard  of  honor.  .  .  . 

At  a  quarter  past  twelve  his  Majesty  entered  the  hall, 
when  a  choir  consisting  of  men  of  the  Seventh,  Forty- 
Seventh,  and  Fifty-Eighth  regiments  intoned  the  choral, 
"  Let  all  the  world  rejoice  in  the  Lord."  .  .  .  When  the 
choir  ceased,  the  congregation  sang  one  verse  of  the  choral, 
"  Praise  and  honor  unto  the  Lord."  The  ordinary  military 
liturgy  was  then  read  by  the  clergymen  and  a  sermon 
preached  by  the  Reverend  A.  Rogge.  Alluding  to  the  well- 
known  inscription  on  the  ceiling  of  the  hall,  "  Le  roi  gover?ie 


Versailles. 


596  Readings  in  European  History 

par  lui-meme"  the  preacher  observed  that  the  kings  of 
Prussia  had  risen  to  greatness  by  adopting  a  different  and 
more  religious  motto,  namely,  "  The  kings  of  the  earth  reign 
under  me,  saith  the  Lord."  The  Te  Deum  Laudamus  closed 
the  service. 

The  king  then  walked  up  to  where  the  colors  were  dis- 
played, and,  standing  before  them,  read  the  document  pro- 
claiming the  reestablishment  of  the  German  empire.  Count 
Bismarck  having  read  the  king's  proclamation  to  the  German 
nation,  the  grand  duke  of  Baden  stepped  forth  and  exclaimed, 
"  Long  live  his  Majesty  the  emperor !  "  The  cheers  of  the 
assembly  were  taken  up  by  the  bands  playing  the  national 
anthem. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refer-  Revolution  of  1848  in  France:  Napoleon  III:  Seignobos,  A  Politi- 

ences.  ca/  History  of  Europe  since  18 14,  Chapter  VI,  pp.  155-186;   PHILLIPS, 

Modern  Europe,  1815-18QQ,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  254-272  ;  Chapter  XIV, 
pp.  332-338;  Fyffe,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  699- 
706;  Chapter  XIX,  pp.  728-737  ;  Chapter  XX,  pp.  809-824  ;  Andrews, 
The  Historical  Development  of  Modem  Europe,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  VIII, 
pp.  320-362  ;  Vol.  II,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-41. 

Revolt  against  Metternich's  System:  Andrews,  Vol.  I,  Chapters 
IX-X,  pp.  363-448  ;  Phillips,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  232-254 ;  Chapters  XII- 
XIII,  pp.  273-331  ;  Seignobos,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  401-423. 

Napoleon  III  and  Italian  Unity:  Andrews,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  III, 
pp.  91-145;  Seignobos,  Chapter  XI,  pp.  336-359;  Phillips,  Chapter 
XV,  pp.  361-389. 

Bismarck  and  the  North  German  Federation:  Seignobos,  Chapter 
XV,  pp.  456-476;  Andrews,  Vol.  II,  Chapters  V-VI,  pp.  188-260. 

Completion  of  German  Unity:  Andrews,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  VI, 
pp.  261-277;  Phillips,  Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  449-485;  Seignobos, 
Chapter  XV,  pp.  476-484. 

The  Third  French  Republic  :  Seignobos,  Chapter  VII,  pp.  187-204  ; 
Andrews,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  343—355. 

The  Eastern  Question:  Andrews,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  297- 
342;  Seignobos,  Chapters  XX-XXI,  pp.  616-670;  Phillips,  Chap- 
ter XIX,  pp.  49I"523- 


Unification  of  Germany  and  Italy  597 

There  are  at  least  two  satisfactory  political  histories  of  the  nineteenth    B.  Addi- 

century,  —  those  of  Andrews  and  of  Seignobos,  mentioned  above.     The    tional  read- 

English   translation   of    Seignobos    is    edited  by  Professor  MacVane    ^  *?.  , 
7  •  i-i-i  •  ii-       -     -  English. 

and  is  supplied   with   extensive   and   discriminating   bibliographies   at 

the  close  of  each  chapter.    Somewhat   briefer  and  rather  journalistic 

is    Muller,    History   of  Recent    Times,   giving   especial    attention    to 

Germany,  1816-1875.    Very  recent  political  developments  are  treated 

by  Professor  Andrews  in  his  volume  on  Contemporaneous  Eicrope,  the 

last  in  the  great  set,  "  The  History  of  all  Nations,"  published  by  Lea 

Brothers.     In  due  time  Vols.  X-XII  of  the  Ccnnbridge  Modern  History 

will  appear,  and  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  give  a  broad  view  of  the  general 

progress  of  the  century. 

These  general  accounts  may  be  supplemented  by  the  following : 

Anderson,  Constitutions  and  Other  Select  Documents  Illustrative  of 
the  History  of  France,  rj8q-iqoi,  1904. 

Malleson,  Life  of  Prince  Mettemich. 

Munroe   Smith,  Bis?narck  and  German   Unity.     Excellent  short 
account. 

Sybel,  Founding  of  the  German  Empire,  Vol.  I.    Gives  an  excellent 
review  of  German  history  following  1S15. 

Bismarck,  The  Man  and  the  Statesma?i,  2  vols.  Being  reflections 
and  reminiscences  written  and  dictated  by  himself  after  his  retirement 
from  office. 

Busch,  Our  Chancellor.    Interesting  impressions  of  Bismarck  by  his 
secretary. 

Thayer,  William  R.,  Dawn  of  Italian  I?idepe?idence,  2  vols.    Schol- 
arly and  interesting  account  up  to  the  revolution  of  1848. 

Countess  Cesaresco,  Liberation  of  Italy.  This  and  Stillman,  The 
Union  of  Italy,  18/5-1895,  are  exceptionally  good  accounts  by  writers 
who  have  lived  long  in  Italy. 

Hanotaux,  Contemporary  France,  Vol.  I  has  appeared,  1903. 

Coubertin,  The  Evolution  of  France  under  the  Third  Republic. 

Traill,  Social  England,  Vol.  VI. 

McCarthy.  History  of  Our  Own  Times,  4  vols. 

Holland,  European  Concert  in  the  Eastern  Question. 

Lowell,   Govern7nent  and  Parlies  in  Continental  Europe,   2  vols. 
Very  important. 


BuLLE,  Geschichte  der  neuesten  Zeit,  2d  ed.,  4  vols.,  1886-1887.  A  very  C.  Materials 
careful  work  by  one  familiar  with  public  questions  in  Germany.  Perhaps  for  advanced 
the  best  general  account  of  the  political  history  of  the  nineteenth  century.    "udy- 


598  Readings  in  European  History 

Debidour,  Histoire  diplomatique  de  V Europe,  2  vols.,  1814-1891, 
and  his  Histoire  des  rapports  de  PEglise  et  de  VEtat  en  France  de  1789 
a  1870,  1898. 

Hertslet,  Map  of  Europe  by  Treaty  since  18 14,  4  vols. 

Stein,  L.,  Geschichte  der  sozialen  Bewegwig  in  Frankreich,  1850. 
Best  treatment  of  the  social  side  of  the  revolution  of  1848. 

Pierre  de  la  Gorce,  Histoire  du  second  etnpire,  7  vols.,  1896-1905. 

Bulle,  Geschichte  des  zweiten  Kaiserreichs  und  des  Konigreichs  Italien 
(Oncken  Series). 

Treitschke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  5  vols.,  1 886-1895.  Comes  down 
to  1848.  By  an  able,  well-informed  writer,  but  very  Prussian  and  very 
subjective. 

Oncken,  Zeitalter  des  Kaiser  Wilhehn,  2  vols.,  1890-1892. 

Blum,  Das  deutsche  Reich  zur  Zeit  Bisviarcks,  1893.  Comes  down  to 
1890.    By  an  intimate  friend  of  Bismarck's. 

Leger,  History  of  Austro-Hungary,  from  the  French,  1889,  and 
Krones,  Grundriss  der  osterreichischen  Geschichte,  1882 ;  also  his 
Geschichte  der  Neuzeit  Osterreichs,   1 87 9. 

Allgemeine  deutsche  Biographie,  40  vols.  This  admirable  biographical 
dictionary  furnishes  exact  information  in  regard  to  persons  of  political 
importance. 

Reuchlin,  Geschichte  Italiens,  4  vols.,  1859-1873.  Careful  but 
unreadable. 

Engelhardt,  La  Turquie  et  le  Tanzimat:  histoire  des  reformes 
depuis  1826,  2  vols.,   1882-1883. 

Sources.  There  are  several  convenient  annual  publications  which  sum  up  the 

history  year  by  year  and  often  give  the  texts  of  important  documents. 
The  Annual  Register  has  been  appearing  in  England  since  1758.  For 
France,  Annuaire  historique  universel,  18 18-1860,  and  HAnfiee  poli- 
tique, since.  1874;  Schulthess,  Geschichts-Kalender,  since  i860.  The 
British  and  Foreign  State  Papers  (annual  since  1829)  furnish  important 
material  for  the  history  of  Europe  since  the  year  18 12. 

The  voluminous  reports  of  the  proceedings  in  the  various  parliaments 
constitute  an  unwieldy  but  indispensable  source  for  the  political  history. 

[Titles  of  works  on  various  phases  of  contemporary  history  and 
conditions  will  be  found  at  the  close  of  the  following  chapter.] 


CHAPTER   XLI 


EUROPE  OF  TO-DAY 


I.  Development  of  Natural  Science 


Whewell,  in  his  History  of  the  Inductive  Sciences ;  thus 
characterizes  the  attitude  of  a  great  part  of  the  mediaeval 
thinkers  towards  science 

We  have  already  stated  that  real  scientific  progress  re- 
quires distinct  general  ideas  applied  to  many  special  and 
certain  facts.  In  the  period  of  which  we  now  have  to 
speak,  namely,  the  mediaeval,  men's  ideas  were  obscured  ; 
their  disposition  to  bring  their  general  views  into  accord- 
ance with  facts  was  enfeebled.  They  were  thus  led  to 
employ  themselves  unprofitably  among  indistinct  and  un- 
real notions ;  and  the  evil  of  these  tendencies  was  further 
inflamed  by  moral  peculiarities  in  the  character  of  those 
times, — by  an  abjectness  of  thought,  on  the  one  hand, 
which  could  not  help  looking  towards  some  intellectual 
superior ;  and  by  an  impatience  of  dissent,  on  the  other.1  .  .  . 

The  fact  that  mere  collections  of  the  opinions  of  physical 
philosophers  came  to  hold  a  prominent  place  in  literature, 
already  indicated  a  tendency  to  an  indistinct  and  wan- 
dering apprehension  of  such  opinions.  .  .  .  Even  Aristotle 
himself  is  much  in  the  habit  of  enumerating  the  opinions 
of  those  who  have  preceded  him.  To  present  such  state- 
ments as  an  important  part  of  physical  philosophy  shows 
an  erroneous  and  loose  apprehension  of  its  nature.  .  .  . 
Such  diversities  of  opinion  convey  no  truth  ;  such  a  multi- 
plicity of  statements  of  what  has  been  said  in  no  degree 


493.  Con- 
trast 

between  the 
mediaeval 
and  the 
modern  atti- 
tude toward 
natural 
science. 


1  This  latter  tendency  has  by  no  means  disappeared  (see  below,  p.  605). 

599 


600  Readings  in  European  History 

teaches  us  what  is;  such  accumulations  of  indistinct  no- 
tions, however  vast  and  varied,  do  not  make  up  one  dis- 
tinct idea.1 

.  .  .  But  the  indistinctness  of  thought  which  is  so  fatal 
a  feature  in  the  intellect  of  the  stationary  period  may  be 
traced  more  directly  in  the  works  even  of  the  best  authors 
of  those  times.  .  .  .  Thus,  if  men  had  any  distinct  idea 
of  mechanical  action,  they  could  not  have  accepted  for  a 
moment  the  fable  of  the  Echeneis,  or  Remora,  a  little  fish 
which  was  said  to  be  able  to  stop  a  large  ship  by  merely 
sticking  to  it.  .  .  .  Pliny  relates  the  tale  gravely  and 
moralizes  upon  it  after  his  manner.2  "  What,"  he  cries,  "  is 
more  violent  than  the  sea  and  the  winds  ?  What  greater 
work  of  art  than  a  ship  ?  Yet  one  little  fish  (the  Echeneis) 
can  hold  back  all  these  when  they  all  strain  the  same  way. 
The  winds  may  blow,  the  waves  may  rage ;  but  this  small 
creature  controls  their  fury,  and  stops  a  vessel,  when  chains 
and  anchors  would  not  hold  it  :  and  this  it  does  not  by 
hard  labor  but  by  merely  adhering  to  it.  Alas  for  human 
vanity,  when  the  turreted  ships  which  man  has  built,  that 
he  may  fight  from  castle  walls  at  sea  as  well  as  on  land, 
are  held  captive  and  motionless  by  a  fish  a  foot  and  a  half 
long !  Such  a  fish  is  said  to  have  stopped  the  admiral's 
ship  at  the  battle  of  Actium,  and  compelled  Anthony  to  go 
into  another.  And  in  our  own  memory  one  of  these  animals 
held  fast  the  ship  of  Caius,  the  emperor,  when  he  was  sail- 
ing from  Astura  to  Antium.  The  stopping  of  this  ship 
when  all  the  rest  of  the  fleet  went  on  caused  surprise ;  but 
this  did  not  last  long,  for  some  of  the  men  jumped  into 
the  water  to  look  for  the  fish,  and  found  it  sticking  to  the 
rudder.  They  showed  it  to  Caius,  who  was  indignant  that 
this  animal  should  interpose  its  prohibition  to  his  progress, 
when  impelled  by  four  hundred  rowers.  It  was  like  a  slug, 
and  had  no  power  after  it  was  taken  into  the  ship." 

1  It  must  be  remembered  that  Roger  Bacon  had,  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  protested  against  this  attitude  towards  science.  See  History  of 
Western  Europe,  p.  273  (Vol.  I,  p.  273),  and  Readings,  Vol.  I,  pp.  460  sq. 

2  Pliny's  Natural  History,  Bk.  XXXII,  Chapter  5. 


Europe  of  To-day 


60 1 


A  very  little  advance  in  the  power  of  thinking  clearly 
on  the  force  which  it  exerted  in  pulling,  would  have  enabled 
the  Romans  to  see  that  the  ship  and  its  rowers  must  pull 
the  adhering  fish  by  the  hold  of  the  oars  upon  the  water; 
and  that,  except  the  fish  had  a  hold  equally  strong  on  some 
external  body,  it  could  not  resist  this  force.1 

While  Roger  Bacon  had,  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
forecast  the  methods  of  modern  science,  it  remained  for 
Francis  Bacon,  some  three  centuries  later,  clearly  to 
enunciate  its  principles  in  his  famous  Novum  Organum, 
which  he  dedicated  to  James  I.  In  it  he  harshly  criti- 
cises the  mediaeval  attitude  toward  natural  science. 

The  discoveries  which  have  hitherto  been  made  in  the 
sciences  are  such  as  lie  close  to  vulgar  notions,  scarcely  be- 
neath the  surface.  In  order  to  penetrate  into  the  inner  and 
further  recesses  of  nature,  it  is  necessary  that  both  notions 

1  Lactantius,  a  Christian  writer  of  Constantine's  time,  like  Pliny 
much  read  in  the  Middle  Ages,  well  illustrates  the  confusion  of  thought 
of  which  Whewell  speaks.  He  is  discussing  the  idea  advanced  by  the 
philosophers  that  there  may  be  men  living  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
globe.  "  How  can  there  be  any  one  so  absurd  as  to  think  that  men  can 
have  their  feet  higher  than  their  heads ;  or  that  in  those  parts  of  the 
earth  instead  of  resting  on  the  ground  things  hang  down  ;  crops  and 
trees  grow  downward  ;  rain,  snow,  and  hail  fall  upward  on  to  the  earth  ? 
Who  indeed  can  wonder  at  the  hanging  gardens  which  are  reckoned  as 
one  of  the  seven  wonders  when  the  philosophers  would  have  us  believe 
in  hanging  fields  and  cities,  seas  and  mountains?  .  .  . 

"  If  you  ask  those  who  maintain  these  monstrous  notions  why  every- 
thing does  not  fall  off  into  the  heavens  on  that  side,  they  reply  that  it 
is  of  the  nature  of  things  that  all  objects  having  weight  are  borne  toward 
the  center,  and  that  everything  is  connected  with  the  center,  like  the 
spokes  of  a  wheel ;  while  light  things,  like  clouds,  smoke,  and  fire,  are 
borne  away  from  the  center  and  seek  the  heavens.  I  scarce  know  what 
to  say  of  such  fellows,  who  when  once  they  have  wandered  from  truth 
persevere  in  their  foolishness  and  defend  their  absurdities  by  new  ab- 
surdities. Sometimes  I  imagine  that  their  philosophizing  is  all  a  joke, 
or  that  they  know  the  truth  well  enough  and  only  defend  these  lies  in 
a  perverse  attempt  to  exhibit  and  exercise  their  wit."  —  Divinae  Institu- 
tiones,  Lib.  iii,  sect.  24,  Corp.  Scrip.  Eccl.  Lat.,  XIX,  pp.  254^. 


494.  Francis 
Bacon  pro- 
claims the 
principles 
of  modern 
scientific 
progress. 


602 


Readings  in  Enropea7i  History 


and  axioms  be  derived  from  things  by  a  more  sure  and 
guarded  way,  and  that  a  method  of  intellectual  operation 
be  introduced  altogether  better  and  more  certain.  .  .  . 

There  is  no  soundness  in  our  notions,  whether  logical  or 
physical.  Substance,  quality,  action,  passion,  essence  itself 
are  not  sound  notions ;  much  less  are  heavy,  light,  dense, 
rare,  moist,  dry,  generation,  corruption,  attraction,  repulsion, 
element,  matter,  form,  and  the  like ;  but  all  are  fantastical 
and  ill-defined.  .  .  . 

There  are  and  can  be  only  two  ways  of  searching  into 
and  discovering  truth.  The  one  flies  from  the  senses  and 
particulars  to  the  most  general  axioms,  and  from  these 
principles,  the  truth  of  which  it  takes  for  settled  and  im- 
movable, proceeds  to  judgment  and  the  discovery  of  middle 
axioms.  And  this  way  is  now  in  fashion.  The  other  derives 
axioms  from  the  senses  and  particulars,  rising  by  a  grad- 
ual and  unbroken  ascent,  so  that  it  arrives  at  the  most 
general  axioms  last  of  all.  This  is  the  true  way,  but  as  yet 
untried.  .  .  . 
Religious  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  in  every  age  natural  phi- 

opposition  to  losophy  has  had  a  troublesome  adversary  and  hard  to  deal 
with,  —  namely,  superstition  and  the  blind  and  immoderate 
zeal  of  religion.  For  we  see  among  the  Greeks  that  those 
who  first  proposed  to  man's  uninitiated  ears  the  natural 
causes  for  thunder  and  for  storms  were  thereupon  found 
guilty  of  impiety.  Nor  was  much  more  forbearance  shown 
by  some  of  the  ancient  fathers  of  the  Christian  Church  to 
those  who,  on  most  convincing  grounds  (such  as  no  one  in 
his  senses  would  now  think  of  contradicting),  maintained 
that  the  earth  was  round  and,  of  consequence,  asserted  the 
existence  of  the  antipodes.1 

Moreover,  as  things  now  are,  to  discourse  of  nature  is 
made  harder  and  more  perilous  by  the  summaries  and 
systems  of  the  schoolmen  ;  who,  having  reduced  theology 
into  regular  order  as  well  as  they  were  able,  and  fash- 
ioned it  into  the  shape  of  an  art,  ended  in  incorporating  the 


science. 


Influence  of 
the  scholastic 
philosophers. 


1  See  extract  from  Lactantius  given  above,  p.  60 1,  note. 


Europe  of  To-day 


603 


contentious  and  thorny  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  more  than 
was  fit,  with  the  body  of  religion.   .   .  . 

Lastly,  some  are  weakly  afraid  lest  a  deeper  search  into 
nature  should  transgress  the  permitted  limits  of  sober- 
mindedness  ;  wrongfully  wresting  and  transferring  what  is 
said  in  Holy  Writ  against  those  who  pry  into  sacred  mys- 
teries to  the  hidden  things  of  nature,  which  are  barred  by 
no  prohibition.  Others,  with  more  subtlety,  surmise  and 
reflect  that  if  secondary  causes  are  unknown  everything 
can  be  more  readily  referred  to  the  divine  hand  and  rod,  — 
a  point  in  which  they  think  religion  greatly  concerned  ; 
which  is,  in  fact,  nothing  else  but  to  seek  to  gratify  God 
with  a  lie.  Others  fear  from  past  example  that  movements 
and  changes  in  philosophy  will  end  in  assaults  on  religion  ; 
and  others  again  appear  apprehensive  that  in  the  investiga- 
tion of  nature  something  may  be  found  to  subvert,  or  at 
least  shake,  the  authority  of  religion,  especially  with  the 
unlearned. 

But  these  two  last  fears  seem  to  me  to  savor  utterly  of 
carnal  wisdom  ;  as  if  men  in  the  recesses  and  secret  thoughts 
of  their  hearts  doubted  and  distrusted  the  strength  of  reli- 
gion, and  the  empire  of  faith  over  the  senses,  and  therefore 
feared  that  the  investigation  of  truth  in  nature  might  be 
dangerous  to  them.  But  if  the  matter  be  truly  considered, 
natural  philosophy  is,  after  the  word  of  God,  at  once  the 
surest  medicine  against  superstition  and  the  most  approved 
nourishment  for  faith  ;  and  therefore  she  is  rightly  given 
to  religion  as  her  most  faithful  handmaid,  since  the  one 
displays  the  will  of  God,  the  other  his  power.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Again,  in  the  customs  and  institutions  of  schools, 
academies,  colleges,  and  similar  bodies  destined  for  the 
abode  of  learned  men  and  the  cultivation  of  learning, 
everything  is  found  adverse  to  the  progress  of  science. 
For  the  lectures  and  exercises  there  are  so  ordered  that  to 
think  or  speculate  on  anything  out  of  the  common  way 
can  hardly  occur  to  any  man.  And  if  one  or  two  have 
the  boldness  to  use  any  liberty  of  judgment,  they  must 
undertake  the  task  all  by  themselves ;  they  can  have  no 


No  conflict 
between 
science  and 
religion. 


Universities 
opposed  to 
scientific 
advance 


604  Readings  in  European  History 

advantage  from  the  company  of  others.  And  if  they  can 
endure  this  also,  they  will  find  their  industry  and  large- 
ness of  mind  no  slight  hindrance  to  their  fortune.  For  the 
studies  of  men  in  these  places  are  confined  and,  as  it  were, 
imprisoned  in  the  writings  of  certain  authors,  from  whom, 
if  any  man  dissent,  he  is  straightway  arraigned  as  a  tur- 
bulent person  and  an  innovator.  ...  In  matters  of  state, 
change  even  for  the  better  is  distrusted,  because  it  unsettles 
what  is  established ;  these  things  resting  on  authority,  con- 
sent, fame,  and  opinion,  not  on  demonstration  ;  but  arts 
,  and  sciences  should  be  like  mines  where  the  noise  of  new 

works  and  further  advances  is  heard  on  every  side.  .  .  . 
No  one  has  yet  been  found  so  firm  of  mind  and  purpose 
as  resolutely  to  compel  himself  to  sweep  away  all  theories 
and  common  notions  and  to  apply  the  understanding,  thus 
made  fair  and  even,  to  a  fresh  examination  of  particulars. 
Thus  it  happens  that  human  knowledge,  as  we  have  it,  is 
a  mere  medley  and  ill-digested  mass,  made  up  of  much 
credulity  and  much  accident,  and  also  of  the  childish 
notions  which  we  at  first  imbibed. 
Great  hopes  of  Now  if  any  one  of  ripe  age,  unimpaired  senses,  and  well- 
^*P^ri™ental  purged  mind  apply  himself  anew  to  experience  and  partic- 
ulars, better  hopes  may  be  entertained  of  that  man.  In 
which  point  I  promised  to  myself  a  like  fortune  to  that  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  [who,  according  to  Titus  Livius,] 
"had  done  no  more  than  take  courage  to  despise  vain 
apprehensions."  And  a  like  judgment  I  suppose  may  be 
passed  on  myself  in  future  ages  :  that  I  did  no  great  things, 
but  simply  made  less  account  of  things  that  were  counted 
great.  In  the  meanwhile,  as  I  have  already  said,  there  is 
no  hope  except  in  a  new  birth  of  science ;  that  is,  in  rais- 
ing it  regularly  up  from  experience  and  building  it  afresh  ; 
which  no  one,  I  think,  will  say  has  yet  been  done  or 
thought  of. 

The  natural  suspicion  which  is  always  aroused  by 
new  scientific  discoveries  and  theories  apparently  in 
conflict  with   accepted   ideas   is   well   indicated   by  the 


science. 


Europe  of  To-day 


605 


reception,  a  generation  or  so  ago,  of  Darwin's  remark- 
able investigations. 

Darwin's  Origin  of  Species  had  come  into  the  theological 
world  like  a  plow  into  an  ant-hill.  Everywhere  those  thus 
rudely  awakened  from  their  old  comfort  and  repose  had 
swarmed  forth  angry  and  confused.  Reviews,  sermons, 
books  light  and  heavy,  came  flying  at  the  new  thinker  from 
all  sides.  .  .  . 

One  distinguished  clerical  reviewer,  in  spite  of  Darwin's 
thirty  years  of  quiet  labor,  and  in  spite  of  the  powerful 
summing  up  of  his  book,  prefaced  a  diatribe  by  saying 
that  Darwin  "  might  have  been  more  modest  had  he  given 
some  slight  reason  for  dissenting  from  the  views  gener- 
ally entertained."  Another  distinguished  clergyman,  vice 
president  of  a  Protestant  institute  to  combat  "  dangerous  " 
science,  declared  Darwinism  "  an  attempt  to  dethrone 
God."  Another  critic  spoke  of  persons  accepting  the  Dar- 
winian views  as  "  under  the  frenzied  inspiration  of  the 
inhaler  of  mephitic  gas,"  and  of  Darwin's  argument  as  "a 
jungle  of  fanciful  assumption."  Another  spoke  of  Darwin's 
views  as  suggesting  that  "God  is  dead,"  and  declared  that 
Darwin's  work  "  does  open  violence  to  everything  which 
the  Creator  himself  has  told  us  in  the  Scriptures  of  the 
methods  and  results  of  his  work."  .  .  . 

In  France  the  attack  was  even  more  violent.  [A  French 
prelate  wrote :]  "These  infamous  doctrines  have  for  their 
only  support  the  most  abject  passions.  Their  father  is  pride, 
their  mother  impurity,  their  offspring  revolutions ;  they  come 
from  hell  and  return  thither,  taking  with  them  the  gross 
creatures  who  blush  not  to  proclaim  and  accept  them."  .  .  . 

[Pope  Pius  IX,  acknowledging  the  gift  of  a  supposed 
refutation  of  Darwin's  theory  of  evolution,  said:]  "A  sys- 
tem which  is  repugnant  at  once  to  history,  to  the  traditions 
of  all  peoples,  to  exact  science,  to  observed  facts,  and  even 
to  reason  herself,  would  seem  to  need  no  refutation,  did 
not  alienation  from  God  and  the  leaning  toward  material- 
ism due  to  depravity  eagerly  seek  a  support  in  all  this 


495.  How 
Darwin's 
works  were 
received  by 
conservative 
persons. 
(From 
Andrew  D. 
White's 
Warfare  of 
Science  and 
Theology.)      * 


6o6 


Readings  in  European  History 


496.  The 

scientific 

advance 

in  the 

eighteenth 

century. 

(Adapted 

from  Taine.) 


Inorganic 
sciences. 


tissue  of  fables.  .  .  .  And,  in  fact,  pride,  after  rejecting  the 
Creator  of  all  things  and  proclaiming  man  independent, 
wishing  him  to  be  his  own  king,  his  own  priest,  and  his 
own  God,  — pride  goes  so  far  as  to  degrade  man  himself  to 
the  level  of  the  unreasoning  brutes,  perhaps  even  of  life- 
less matter,  thus  unconsciously  confirming  the  divine  decla- 
ration, 'When  pride  cometh,  then  cometh  shame.'  But  the 
corruption  of  this  age,  the  machinations  of  the  perverse, 
the  danger  of  the  simple,  demand  that  such  fancies,  alto- 
gether absurd  though  they  are,  should  —  since  they  borrow 
the  mask  of  science  —  be  refuted  by  true  science." 

The  truly  astonishing  advances  in  natural  science 
which  antedate  the  French  Revolution,  and  upon  which 
the  discoveries  of  the  nineteenth  century  were  based, 
are  thus  summed  up  by  a  brilliant  French  writer. 

In  pure  mathematics  we  have  infinitesimal  calculus, 
discovered  simultaneously  by  Leibnitz  and  Newton ;  in 
astronomy,  the  series  of  calculations  and  observations 
which,  from  Newton  to  Laplace,  transforms  science  into  a 
problem  of  mechanics,  explains  and  predicts  the  move- 
ments of  the  planets  and  of  their  satellites,  indicates  the 
origin  and  formation  of  our  solar  system,  and,  extending 
beyond  this  through  the  discoveries  of  Herschel,  affords 
an  insight  into  the  distribution  of  the  stellar  archipelagoes 
and  of  the  grand  outlines  of  celestial  architecture. 

In  physics  we  have  the  decomposition  of  light  and  the 
principles  of  optics  discovered  by  Newton,  the  velocity 
of  sound,  the  form  of  its  undulations,  the  primary  laws  of 
the  radiation  of  heat,  the  experiments  by  which  Du  Fay, 
Franklin,  and  especially  Coulomb  explain,  manipulate,  and 
for  the  first  time  utilize,  electricity.  In  chemistry  the  chief 
foundations  of  the  science  were  laid :  isolation  of  oxygen, 
nitrogen,  and  hydrogen,  the  composition  of  water,  the 
theory  of  combustion,  chemical  nomenclature,  quantitative 
analysis,  the  indestructibility  of  matter,  —  in  short,  the  dis- 
coveries of  Scheele,  Priestley,  Cavendish,  Lavoisier. 


sciences. 


Europe  of  To-day  607 

In  geology  we  have  the  verification  and  results  of  Newton's 
theory,  the  exact  form  of  the  earth,  the  laws  of  the  tides, 
the  primitive  fluidity  of  the  planet,  the  aqueous  and  igne- 
ous origin  of  rocks,  the  structure  of  the  beds  of  fossils, 
the  repeated  and  prolonged  submersion  of  continents,  the 
slow  growth  of  animal  and  vegetable  deposits,  the  vast 
antiquity  of  life,  the  gradual  transformation  of  the  earth's 
surface,  and,  finally,  the  grand  picture  in  which  Buffon 
describes  approximately  the  entire  history  of  our  globe 
from  the  time  it  formed  a  mass  of  glowing  lava  down  to 
the  time  when  our  own  species,  after  so  many  lost  or  sur- 
viving ones,  was  able  to  inhabit  it. 

Upon  this  science  of  inorganic  matter  we  see  arising  at  Organic 
the  same  time  the  science  of  lorganic  matter.  Linnaeus  in- 
vents botanical  nomenclature  and  the  first  satisfactory  clas- 
sifications of  plants.  Digestion  is  explained  by  Re'aumur 
and  Spallanzani,  respiration  by  Lavoisier.  Scientists  pene- 
trate to  the  lowest  stages  of  animal  life.  Lyonnet  devotes 
twenty  years  to  portraying  a  species  of  caterpillar.  Need- 
ham  reveals  his  infusoria.  Buffon,  and  above  all  Lamarck, 
in  their  great  but  incomplete  sketches,  outline  with  pene- 
trating divination  the  leading  features  of  modern  physi- 
ology and  zoology.  Organic  molecules  everywhere  diffused, 
which  multiply  and  combine  with  one  another  through 
blind  and  spontaneous  development,  without  either  foreign 
direction  or  any  preconceived  end,  solely  through  the 
effects  of  their  structure  and  surroundings,  unite  together 
and  form  those  masterly  organisms  which  we  call  plants 
and  animals.  In  the  beginning  we  have  the  simplest  forms, 
followed  by  slowly  developing,  complex,  and  perfected 
organisms,  —  all  indicated,  by  conjecture  and  approxima- 
tion, the  cellular  theory  of  later  physiologists  and  the  con- 
clusions of  Darwin.  In  the  picture  of  nature  which  the 
human  mind  now  portrays,  the  science  of  the  eighteenth 
century  has  drawn  the  general  outline,  and  indicated  the 
perspective  and  the  general  masses  so  correctly  that  at  the 
present  day  all  its  main  features  remain  intact.  Except  a 
few  partial  changes,  there  is  nothing  to  efface. 


6o8 


Readings  in  European  History 


497.  Effi- 
ciency of 
modern 
industrial 
methods. 
(From  C.  A. 
Beard's 
The  Industrial 
Revolution.) 


II.   Applied  Science 

While  Bacon,  Newton,  and  Laplace  were  engaged, 
during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  in  pro- 
found scientific  research,  practical  inventors,  like  New- 
comen,  Arkwright,  Crompton,  Watt,  and  Cartwright, 
were  availing  themselves,  often  unconsciously,  of  the 
great  principles  of  natural  law.  The  result  was  a  series 
of  mechanical  devices  which  were  later  greatly  increased 
and  perfected  through  the  aid  of  science,  and  which  have 
served  to  revolutionize  industry  and  commerce  and  fun- 
damentally to  alter  social  and  political  conditions.  The 
central  economic  facts  of  this  revolution  have  been  the 
increase  in  man's  productive  powers  and  the  vast  im- 
provement in  the  means  of  transportation. 

Human  progress  depends  on  the  ability  of  mankind  to 
do  more  work  and  to  accomplish  greater  tasks  ;  to  supply 
the  necessaries  of  life  with  less  expenditure  of  time  and 
strength  and  thus  to  secure  leisure  for  thought,  invention, 
and  artistic  development  of  every  kind. 

To  show  the  expansion  of  trade  following  the  new  inven- 
tions it  is  necessary  to  give  a  few  statistics.  When  machin- 
ery was  introduced  into  the  textile  industries  the  output  of 
manufactured  goods  increased  by  leaps  and  bounds.  In 
1764  the  cotton  imported  into  England  amounted  to  about 
4,000,000  pounds;  in  1841  it  had  increased  to  nearly 
500,000,000  pounds.  In  1792  the  amount  of  cotton  imported 
into  Lancashire  alone  from  the  United  States  was  138,000 
pounds;  in  1800  it  was  18,000,000  pounds.  The  wool  im- 
ported into  England  in  1766  was  only  about  2,000,000 
pounds;  in  1830  the  amount  had  risen  to  more  than 
32,000,000  pounds.  In  1788  the  iron  output  was  61,000 
tons  ;  in  1839  it  was  over  1,250,000  tons.  One  hundred  years 
after  Crompton  invented  his  spinning  mule  there  were  in 
Lancashire   2655   cotton   mills   running   a   total  of  nearly 


Europe  of  To-day  609 

38,000,000  spindles  and  463,000  power  looms;  in  the  twenty- 
two  years  from  1793  to  18 15  English  exports,  according 
to  official  valuation,  rose  from  ^"17,000,000  annually  to 
£58,000,000,  in  spite  of  the  depression  caused  by  the 
Napoleonic  wars. 

These  figures  give  an  inkling  of  the  industrial  trans- 
formation which  followed  the  great  inventions.  Now  let  us 
turn  to  the  real  increase  in  the  productive  capacity  of  the 
individual.  In  other  words,  let  us  see  whether  productive 
capacity  has  grown  more  rapidly  than  the  population. 
Unfortunately,  careful  compilations  of  statistics  are  only 
of  recent  date,  but  we  know  that  Hargreaves'  jenny  worked 
only  eight  spindles.  The  number  was  gradually  increased 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty,  and  by  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  to  two  hundred.  The  jenny  now  has 
more  than  a  thousand  spindles,  each  revolving  at  the  rate 
of  ten  thousand  revolutions  per  minute.  A  man  and  two 
boys  can  tend  two  thousand  spindles. 

The  hand-loom  weaver  used  to  make  from  sixty  to  eighty 
throws  of  the  shuttle  per  minute.  Fifty  years  ago  the  best 
power  loom  made  only  one  hundred  throws ;  to-day  the 
highest-grade  loom  runs  at  the  rate  of  about  four  hundred 
per  minute,  and  along  with  the  increase  of  the  productive 
capacity  of  the  machine  there  is  a  decrease  in  the  amount 
of  human  labor  required  in  the  operations.  Formerly  one 
weaver  tended  but  one  loom;  now  one  worker  tends  from 
two  to  ten  looms  according  to  the  grade  of  goods.  So 
great  has  been  the  increase  in  the  efficiency  of  textile 
machinery  that  a  single  operative  can  supply  two  hundred 
and  fifty  persons  with  the  necessary  cotton  garments,  or 
three  hundred  persons  with  woolen  clothing. 

In  every  branch  of  industry  attention  has  been  devoted 
to  increasing  productive  power,  until  almost  marvelous 
results  have  been  attained.  In  the  continuation  of  the  con- 
struction of  the  Cologne  cathedral  in  1870,  two  men  with 
a  steam  crane  lifted  as  much  stone  in  a  day  as  three 
hundred  and  sixty  men  could  have  done  in  the  same  time 
in  the  Middle  Ages    The  old  craftsman  produced  at  best 


6io 


Readings  in  Eitropean  History 


a  couple  of  pairs  of  shoes  per  day;  the  modern  worker 
with  machinery  can  turn  out  five  hundred  pairs  a  day.  In 
one  year  six  English  workmen  can  produce  enough  bread 
to  supply  a  thousand  people  for  the  same  length  of  time. 
This  includes  all  the  labor  from  the  breaking  up  of  the  soil 
to  the  delivery  of  the  bread  to  the  consumer. 

The  extent  to  which  mechanical  power  can  be  substi- 
tuted for  hand  labor  depends  upon  the  ability  of  man  to 
contrive  machinery.  Here  is  the  material  key  to  man's 
spiritual  progress.  The  plowing  of  a  furrow,  the  sowing  of 
the  seed,  the  reaping  of  the  grain,  its  transportation  from 
one  market  to  another,  the  weaving  of  a  fabric,  and  the 
making  of  a  coat,  all  represent  in  the  final  analysis  the  appli- 
cation of  so  much  power  to  matter.  The  past  achievements 
of  inventors  have  shown  us  that  there  are  no  limits  to  the 
ways  in  which  the  exhaustless  forces  of  nature  can  be  applied 
to  do  man's  work.  If  we  look  back,  we  see  man  struggling 
to  maintain  life  by  sheer  strength  of  muscle  ;  but  if  we  look 
forward  along  the  centuries  of  the  future,  we  see  the  strug- 
gle for  existence  taking  only  a  small  portion  of  man's  energy, 
leaving  all  the  remainder  of  his  powers  of  heart  and  brain 
free  for  the  enlargement  and  enriching  of  life. 


498.  Im- 
provements 
in  methods 
of  transpor- 
tation. 
(From  Wells' 
Economic 
Changes.) 


The  result  of  the  construction  and  use  of  compound 
engines  in  economizing  coal  has  been  illustrated  by  Sir 
Lyon  Playfair,  by  the  statement  that  "  a  small  cake  of  coal 
which  would  pass  through  a  ring  the  size  of  a  shilling,  when 
burned  in  the  compound  engine  of  a  modern  steamboat, 
would  drive  a  ton  of  food  and  its  proportion  of  the  ship  two 
miles  on  its  way  from  a  foreign  port."  Another  calculator, 
says  the  London  Engineer,  "  has  computed  that  half  a  sheet 
of  note  paper  will  develop  sufficient  power,  when  burned  in 
connection  with  a  triple  expansion  engine,  to  carry  a  ton 
a  mile  in  an  Atlantic  steamer."  How,  under  such  circum- 
stances, the  charge  for  sea  freights  on  articles  of  compara- 
tively high  value  has  been  reduced,  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  the  ocean  transport  of  fresh  meat  from  New  York  to 
Liverpool  does  not  exceed  one  cent  per  pound.   .  .  . 


Europe  of  To-day 


611 


Great,  however,  as  has  been  the  revolution  in  respect  to  Transporta- 
economy  and  efficiency  in  the  carrying  trade  upon  the  ocean,  tion  on  Iand- 
the  revolution  in  the  carrying  trade  on  land  during  the 
same  period  has  been  even  greater  and  more  remarkable. 
Taking  the  American  railroads  in  general  as  representative 
of  the  railroad  system  of  the  world,  the  average  charge  for 
moving  one  ton  of  freight  per  mile  has  been  reduced  from 
about  two  and  one-half  cents  in  1869  to  about  a  cent  in 
1887.  To  grasp  fully  the  meaning  and  significance  of  these 
figures,  their  method  of  presentation  may  be  varied  by  say- 
ing that  two  thousand  pounds  of  coal,  iron,  wheat,  cotton, 
or  other  commodities  can  now  be  carried  on  the  best- 
managed  railways  for  a  distance  of  one  mile  for  a  sum  so 
small  that,  outside  of  China,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a 
coin  of  equivalent  value  to  give  to  a  boy  as  a  reward  for 
carrying  an  ounce  package  across  the  street,  even  if  a  man 
or  boy  could  be  found  in  Europe  or  the  United  States  will- 
ing either  to  give  or  accept  so  small  a  compensation  for 
such  a  service. 


The  history  of  this  industrial  movement  would  embrace, 
directly  or  indirectly,  an  account  of  all  that  chiefly  distin- 
guished the  nineteenth  century  from  the  eighteenth,  the  old 
re'gime  from  the  new.  It  would  include  an  account  of  the 
origin  and  rise  of  the  factory  system  of  industry,  replacing 
the  home  work  or  the  small  and  scattered  workshops  of 
the  old  time  by  the  aggregation  of  men  and  machinery  at 
industrial  centers.  It  would  be  much  concerned  with  the 
discovery  and  perfection  of  the  steam  engine,  the  mighty 
prime  mover  in  these  changes,  and  after  that  with  the  dis- 
covery and  development  of  its  chief  modes  of  application 
to  the  spindle,  the  weaving  frame,  the  forge,  the  printing 
press,  the  mill,  and  innumerable  other  instruments  of  pro- 
duction; to  the  railway,  the  steamship,  and  other  means 
of  transportation  and  communication. 

But  only  in  its  origin  is  the  revolution  exclusively  indus- 
trial, and  in  the  next  stage  are  seen  its  immediate  effects 
upon   human   life,    of  which   perhaps  the  most  important 


499.  Eco- 
nomic effects 
of  the  revo- 
lution in  the 
means  of 
communi- 
cation. 
(From  The 
United  States 
of  America, 
edited  by 
Professor 
Shaler.) 


Aggregation 
of  industries 
in  cities. 


/ 


6l2 


Readings  in  European  History 


Economic 
revolution 
caused  by  im- 
proved trans- 
portation. 


spring  from  the  aggregation  of  industries,  and  consequently 
of  men,  in  cities,  accompanied  by  a  relative  diminution, 
of  the  number  of  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  the  separation  of 
producers  into  two  distinct  classes, — the  capitalists,  or 
organizing  and  directing  class,  and  the  manual  laborers. 
A  mind  subtle  enough  might  trace  a  third  and  more  remote 
series  of  effects  to  the  same  causes.  The  thought  of  our 
time,  whether  taking  the  form  of  literature,  science,  the  fine 
arts,  or  political  discussion,  is  evidently  molded  in  great 
measure  by  the  spectacle  of  the  industrial  revolution  and 
of  the  phenomena  induced  by  it. 

None  of  these  changes  are  more  characteristic  or  more 
indispensable  to  the  state  of  society  that  we  now  see  around 
us  than  those  in  the  methods  of  moving  men  and  things 
from  one  place  to  another,  and  of  communication  between 
men  in  places  distant  from  one  another.  The  change  in 
industrial  organization  involves,  above  all,  a  greater  depend- 
ence of  each  class  of  men  upon  other  classes,  and  there- 
fore the  necessity  for  more  frequent  interchange  of  goods. 
The  manufacturing  class,  formerly  to  a  great  degree  scat- 
tered over  the  country  as  small  handicraftsmen,  have  now 
separated  entirely  from  the  agricultural  class  and  gathered 
in  factories  in  the  great  towns.  Therefore  the  products  of 
the  loom,  the  mill,  and  the  forge,  which  formerly,  if  not 
actually  produced  upon  the  farmer's  premises,  were  to  be 
had  near  at  hand,  must  now  be  brought  from  the  more  dis- 
tant towns,  and  the  farm  products  exchanged  for  them 
must  traverse  the  same  distance. 

One  need  only  visit  Mount  Vernon  to  see  an  illustration 
of  this  change.  George  Washington  lived  upon  his  estate, 
surrounded  by  small  handicraftsmen,  and,  as  regards  the 
commoner  needs  of  daily  life,  almost  entirely  independent 
of  transportation.  Not  only  did  he  raise  the  foodstuffs  for 
his  own  consumption  and  that  of  his  numerous  dependents, 
but  blacksmiths,  shoemakers,  tailors,  and  carpenters  were 
found  among  the  slaves  upon  his  plantation,  and  cloth  for 
the  coarser  sort  of  garments  was  spun  and  woven  in  his 
household.    Nowadays  country  gentlemen  usually  live  near 


Europe  of  To-day 


613 


a  railroad  station,  and  have  their  supplies  sent  out  every 
week,  or  oftener,  from  the  nearest  large  town,  perhaps  a  hun- 
dred miles  away. 

Still  more  important  to  the  study  of  transportation  than 
this  withdrawal  of  the  manufacturing  classes  into  towns  is 
the  specialization  of  manufactures  by  districts, — what  has 
been  called  the  territorial  division  of  labor.  The  principle 
that  one  can  accomplish  most  by  concentrating  his  energies 
on  the  thing  that  he  is  best  fitted  to  do,  has  in  our  time 
been  applied  to  places  as  well  as  to  persons.  Massachusetts 
has  districts  whose  people  are  almost  wholly  occupied  with 
shoemaking,  and  others  where  they  are  equally  engrossed 
in  cotton  spinning.  Pittsburg  and  the  surrounding  country 
is,  roughly  speaking,  a  vast  iron  furnace,  Dakota  a  wheat 
field,  and  so  on. 

Applied  science  is  by  no  means  confined  to  the  in- 
vention of  machinery  and  the  facilitating  of  travel  and 
intercommunication!  Science  has  revolutionized  our  ideas 
of  animal  and  plant  life  and  of  the  treatment  of  maladies. 
By  means  of  the  most  delicately  adjusted  microscopes 
it  has  become  possible  to  discover  and  study  the  minute 
plants  known  as  bacteria,  some  of  which  are  not  over 
a  hundred  and  fifty  thousandth  of  an  inch  in  diameter. 

The  study  of  the  life  histories  of  these  diminutive  plants    500.  The 
excites  the  wonder  of  those  who  make  observations  upon    beneficent 
them.    It  is  truly  marvelous  to  know  that  these  bacteria    (From 
can  accomplish,  in  their  short  lives  of  possibly  a  few  hours    Dr.  William 
or  days,  feats  which  would   baffle  the  cleverest  of  chem-    0sler-) 
ists  if  given  years  of  a  lifetime  to  work  upon.    They  give  to 
the  farmer  the  good  quality  of  his  crops,  to  the  dairyman 
superior  butter  and  cheese ;  they  assist  in  large  measure  in 
freeing  our  rivers  and  lakes  from  harmful  pollutions.    Here 
it  should  be  strongly  emphasized  that  those  bacteria  which 
cause  disease  are  only  a  few  species,  all  others  contributing 
to  our  welfare  in  countless  ways. 


6 14  Readings  in  European  History 

Quite  as  astonishing  is  the  discovery  that  within  the 
root  knobs  of  peas  and  beans  live  bacteria  which,  by  split- 
ting up  mineral  salts  containing  nitrogen  and  by  absorbing 
nitrogen  from  the  air,  give  it  over  to  the  plant,  so  that  it  is 
enabled  to  grow  luxuriantly,  whereas  without  their  presence 
the  tiller  of  the  soil  might  fertilize  the  ground  in  vain.  It 
is  quite  possible  that  not  alone  peas  and  beans  but  all 
grasses  and  plants  and  trees  depend  upon  the  presence  of 
such  germs  for  their  very  existence,  which  in  turn  supply 
man  and  animals  with  their  means  of  existence.  Hence  we 
see  that  these  nitrifying  bacteria,  as  they  are  called,  if 
swept  out  of  existence,  would  be  the  cause  of  cessation  of 
all  life  upon  the  globe. 

0 

The  astonishing  effects  of  scientific  discovery  in  pro- 
moting the  highly  practical  art  of  surgery  are  well  de- 
scribed by  Dr.  Keen  in  the  following  passage. 

501.  Modern  Great  theologians,  such  as  a  Calvin  or  a  Jonathan  Edwards, 
surgery.  were  thev  recalled  to  life,  could  discourse  as  learnedly  as 
Dr.W.  W.  ever  °f  predestination  and  free  will ;  great  forensic  orators, 
Keen.)  such  as  a  Burke  or  a  Webster,  could  convince  us  by  the 

same  arguments  and  arouse  us  by  the  same  invectives  that 
made  our  fathers  willing  captives  to  their  silver  tongues. 
But  to-day,  so  rapid  has  been  our  surgical  progress  that 
a  Velpeau,  a  Sir  William  Ferguson,  or  a  Pancoast,  all  of 
whom  have  died  within  the  last  thirty  years,  could  not  teach 
modern  surgical  principles  nor  perform  a  modern  surgical 
operation.  Even  our  everyday  surgical  vocabulary — staphy- 
lococcus, streptococcus,  infection,  immunity,  antisepsis  and 
asepsis,  toxin  and  antitoxin  —  would  be  unintelligible  jar- 
gon to  him;  and  our  modern  operations  on  the  brain, 
the  chest,  the  abdomen,  and  the  pelvis  would  make  him 
wonder  whether  we  had  all  lost  our  senses,  until,  seeing  the 
almost  uniform  and  almost  painless  recoveries,  he  would 
thank  God  for  the  magnificent  progress  of  the  last  half 
century,  which  had  vouchsafed  such  magical  —  nay,  almost 
divine  —  power  to  the  modern  surgeon. 


Europe  of  To-day 


6i5 


III.   Political  and  Social  Democracy 

The  chief  political  question  of  the  nineteenth  century 
in  all  the  states  of  western  Europe  has  been  the  same, 
—  namely,  whether  the  king  should  continue  to  rule 
in  the  more  or  less  absolute  manner  in  which  he  had 
controlled  the  government  in  the  previous  century,  or 
whether  the  people  should  be  regarded  as  the  sover- 
eign and  rule  through  their  deputies.  Everywhere,  conse- 
quently, though  with  certain  local  differences,  we  find 
the  following  four  great  parties  representing  four  differ- 
ent views  of  this  fundamental  question. 

1.  The  absolutist  conservative  party,  formed  by  the  high 
officials  and  landed  aristocracy,  desired  to  maintain  ab- 
solute government,  the  authority  of  the  Church,  and  the 
censorship  of  the  press;  it  controlled  all  the  central,  east- 
ern, and  southern  states  of  Europe.  It  no  longer  existed 
in  England,  for  the  former  absolutist  party,  the  Jacobites, 
had  not  survived  the  century  of  political  liberty. 

2.  The  liberal  conservative,  or  constitutional  party,  some- 
times called  the  Tory,  or  right  center,  composed  of  the 
upper  middle  class  and  the  liberal  officeholders,  demanded 
that  the  assembly  should  control  the  administration  of  the 
government,  particularly  in  financial  matters.  Its  ideal  was 
personal  government  by  the  sovereign,  with  a  parliament  of 
two  houses,  one  aristocratic,  the  other  elective.  It  believed 
that  the  electoral  body  should  be  limited  by  a  considerable 
property  qualification,  and  that  the  parliament  should  vote 
the  annual  budget  and  leave  the  prince  free  in  the  choice 
of  his  ministers  and  in  the  direction  of  general  policy. 
There  should  be  no  censorship  of  the  press,  but  liberty 
should  be  restricted  to  the  wealthy  classes;  the  nation's 
rights  should  be  guaranteed  by  a  constitution.  This  party 
was  in  power  in  the  states  which  had  constitutions;  in  the 
absolute  monarchies  it  demanded  a  constitution,  a  repre- 
sentative assembly,  and  the  abolition  of  censorship. 


502.  The 

chief  party 

issues  in 

western 

Europe 

during  the 

nineteenth 

century. 

(From 

Seignobos.) 

The  constitu 
tional  party, 
or  right 
center. 


6i6 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  parlia- 
mentary 
party,  or  left 
center. 


The  radical 

democratic 

party. 


3.  The  parliamentary  liberal  party,  sometimes  called  the 
Whig,  or  left  center,  recruited  from  the  middle  class,  de- 
manded not  only  control  by  the  elective  assembly  but  its 
supremacy  over  the  sovereign,  his  ministers,  and  the  aristo- 
cratic chamber.  Its  ideal  was  the  parliamentary  system,  a 
ministry  chosen  from  the  party  in  majority  in  the  lower 
house,  governing  in  the  prince's  name,  but  according  to 
the  will  of  the  elected  representatives  of  the  nation.  It  de- 
manded a  constitution  which  recognized  the  superior  rights 
or  sovereignty  of  the  people,  political  liberties  (such  as  liberty 
of  the  press,  holding  public  meetings,  and  forming  associa- 
tions), and  absolute  religious  liberty.  ...  It  would  admit 
only  property  owners  to  vote,  but  tended  to  lower  the  qual- 
ifications for  the  franchise  in  order  to  include  in  the  voting 
body  the  lower  middle  class. 

4.  The  democratic,  or  radical  party,  formed  by  students, 
workingmen,  writers,  and  lawyers,  demanded,  according  to 
the  motto  of  the  French  Revolution,  the  sovereignty  and 
political  equality  of  the  people.  It  added  to  the  demands  of 
the  parliamentary  party  universal  suffrage,  remuneration 
of  representatives,  abolition  of  all  political  privileges  of  the 
wealthy  classes,  and  separation  of  church  and  state.  Its 
ideal  was  a  purely  representative,  democratic,  and  prefera- 
bly republican  government  like  that  of  the  French  Conven- 
tion, or  even  a  direct  government  by  the  people,  in  which 
they  should  themselves  make  the  constitution.  In  18 15 
this  party,  so  far  from  being  in  power  in  any  country,  had 
not  even  the  right  to  formulate  its  programme  publicly, 
except  in  England,  Sweden,  and  Norway. 

The  two  extreme  parties,  absolutist  and  democratic,  held 
diametrically  opposite  conceptions  of  government  and  so- 
ciety. The  absolutists  wanted  a  society  based  on  heredi- 
tary inequality.  .  .  .  They  also  demanded  an  established 
religion.  The  democrats  admitted  neither  political,  heredi- 
tary, nor  ecclesiastical  authority. 

A  country  might,  however,  pass  from  one  of  these  ex- 
tremes to  the  other  gradually,  for  the  four  parties  formed 
a   continuous  gradation.     The    absolutist    system   became 


Europe  of  To-day  617 

constitutional  when  the  prince  consented  to  grant  a  consti- 
tution, as  in  the  south  German  states  in  1816  to  1819.  The 
constitutional  system  was  insensibly  transformed  into  the 
parliamentary  system  as  the  sovereign  took  more  account 
of  the  wishes  of  the  elective  chamber,  as  in  England  after 
1830.  The  parliamentary  system  became  democratic  with 
the  extension  of  the  suffrage  and  the  assembly's  acquisition 
of  supremacy  over  all  the  other  powers,  as  in  Switzerland. 

With  the  revolution  of  1848  in  France  a  new  party, 
working  for  economic  as  well  as  political  changes,  made 
its  appearance,  as  we  have  seen.1  This  movement  was 
the  outgrowth  of  the  great  industrial  changes  of  the 
preceding  half  century.  The  efforts  of  its  adherents  were 
commonly  directed  towards  some  socialistic  reorganiza- 
tion of  society  which  should  secure  to  the  workingman 
a  more  generous  share  of  the  products  of  his  labor  than 
he  could  receive  under  the  capitalistic  system  which  had 
grown  up.  Of  the  many  programmes  of  reform  which 
have  been  drawn  up  by  the  labor  leaders,  the  follow- 
ing, formulated  at  a  great  labor  congress  at  Gotha  in 
1875,  will  serve  as  a  statement  of  their  chief  economic 
doctrines. 

1.   Labor  is  the  source  of  all  wealth,  and  of  all  civiliza-  503.  The 
tion;  and  since  it  is  only  through  society  that  generally  s<>cialist 
productive  labor  is  possible,  the  whole  product  of  labor,  ^sued'at06 
where  there  is  a  general   obligation   to   work,  belongs  to  Gotha  (1875) 
society,  —  that  is,   to   all  its  members,   by  equal  right,  to 
each  according  to  his  reasonable  needs. 

In  the  society  of  to-day  the  means  of  production  are  a 
monopoly  of  the  capitalistic  class;  the  dependence  of  the 
working  classes  which  results  from  this  is  the  cause  of 
misery  and  of  servitude  in  all  its  forms. 

1  See  above,  p.  560. 


6i8 


Readings  in  European  History 


International 
nature  of  the 
socialist 
movement. 


Immediate 
reforms 
demanded  by 
the  socialists. 


The  emancipation  of  labor  requires  the  conversion  of  the 
means  of  production  into  the  common  property  of  society 
and  the  social  regulation  of  all  labor  and  its  application 
for  the  general  good,  together  with  the  just  distribution  of 
the  product  of  labor. 

The  emancipation  of  labor  must  be  the  work  of  the 
laboring  class  itself,  opposed  to  which  all  other  classes  are 
reactionary  groups. 

2.  Proceeding  from  these  principles,  the  socialist  labor 
party  of  Germany  endeavors  by  every  lawful  means  to  bring 
about  a  free  state  and  a  socialistic  society,  to  effect  the  de- 
struction of  the  iron  law  of  wages  by  doing  away  with  the 
system  of  wage  labor,  to  abolish  exploitation  of  every  kind, 
and  to  extinguish  all  social  and  political  inequality. 

The  socialist  labor  party  of  Germany,  although  for  the 
time  being  confining  its  activity  within  national  bounds, 
is  fully  conscious  of  the  international  character  of  the  labor 
movement,  and  is  resolved  to  meet  all  the  obligations  which 
this  lays  upon  the  laborer,  in  order  to  bring  the  brother- 
hood of  all  mankind  to  a  full  realization. 

The  socialist  labor  party  of  Germany,  in  order  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  solution  of  the  social  question,  demands  the 
establishment  of  socialistic  productive  associations  with 
the  support  of  the  state  and  under  the  democratic  control 
of  the  working  people.  These  productive  associations,,  for 
both  industry  and  agriculture,  are  to  be  created  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  socialistic  organization  of  all  labor  may 
result  therefrom. 

[In  addition  to  the  demand  for  universal  suffrage  for  all 
above  twenty  years  of  age,  secret  ballot,  freedom  of  the 
press,  free  and  compulsory  education,  etc.,]  the  socialist 
labor  party  of  Germany  demands  the  following  reforms  in 
the  present  social  organization:  (i)  the  greatest  possible 
extension  of  political  rights  and  freedom  in  the  sense  of 
the  above-mentioned  demands;  (2)  a  single  progressive  in- 
come tax,  both  state  and  local,  instead  of  all  the  existing 
taxes,,  especially  the  indirect  ones,  which  weigh  heavily 
upon  the  people ;   (3)  unlimited  right  of  association ;  (4)  a 


Europe  of  To-day 


619 


normal  working  day  corresponding  with  the  needs  of  society^ 
and  the  prohibition  of  work  on  Sunday;  (5)  prohibition  of 
child  labor  and  all  forms  of  labor  by  women  which  are 
dangerous  to  health  or  morality;  (6)  laws  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  life  and  health  of  workmen,  sanitary  control  of 
workmen's  houses,  inspection  of  mines,  factories,  work- 
shops, and  domestic  industries  by  officials  chosen  by  the 
workmen  themselves,  and  an  effective  system  of  enforce- 
ment of  the  same;  (7)  regulation  of  prison  labor. 


A  more  vigorous  denunciation  of  the  present  social 
organization  is  to  be  found  in  the  Erfurt  programme  of 
October,  1891. 

The  economic  development  of  industrial  society  tends 
inevitably  to  the  ruin  of  small  industries,  which  are  based 
upon  the  workman's  private  ownership  of  the  means  of 
production.  It  separates  him  from  these  means  of  produc- 
tion and  converts  him  into  a  destitute  member  of  the  pro- 
letariat, whilst  a  comparatively  small  number  of  capitalists 
and  great  landowners  obtain  a  monopoly  of  the  means  of 
production. 

Hand  in  hand  with  this  growing  monopoly  goes  the 
destruction  of  these  scattered  small  industries  by  industries 
of  colossal  growth,  the  development  of  the  tool  into  the 
machine,  and  a  gigantic  increase  in  the  productiveness  of 
human  labor.  But  all  the  advantages  of  this  revolution  are 
monopolized  by  the  capitalist  and  great  landowners  To 
the  proletariat  and  to  the  rapidly  sinking  middle  classes, 
the  small  tradesmen  of  the  towns  and  the  peasants,  it  brings 
an  increasing  uncertainty  of  existence,  increasing  misery, 
oppression,  servitude,  degradation,  and  exploitation. 

Ever  greater  grows  the  mass  of  the  proletariat,  ever 
vaster  the  army  of  the  unemployed,  ever  sharper  the  con- 
trast between  oppressors  and  oppressed,  ever  fiercer  that 
war  of  classes  between  bourgeoisie  and  proletariat  which 
divides  modern  society  into  two  hostile  camps  and  is  the 
common  characteristic  of  every  industrial  country. 


504.  Ex- 
tract frorr, 
the  Erfurt 
programmt> 
of  the 
socialists 
(October, 
1891). 


Criticism  of 
the  existing 
capitalistic 
organization 
of  society. 


620 


Readings  in  European  History 


Small  extent 
of  German 
colonies. 


IV.   Imperialism 

An  English  writer  thus  briefly  indicates  the  present 
extent  of  the  colonies  of  the  several  European  powers. 

505.  Present       Since    1884   some   three    and    three-quarter    millions   of 

extent  of         square  miles  have  been  added  to  the  British  empire.    Nor 

colonies.  does  Great  Britain  stand  alone  in  this  enterprise.    The  lead- 

(From  ing  characteristic  of  modern  imperialism,  the  competition 

j.    .    0  son.)  Q£  rjvaj  empires>  is  the  product  of  this  same  period.    The 

close  of  the  Franco-German  war  marks  the  beginning  of 

a  new  colonial  policy  in  France  and  Germany,  destined  to 

take  effect  in  the  next  decade. 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  the  newly  founded  German 
empire,  surrounded  by  powerful  enemies  and  doubtful  allies, 
and  perceiving  its  more  adventurous  youth  drawn  into  the 
United  States  and  other  foreign  lands,  should  form  the 
idea  of  a  colonial  empire.  During  the  seventies  a  vigorous 
literature  sprang  up  in  advocacy  of  the  policy,  which  took 
shape  a  little  later  in  the  powerful  hands  of  Bismarck.  The 
earliest  instance  of  official  aid  for  the  promotion  of  German 
commerce  abroad  occurred  in  1880.  But  the  definite  ad- 
vance of  Germany  upon  its  imperialistic  career  began  in 
1884  with  a  policy  of  African  protectorates  and  annexations 
of  oceanic  islands.  During  the  next  fifteen  years  she 
brought  under  her  colonial  sway  about  a  million  square 
miles,  with  an  estimated  population  of  fourteen  millions. 
Almost  the  whole  of  this  territory  is  tropical,  and  the  white 
population  forms  a  total  of  a  few  thousands. 
French  Similarly  in  France  a  great  revival  of  the  old  colonial 

colonies.  spirit  took  place  in  the  early  eighties.    The  extension  of 

empire  in  the  Senegal  and  Sahara  in  1880  was  followed 
next  year  by  the  annexation  of  Tunis,  and  France  was  soon 
actively  engaged  in  the  scramble  for  Africa  in  1884,  while 
at  the  same  time  she  was  fastening  her  rule  upon  Tonquin 
and  Laos  in  Asia.  Her  acquisitions  since  1880  (exclusive 
of  the  extension  of  New  Caledonia  and  its  dependencies) 
amount  to  an  area  of  over  three  and  one-half  million  square 


Europe  of  To-day 


621 


miles,  with  a  native  population  of  some  thirty-seven  mil- 
lion; almost  the  whole  territory  is  tropical  or  subtropi- 
cal, inhabited  by  lower  races,  and  incapable  of  colonization. 

Italian  aspirations  took  similar  shape  from  1880  onwards,    Italian 
though  the  disastrous  experience  of  the  Abyssinian  expedi-    colonization, 
tion  has  given  a  check  to  Italian  imperialism.    Her  posses- 
sions in  East  Africa  are  confined  to  the  northern  colony  of 
Eritrea  and  the  protectorate  of  Somaliland. 

Of  the  other  European  states  two  only,  Portugal  and 
Belgium,  enter  directly  into  the  competition  of  the  new 
imperialism.  Spain  may  be  said  to  have  definitely  retired 
from  imperial  competition.  The  large  and  important  pos- 
sessions of  Holland  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  though 
involving  her  in  imperial  politics  in  some  degree,  belong  to 
older  colonialism;  she  takes  no  part  in  the  new  expansion. 

Russia,  the  only  active  expansionist  country  of  the  north,  Russia, 
stands  alone  in  the  character  of  her  imperial  growth,  which 
differs  from  other  imperialism  in  that  it  has  been  princi- 
pally Asiatic  in  its  achievements  and  has  proceeded,  by 
direct  extension  of  imperial  boundaries,  partaking  to  a 
larger  extent  than  in  the  other  cases  of  a  regular  colonial 
policy  of  settlement  for  purposes  of  agriculture  and  industry. 

The  recent  entrance  of  the  powerful  and  progressive  The  United 
nation  of  the  United  States  of  America  upon  imperialism  States- 
by  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  and  the  taking  over  of  the  relics 
of  the  ancient  Spanish  empire,  not  only  adds  a  new  formi- 
dable competitor  for  trade  and  territory,  but  changes  and 
complicates  the  issues.  As  the  focus  of  political  attention 
and  activity  shifts  more  to  the  Pacific  states  and  the  com- 
mercial aspirations  of  America  are  more  and  more  set 
upon  trade  with  the  Pacific  islands  and  the  Asiatic  coast, 
the  same  forces  which  are  driving  European  states  along 
the  path  of  territorial  expansion  seem  likely  to  act  upon  the 
United  States,  leading  her  to  a  virtual  abandonment  of 
the  principle  of  American  isolation  which  has  hitherto  domi- 
nated her  policy. 


622 


Readings  in  European  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Democracy  and  Reform  in  England :  Seignobos,  Political  History 
of  Europe  since  1814,  pp.  10-101. 

Socialism  in  Europe  :  Seignobos,  pp.  718-745. 

The  Hague  Peace  Conference :  Phillips,  Modem  Europe,  pp.  526- 
527,  544-546. 

The  Partition  of  Africa :  Phillips,  pp.  538-544. 

Europe  and  Asia  :  Phillips,  pp.  535-538. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 

Science. 

Modern 
industry. 


Socialism. 


Government 
and  politics. 


There  are  three  scholarly  and  yet  popular  works  on  the  striking  sci- 
entific achievements  in  the  nineteenth  century :  Wallace,  The  Wonder- 
ful Century,  1898 ;  Williams,  Story  of  Nineteenth  Century  Science, 
1900;  and  The  Progress  of  the  Century,  1901.  The  last  contains  chap- 
ters on  literature  and  religion  as  well. 

There  is  no  history  of  the  industrial  revolution  in  Europe  as  a  whole. 
Gibbins,  Economic  and  Industrial  Progress  of  the  Century,  1903,  is  a 
popular  outline.  Cochrane,  Modern  Industrial  Progress,  1904  :  a  pop- 
ular description  of  some  of  the  most  striking  mechanical  inventions  of 
the  last  century.  The  best  account  of  English  economic  history  for  the 
first  half  of  the  century  is  to  be  found  in  Cunningham,  Growth  of  Eng- 
lish Industry  and  Commerce,  edition  of  1903,  Vol.  II,  Part  II. 

Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  1905,  Book  TV,  Chapters  VIII- 
XIII:  contains  an  excellent  study  of  modern  industrial  organization. 
McVey,  Modem  Industrialism,  1905,  devotes  considerable  attention  to 
Great  Britain  and  Germany. 

Webb,  Problems  of  Modem  Industry,  1898,  and  Adams  and  Sum- 
ner, Labor  Problems,  1905,  are  valuable  studies  of  conditions  of  labor. 
Ingram,  A  History  of  Political  Econo?ny,  1888,  Chapters  V-VIII : 
a  convenient  summary  of  the  theories  of  the  chief  modern  economists. 

For  the  history  of  socialism  in  Europe :  Ely,  French  and  German 
Socialism  in  Modem  Times,  1898  ;  Webb,  Socialism  in  England,  1901  ; 
Sombart,  Socialism  and  the  Social  Movement  hi  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
1898. 

Lowell,  Governments  and  Parties  in  Continental  Europe,  2  vols., 
1900  :  a  study  of  the  governmental  organizations  and  the  political  parties 
in  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Switzerland.  For  England  :  Courtney, 
The  Working  Constitution  of  the  United  Kingdom,  1904;  also  Rose, 
Rise  of  Democracy,   1897. 


Europe  of  To-day 


623 


Translations  of  the  constitutions  of  France,  Prussia,  Italy,  and  Belgium    Translations 
are  published  as  supplements  to  the  "  Annals  of  the  American  Academy    of  constl- 
of  Political  and  Social  Science,"  1892-1896.    The  constitutions  of  the 
German  empire  and  Switzerland  are  to  be  found  in  the  Wharton  School 
Series  (University  of  Pennsylvania).    These  are  reproduced  in  Larned, 
History  for  Ready  Reference,  Vol.  I,  pp.  538  sqq . 

The  Statesman's  Yearbook,  annually  since  1865,  is  a  veritable  mine  of 
information  on  the  governments,  statistics,  and  industries  of  all  the  coun- 
tries of  the  world.    Brief  but  useful  bibliographies  are  included. 

Reinsch,  World  Politics  at  the  End  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  1900  :  Imperialism. 
a  suggestive  and  valuable  work  on  the  forces  underlying  imperialism, 
the  Chinese  question,  and  the  reflex  influence  of  Eastern  developments 
on  Western  politics.  By  the  same,  Colonial  Government,  1902:  an 
analysis  of  the  economic  forces  in  imperialism  and  a  discussion  of  the 
methods  of  colonial  government ;  useful  general  and  topical  bibliogra- 
phies are  given.  Hobson,  Imperialism  :  a  Study,  1902:  an  indictment 
of  British  imperial  policy  on  economic  grounds.  Skrine,  The  Expan- 
sion of  Russia,  1815-iQoo,  1903  :  devotes  more  attention  to  internal  poli- 
tics than  the  title  implies.  Rambaud,  The  Expansion  of  Russia,  1904: 
brief  and  readable  account  of  Russian  advance  in  Europe  and  Asia. 
Keltie,  Partition  of  Africa,  1895  :  a  detailed  history  of  the  operations 
of  European  powers  in  Africa.  Douglas,  Europe  and  the  Far  East, 
1904  :  a  full  account  of  the  relations  between  Europe  and  China,  Korea, 
and  Japan. 

Foster,  Arbitration  and  The  Hague  Court,  1904:  a  brief  account  of    International 
the  present  position  of  international  arbitration.  arbitration. 


For  the  history  of  modern  science  there  are  two  good  general  works  :    C.  Materials 

MtJLLER,  Geschichte  der  orga?iische?z  Naturwissenschaften  im  neunzehjiten    Jor  advanced 

study  * 
fahrhundert,  1902,  and  GuNTHER,  Geschichte  der  anorganischen  Natur- 
wissenschaften im  neunzehnten  fahrhundert,  1901.    In  English  we  have 
Williams,  A  History  of  Science,  6  vols.    A  succinct  review  of  the  scien- 
tific advance  is  published  each  year  in  "  The  Annual  Register." 

From  the  vast  range  of  works  describing  economic  conditions  the 
following  may  be  selected:  Webb,  The  History  of  Trade  Unionis?n, 
1901  ;  Hutchins  and  Harrison,  History  of  Factory  Legislation,  1903; 
both  relating  to  England.  A  valuable  summary  of  European  labor  legis- 
lation is  to  be  found  in  the  "Report  of  the  Industrial  Commission," 
Vol.  XVI,  1 90 1.  SOMBART,  Die  deutsche  Vol kswirtsc haft  im  ?ieunzehnten 
fahrhundert,    1903;    Levasseur,  Histoire   des  classes  ouvrrtres   et  de 


Economic 
conditions. 


624  Readings  in  European  History 

Vindiistrie  en  France  de  i?8q  a  1870,  2  vols.,  2d  ed.,  1903-1904;  Rae, 
Conte??iporary  Socialism,  1901  ;  Marx,  Das  Xapital,  3  vols. :  Vol.  I  trans- 
lated by  Moore  and  Aveling,  London,  1887,  and  subsequent  editions. 
A  continuation  of  the  translation  is  announced.  This  is  a  very  remark- 
able work,  the  text-book  of  most  socialistic  leaders.  The  most  important 
encyclopaedias  dealing  with  economic  matters  are :  Palgrave,  Diction- 
ary of  Political  Economy,  3  vols.,  1894-1899,  and  Conrad,  Handworter- 
buch  der  Staatswissenschaften,  7  vols.,  1898— 190 1. 
Political  and  Scholarly  treatises  on  the  constitutions  of  the  European  states  are  to 

constitutional  |3e  found  in  Marquardsen,  Handbuch  des  offentlichen  Rechts,  1883  saa-> — 
a  series  of  volumes  by  specialists ;  Burgess,  Political  Science  and  Com- 
parative Constitutional  Law,  2  vols.,  1900,  —  a  remarkable  comparative 
study  of  the  constitutions  of  France,  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  the 
United  States.  For  the  administrative  organization,  see  Goodnow, 
Comparative  Administrative  Law,  2  vols.,  1902.  The  leading  authority 
for  England  is  Anson,  Law  and  Custom  of  the  Constitutio7i,  2  vols., 
1892;  but  compare  Bagehot,  The  English  Constitution  (admirably 
written),  and  Dicey's  suggestive  Law  of  the  Constitution,  which  has  a 
chapter  on  the  contrast  between  the  spirit  of  the  English  and  of  the 
French  government.  Bodley,  France,  2  vols.,  1898 ;  Robinson,  The 
German  Bu?idesrath,  Philadelphia,  1891 ;  Leroy-Beaulieu,  The  Empire 
of  the  Tsars  and  the  Russians,  3  vols.,  1898.  For  the  important  matter 
of  international  arbitration,  see  Holls,  The  Peace  Co?iference  at  The 
Hague,  1900. 
Imperialism.  A  useful  but  not  exhaustive  bibliography  of  materials  on  imperialism 

will  be  found  in  Griffin,  List  of  Books  relating  to  the  Theory  of  Coloni- 
zation, Government  of  Dependencies,  Protectorates,  and  Related  Topics, 
1900.  Leroy-Beaulieu,  De  la  colonisation  chez  les  peuples  moderties, 
1898:  best  account  in  moderate  compass  of  recent  European  coloniza- 
tion. The  British  Empire  Series,  1899— 1902,  5  vols.:  a  collection  of  lec- 
tures by  specialists  describing  British  possessions.  Official  materials  are 
contained  in  the  British  Parliamentary  Papers  ("  Blue  books  ").  Ram- 
baud,  La  France  coloniale,  1895  :  historical  and  descriptive.  Arnaud 
and  Meray,  Les  Colonies  francaises,  1900 :  recent  concise  account. 
Annuaire  colonial,  since  1888  :  official  French  publication.  Hassert, 
Deutschlands  Kolonien,  1898:  brief  historical  and  descriptive  work. 
Extensive  materials  are  incorporated  in  the  official  "  Weissbiichery 
Krausse,  The  Far  East:  its  History  and  its  Questions,  1900:  brief 
account  of  recent  Oriental  affairs,  with  an  appendix  of  important  docu- 
ments and  bibliography  of  authorities.  Skrine  and  Ross,  The  Heart 
of  Asia,  1899 :  valuable  for  Russian  Turkestan  and  central  Asian 
territories. 


INDEX 


This  Index  should  be  supplemented  by  the  analytical  Table  of  Contents  at 

the  opening  of  this  volume. 


Academy,  French,  271  sq. 

Act  of  Succession,  141. 

Act  of  Supremacy,  141  sq. 

Address  to  the  German  Nobility, 
Luther's,  74  sqq. 

Alexander  VI,  Pope,  1 1  sq. 

Alva,  175. 

America,  emigration  to,  225  sqq. 

American  colonies,  revolt  of,  from 
English,  353  sqq. 

American  Revolution,  French  in- 
tervention in,  370  sqq. 

Aminadab  Blower,  a  satire,  232  sq. 

Ancien  Regime,  360  sqq. 

"  An  mein  Volk"  (1813),  522^. 

Anne  Boleyn,  141. 

Anne  of  Brittany,  12,  17. 

Antipodes,  601,  note. 

"  Apology  "  of  William  the  Silent, 
177  sqq. 

Armada,  189  sqq. 

Augsburg  Confession,  \oZsqq.; 
Religious  Peace  of,  113  sqq. 

Austerlitz,  battle  of,  496  sqq. 

Austro-Prussian  War,  580  sqq. 

Babylonish  Captivity  of  the  Church, 

Luther's,  81  sq.,  89. 
Bacon,  Francis,  scientific  views  of, 

601  sqq. 
Bacteria,  beneficent,  613  sq. 
Ban,  ^  87  sq. 

Bayard,  the  Good  Chevalier,  1 5  sqq. 
Belgium,  557  sq. 
Beresina,  crossing  of,  515  sqq. 
Berlin  Decree,  503  sqq. 
Bismarck,  580  sqq. 
"  Black  Hole  "  of  Calcutta,  339  sqq. 
Blockade,  the  continental,  503^^. 
Bohemia,  202  sq. 


625 


Bordeaux  address,  Napoleon  Ill's, 

563  s9- 
Bossuet,  views  of,  272  sqq. 

Boulogne,  encampment  at,  494^^. 

Bourrienne,  472  sqq. 

Brandenburg,  elector  of,  assumes 

royal  title,  318  sq. 
Brant,  Sebastian,  y],  50. 
Brumaire,  478  sqq. 
Brunswick,  duke  of,  proclamation 

of,  443  sqq. 
Burnet,  bishop,  account  of,  of  Peter 

the  Great,  303  sq. 

Cesar  Borgia,  ii  sq. 

Cahiers,  of  the  Estates  General, 
397  sqq. 

Cajetan,  69. 

Calvin,  122  sqq.-,  address  of,  to 
Francis  I,  123^^.;  system  of 
church  government  of,  1 30  sqq. 

Campo-Formio,  Treaty  of,  472  sqq. 

Capito,  letter  of,  to  Luther, 
62  sqq. 

Cardinals,  attacked  by  Martin 
Luther,  79  sq. 

Carlsbad  Resolutions,  547  sqq. 

Carlstadt,  101. 

Catechism,  imperial,  509  sq. ;  of 
Trent,  160,  195. 

Catherine,  Queen,  138^^. 

Catholic  Reformation,  the,  1 56  sqq. 

Censorship  of  the  press,  88. 

Charles  Albert,  569. 

Charles  I  of  England,  221  sqq.;  per- 
sonal government  of,  227  sqq. ; 
execution  of,  241  sqq. 

Charles  II,  recall  of,  250  sqq.;  char- 
acter of,  253  sq.;  religious  ques- 
tions under,  256^^. 


626 


Readings  in  European  History 


Charles  V,  emperor,  attitude 
toward  Luther,  83  sqq. ;  abdi- 
cation of,  165  sqq. 

Charles  VIII,  expedition  of,  into 
Italy,  1  sqq. 

Charter,  French,  of  1814,  538^^. 

Church  and  State,  l^sqq.y  in  sq., 
1 16. 

Civil  constitution  of  the  clergy, 
423  sqq. 

Civil  war  in  England,  239  sq. 

Clarendon,  opinion  of,  on  Crom- 
well, 248  sqq. 

Clergy,  nonjuring,  441  sq. 

Clive,  339,  341  sq. 

Colbert  and  his  work,  277  sqq. 

Colet,  135  sq. 

Coligny,  murder  of,  180  sq. 

Colonies,  European,  620  sqq. 

Commines,  1  sq. 

Commonwealth  in  England,  245 
sqq. 

Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  499 
sqq. 

Confession,  i$6sq. 

Confessional  letters,  56. 

Consistory,  133. 

Convention,  the  French,  opening 
debate  in,  446  sqq. ;  proclama- 
tion of  (Dec.  1792),  449  sq. 

Cromwell,  245^^.;  letter  of,  to 
the  Great  Elector,  315  j-^.  ;  Clar- 
endon's estimate  of,  248  sqq. 

Crotus  Rubeanus,  47. 

Darwin,  critics  of,  605  sq. 

Declaration  of  Right,  260  sqq. 

Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man, 
409  sqq. 

Deism,  384  sqq. 

Desmoulins,  Camille,  454  sqq. 

Diet,  German,  33  sq. 

Dissenters,  256  sqq. 

Divine  right  of  kings,  219  sq.;  Bos- 
suet's  views  of,  272  sqq. 

Dutch  colonies,  334^. 

East  India   Company,  English, 

333- 
Eck,  64. 

Edward  VI,  Protestantism  under, 

1 46  sqq. 


Egyptian  expedition  of  Bonaparte, 
473  m- 

Eikon  Basilike,  267. 

Elders,   in    Presbyterian   Church, 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  186  sqq.,  191  sqq. 

Elizabeth,  wife  of  the  "  Winter 
King,"  203  sq. 

Emigres,  432,  438  sqq. 

Emile,  Rousseau's,  383. 

Ems  telegram,  589  sq. 

England,  expansion  of,  331  sqq. 

Erasmus,  ~}$sqq.,  61;  New  Testa- 
ment of,  49  ;  attitude  of,  toward 
Luther,  89  sq. ;  visit  of,  to  Eng- 
land, 135. 

Erfurt  programme,  619. 

Estates  General,  opening  of,  400 
sqq.,  402  sqq. 

Evelyn,  diary  of,  255  sq. 

Excommunication  in  Presbyterian 
Church,  132  sq. 

Farel,  129^. 

Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  9  sq. 

Feudal  dues  in  France,  378;  abo- 
lition of,  404  sqq. 

"Fevers,  the,"  of  Hutten,  69 sq. 

Fisher,  execution  of,  142. 

Florence,  6  sq. 

Fontainebleau,  Treaty  of,  525. 

France,  wars  of  religion  in,  179 
sqq.;  under  Louis  XIV,  268  sqq.; 
Ancien  Regime  in,  360  sqq. ;  Rev- 
olution in,  397  sqq. ;  first  republic, 
428  sqq.;  restoration  in,  533  sqq.; 
second  republic  and  empire, 
559  -W-  5  third  republic,  592  sq. 

Francis  I  of  France,  18  sqq. 

Francis  II,  emperor,  abdication  of, 
501  sqq. 

Franco-Prussian  War,  588  sqq. 

Frankfort  parliament,  570  sqq. 

Frederick  II,  the  Great,  319  sqq., 
322  sqq. 

Frederick  William  I,  319  sqq. 

Frederick  William  IV  of  Prussia, 
570  sq. 

Free  towns,  German,  32,  34. 

French  Academy,  271  sq. 

French    Revolution,   eve   of,   360 

•W->  397  m- 


Index 


627 


Garibaldi,  575  sqq. 

Geneva,  reformation  in,  1 29  sqq. 

George  III,  355  sq. 

German    Act    of    Confederation, 

543  SM- 
German  empire,  proclamation  of, 

594  sq. 

German  literature,  views  of  Fred- 
erick the  Great  on,  326  sq. 

Germany,  a  Venetian  ambassa- 
dor's account  of,  31  sqq. ;  before 
the  Protestant  revolt,  31  sqq. 

"  Good  Works,"  Luther  on,  66  sqq. 

Gordon,  Alexander,  306  sqq. 

Gotha,  programme,  617  sqq. 

Grand  Remonstrance,  235  sqq. 

Great  Elector,  315^. 

Greek  proclamation  of  independ- 
ence, 555  J?. 

Gregorian  calendar,  261,  note. 

Guicciardini,  24  sqq. 

Guilds  in  France,  abolition  of,  by 
Turgot,  389  sq. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  205  sqq. 

Hawkins,   letter   of,  about   the 

Armada,  189  sqq. 
Henry  VIII,  135,  137^.;  church 

reforms  of,  140  sqq.,  144  sqq. 
Henry  IV  of  France,  183. 
Hierarchy,  159. 
High     Commission,     Court     of, 

238. 
Hochstraten,  46,  48  sq.,  64. 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  dissolution 

of,  497  sqq. 
Huguenots,  183  sqq. ;  received  in 

Prussia,  316  sqq. 
Hunting  rights   in    France,   365, 

405. 
Hutten,   Ulrich  von,  47,  68  sqq. ; 

address  of,  to  elector  of  Saxony, 

72  sq. 

Images,  abolished  in  England, 
147  sq. 

Imperialism,  620  sqq. 

Indelible  characters,  76  sq. 

India,  333 sqq.;  before  English  con- 
quest, 336  sqq. 

Indulgences,  41  sq.,  53  sqq. 

Industrial  revolution,  608  sqq. 


Institutes  of  the  Christian  Religion, 

Calvin's,  123,  126  sqq. 
Intolerance  of  Protestants,  129  sq., 

134- 
Italy,  attitude  of,  toward  foreign 

invaders,  2  sqq.,  14  jy.;  in  1848- 

1849,    567  sqq.;    unification    of, 

572  sqq. 
Ivan  the  Terrible,  301  sq. 

Jacobin  Club,  435  sqq. 

James  I,  policy  of,  201  sqq.,  opin- 
ions of,  218  sqq. 

James  II,  259  sqq. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  impressions  of, 
of  France,  379  sq. 

Jehangir,  333  sq. 

Jesuits,  161  sqq.,  200  sq.t  236;  in 
America,  345  sqq. 

Joliet,  345,  350.  ' 

Knights,  German,  36. 
Koniggratz,  battle  of,  582  sq. 

Lactantius,  601,  note. 
Lafayette,  431  sq. 
Las  Cases,  468  sqq.,  527  sqq. 
Legislative  Assembly,  the  French, 

438  sqq. 
Leipzig,    disputation    at,   64    sq. ; 

battle  of,  523  sqq. 
Letters  of  Obscure  Men,  46  sqq. 
Lettres   de   cachet,   361    sqq.,   375, 

399. 
Long  Parliament,  233  sqq.,  246  sqq. 

Lord's  Supper,  146  sq. 

Louis  XII,  12  sq.,  17  sq. 

Louis  XIV,   268  sqq. ;  court    of, 

283  sqq. ;  character  of,  285  sqq. 
Louis  XVI,  366  sqq.,  428  sqq.,  438 

sq.,  450  sq. 
Louis  XVIII,  536  sq. 
Louis  Philippe,  542  •  deposition  of, 

559  sq- 

Loyal  Servitor,  the,  15  sqq. 

Loyola,  161. 

Ludovico  il  Moro,  2  sq. 

Luneville,  Treaty  of,  482  sqq. 

Luther,  theses  of,  57  sqq.;  opin- 
ions of,  expressed  at  Leipzig, 
64  sq. ;  on  "  good  works,"  66  sqq. ; 
address     of,    to    the    German 


628 


Readings  in  European  History 


nobility,  y^sqq.;  denounced  by 
the  Edict  of  Worms,  84  sqq. ;  at- 
tack of,  on  the  peasants,  106  sqq. 

MACHIAVELLI,  The  Prince  oi,gsqq. 

Magdeburg,  destruction  of,  in  1631, 
211  sqq. 

Mallet  du  Pan,  433  sq. 

Marat,  431  sq. 

Marengo,  480  sqq. 

Marie  Antoinette,  366  sqq. 

Maria  Theresa,  327,  366,  368  sq. 

Marignano,  campaign  of,  19  sqq. 

Marino  Sanuto,  diaries  of,  29  sq. 

Marquette,  345  sqq. 

Mary  of  England,  149  sqq. ;  reli- 
gious policy  of,  151  sq. 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  186  sqq. 

Maximilian  I,  31. 

Mediaeval  science,  599  sqq. 

Medici,  6  sq. 

Melville,  Sir  James,  186. 

Metternich,  531  sqq.,  564  sq. 

Milan,  2,  23,  567  sqq. 

Milan  Decree,  506  sq. 

Mirabeau,  400  sq.,  404,  412  sqq. 

Mississippi,  discovery  of,  345  sqq. 

Mogul,  Great,  333  sq.,  338  sq. 

Monasteries, dissolution  of,  144  sqq. 

Monastic  vows,  109  sq. 

Monks,  satirized  by  Erasmus, 45  sq. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  39  sq.,  135  sq., 
execution  of,  142  sqq. 

Nantes,  Edict  of,  183  sqq. ;  revo- 
cation of,  287  sqq. ;  opinion  of 
Saint-Simon  on,  291  sq.;  results 
of,  316  sqq. 

Naples,  3  sq. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  465  sqq., 
486  sqq.,  490  sqq. 

Napoleon  III,  562  sqq.;  interven- 
tion of,  in  Italy,  572  ;  defeat  of, 
at  Sedan,  590  sqq. 

National  Assembly,  address  of, 
Feb.  1790,  417  sqq.,  433  sqq.; 
See  also  Estates  General. 

Necker,  390  sqq. 

Netherlands,  revolt  of,  171  sqq. 

New  England,  settlement  of,  225 
sq.,  351  sq. 

North  German  federation,  586  sqq. 

Novum  Organum,  60 1. 


Old  Cordelier,  The,  454  sqq. 
Ortuin  Gratius,  46. 

Palais  Royal,  402. 

Papal  states  reunited  to  France, 

5J3- 
Paris,  374  sq. 

Parliament,  English,  and  the  Stu- 
arts, 219  sqq. 

Peasant  War  in  Germany,  94  sqq. 

Penn,  William,  352  sq. 

Pepys,  diary  of,  255. 

Peter  the  Great,  302  sqq. 

Petition  of  Right,  221  sqq.,  237. 

Philip  II,  150,  168  sqq.;  letter  of, 
to  his  daughters,  170  sq. 

Philosophical  Dictionary  of  Vol- 
taire, 380  sq. 

Pillnitz,  Declaration  of,  432  sq. 

Pitt,  354  sq. 

Placards,  173  sq. 

Plassey,  battle  of,  341  sqq. 

Poenitentia,  58,  and  note. 

Poland,  First  Partition  of,  327  sq. 

Political  parties,  615  sqq. 

Pope,  power  of,  attacked  by  Luther, 

75- 
Praise  of  Folly,  Erasmus,  39  sqq. 

Prayer  Book,  147. 

Predestination,  126  sqq. 

Presbyterianism,  130  sqq.,  218  sq. 

Prince,  The,  of  Machiavelli,  9  sqq. 

Provence,  count  of,  439,  450  sq. 

Prussia,  315  sqq.,  520  sqq.,  580  sqq. 

Puritans,  227  sqq. 

Quakers,  258  sq. 

Radetzky,  567  sqq. 

Regicides,  execution  of,  255  sq. 

Relics,  158. 

Remusat,    Madame   de,    476,  486 

sqq. 
Restoration,  in  England,  250  sqq. 
Reuchlin,  46  sq. 
Revilers,  Act  against,  146  sq. 
Revolution  of  1848,  559  sqq. 
Richelieu,  policy  of,  268  sqq. 
Robespierre,  453,  note. 
Roman  law,  in  Germany,  98. 
Rothenburg,  revolt  of  the  peasants 

at,  100  sqq. 
Rousseau,  383  sq. 


Index 


629 


"Rump  "Parliament  dispersed,  247. 
Russia,  rise  of,  301  sqq.;  reforms  of 

Peter  the  Great,  310  sqq. 
Russian  campaign,  514  sqq. 

Sacraments,    159;    rejected    by 

Luther,  81. 
St.  Bartholomew,  Massacre  of,  179 

sqq.,  187. 
St.  Helena,  Napoleon  on,  527  sqq. 
Saint-Just,  ideas  of,  452  sq. 
St.  Petersburg,  founding  of,  309  sq. 
Saints,  adoration  of,  41  sq.,  157  sq. 
Saint-Simon,  opinions  of,  285  sqq., 

291  sqq.,  295  sqq. 
Savonarola,  7  sq. 
Scholastic  theologians,  43  sq. 
Science,  development  of,  599  sqq. ; 

applied,  60S  sqq. 
Sedan,  battle  of,  590  sqq. 
Segur,  37 1  sqq. 
Serfdom  in   Germany,  96,  99  sq.; 

abolition  of,  in  Prussia,  520  sqq. 
Seven  Years'  War,  322  sqq. 
Sevigne,    Madame     de,     283  sq., 

291. 
Ship  of  Fools,  The,  yj  sqq. 
Sieyes,  403. 
Sobieski,  312  sqq. 
Social  Contract,   The,  Rousseau's, 

384  sqq. 
Social  democracy,  615  sqq. 
Socialism,  617  sqq. 
Society  of  Jesus,  see  Jesuits. 
Spain,  description  of  by  Guicciar- 

dini,  24  sqq.\  Napoleon's  reforms 

in,  510  sqq. 
Spanish  Succession,  the,  War  of, 

293  sqq. 
Sports,  Declaration  of,  228  sqq. 
Stael,  Madame  de,  360  sqq. 
Star  Chamber,  Court  of,  238. 
Streltsi,  304  sqq. 
Stuarts,  restoration  of,  253  sqq. 
Supremacy,  Act  of,  141  sq. 
Surgery,  modern,  614. 
Swiss  at  Marignano,  19  sqq. 
Sybel,  586. 

Talleyrand,  533  sqq. 

Temple,  Sir  William,  on   France, 

280  sqq. 
Terror,  reign  of,  452  sqq. 


Theses,  ninety-five,  of  Martin  Lu- 
ther, 57  sqq. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  200  sqq. 

Tithes,  96 ;  abolition  of,  in  France, 
406. 

Torcy,  marquis  of,  293  sqq. 

Transportation,  modern,  610  sqq. 

Transubstantiation,  82  sq. 

Treasury  of  the  Church,  56,  60. 

Trent,  catechism  of,  160,  195; 
Council  of,  156  sqq. 

Trianon,  401. 

Troppau,  circular  note  of,  552  sqq. 

Turgot,  368,  386  sqq. 

Turks  besiege  Vienna,  312  sqq. 

"■  Twelve  Articles  "  of  the  peasants, 
94  sqq.;  Luther's  comments  on, 
99^. 

Uniformity,  Act  of,  256  sq. 

Vadiscus,  70  sq. 

Varennes,  flight  to,  428  sqq. 

Venetia,  567  sqq. 

Venetian    ambassadors,    relations 

of,  30. 
Venice,  republic  of,  3  sq.,  474,  484. 
Versailles,  373  sq. 
Victor   Emmanuel,    569,    574  sq., 

.577  sq. 
Vienna,   besieged   by  Turks,   312 

sqq. ;  Congress  of,  533  sqq. ;  revolt 

of,  in  1S48,  565  sqq. 
Voltaire,  380  sqq. 

Wallenstein,  205  sqq. 
War  of  Liberation,  518  sqq. 
Westminster  Confession,  126, note, 

128. 
Westphalia,    Treaty  of,  213  sqq.; 

pope's  condemnation  of,  21 4  sqq. 
William  I  of  Prussia,  580  sqq. 
William  the  Silent,  174  sqq. 
"  Winter  King,"  204  sq. 
Wolsey,  138  sqq. 
Worms,  Edict  of,  83  sqq. 

Young,  Arthur,  Travels  of,  365, 
373  W->  402  sqq. 

Zollverein,  550  sq. 

Zurich,  disputation  at,  118  sqq. 

Zwingli,  118  sqq. 


ANNOUNCEMENTS 


REFERENCE  BOOKS  IN 
HISTORY 

Abbott:  Roman  Political  Institutions $1.50 

Asser:  Life  of  King  Alfred 50 

Brigham  :  From  Trail  to  Railway  through  the  Appalachians    .     .  .50 

Brigham  :  Geographic  Influences  in  American  History    ....  1.25 

Callender:  Economic  History  of  the  United  States,  1765-1860  .  2.75 

Cannon:  Reading  References  for  English  History 2.50 

Channing,  Hart,  and  Turner :  Guide  to  the  Study  and  Reading 

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Cheyney  :  Readings  in  English  History 1.80 

Dealey:  Growth  of  American  State  Constitutions 1.40 

Fess :  History  of  Political  Theory  and  Party  Organization  in  the 

United  States 1.50 

Hayes:  British  Social  Politics 1.75 

Hitchcock:  The  Louisiana  Purchase 60 

Keller:  Colonization 3.00 

Muzzey:  Readings  in  American  History 1.50 

Myers:  History  as  Past  Ethics 1.50 

Priest:  Germany  since  1740 1.25 

Reinsch  :  Readings  on  American  Federal  Government    ....  2.75 

Reinsch  :  Readings  on  American  State  Government 2.25 

Richardson,  Ford,  Durfee,  and  Lutz  :    Syllabus   of   Continental 

European  History  (Revised  Edition) 90 

Riggs  :  Studies  in  United  States  History 60 

Robinson:  Readings  in  European  History,  Volume  I 1.50 

Volume  II 1.50 

Abridged  Edition 1.50 

Robinson  and  Beard :  Readings  in  Modern  European  History 

Volume  I i-4° 

Volume  II 1-50 

Thallon  :  Readings  in  Greek  History 2.00 

Tuell  and  Hatch  :  Selected  Readings  in  English  History    ....  1.40 

Webster:  General  History  of  Commerce 1.40 


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